CHAPTER III

FROM PETTICOAT LANE TO SKIBO CASTLE

The first thing about London that impressed me was its size; the second

was the wide division between the different elements in the population.

London is not only the largest city in the world; it is also the city

in which the segregation of the classes has gone farthest. The West

End, for example, is the home of the King and the Court. Here are the

Houses of Parliament, Westminster Abbey, the British Museum, most of

the historical monuments, the art galleries, and nearly everything that

is interesting, refined, and beautiful in the lives of seven millions

of people who make up the inhabitants of the city.

If you take a cab at Trafalgar Square, however, and ride eastward down

the Strand through Fleet Street, where all the principal newspapers of

London are published, past the Bank of England, St. Paul's Cathedral,

and the interesting sights and scenes of the older part of the city,

you come, all of a sudden, into a very different region, the centre of

which is the famous Whitechapel.

The difference between the East End and the West End of London is

that East London has no monuments, no banks, no hotels, theatres, art

galleries; no history--nothing that is interesting and attractive but

its poverty and its problems. Everything else is drab and commonplace.

It is, however, a mistake, as I soon learned, to assume that East

London is a slum. It is, in fact, a city by itself, and a very

remarkable city, for it has, including what you may call its suburbs,

East Ham and West Ham, a population of something over two millions,

made up for the most part of hard-working, thrifty labouring people. It

has its dark places, also, but I visited several parts of London during

my stay in the city which were considerably worse in every respect than

anything I saw in the East End.

Nevertheless, it is said that more than one hundred thousand of the

people in this part of the city, in spite of all the efforts that have

been made to help them, are living on the verge of starvation. So poor

and so helpless are these people that it was, at one time, seriously

proposed to separate them from the rest of the population and set them

off in a city by themselves, where they could live and work entirely

under the direction of the state. It was proposed to put this hundred

thousand of the very poor under the direction and care of the state

because they were not able to take care of themselves, and because it

was declared that all the service which they rendered the community

could be performed by the remaining portion of the population in their

leisure moments, so that they were, in fact, not a help but a hindrance

to the life of the city as a whole.

I got my first view of one of the characteristic sights of the East

End life at Middlesex Street, or Petticoat Lane, as it was formerly

called. Petticoat Lane is in the centre of the Jewish quarter, and on

Sunday morning there is a famous market in this street. On both sides

of the thoroughfare, running northward from Whitechapel Road until they

lose themselves in some of the side streets, one sees a double line of

pushcarts, upon which every imaginable sort of ware, from wedding rings

to eels in jelly, is exposed for sale. On both sides of these carts

and in the middle of the street a motley throng of bargain-hunters are

pushing their way through the crowds, stopping to look over the curious

wares in the carts or to listen to the shrill cries of some hawker

selling painkiller or some other sort of magic cure-all.

Nearly all of the merchants are Jews, but the majority of their

customers belong to the tribes of the Gentiles. Among others I noticed

a class of professional customers. They were evidently artisans of some

sort or other who had come to pick out from the goods exposed for sale

a plane or a saw or some other sort of second-hand tool; there were

others searching for useful bits of old iron, bolts, brass, springs,

keys, and other things of that sort which they would be able to turn to

some use in their trades.

I spent an hour or more wandering through this street and the

neighbouring lane into which this petty pushcart traffic had

overflowed. Second-hand clothing, second-hand household articles, the

waste meats of the Saturday market, all kinds of wornout and cast-off

articles which had been fished out of the junk heaps of the city or

thrust out of the regular channels of trade, find here a ready market.

I think that the thing which impressed me most was not the poverty,

which was evident enough, but the sombre tone of the crowd and the

whole proceeding. It was not a happy crowd; there were no bright

colours, and very little laughter. It was an ill-dressed crowd, made

up of people who had long been accustomed to live, as it were, at

second-hand and in close relations with the pawnbroker.

In the Southern States it would be hard to find a coloured man who did

not make some change in his appearance on Sunday. The Negro labourer

is never so poor that he forgets to put on a clean collar or a bright

necktie or something out of the ordinary out of respect for the

Sabbath. In the midst of this busy, pushing throng it was hard for me

to remember that I was in England and that it was Sunday. Somehow or

other I had got a very different notion of the English Sabbath.

Petticoat Lane is in the midst of the "sweating" district, where most

of the cheap clothing in London is made. Through windows and open

doors I could see the pale faces of the garment-makers bent over their

work. There is much furniture made in this region, also, I understand.

Looking down into some of the cellars as I passed, I saw men working

at the lathes. Down at the end of the street was a bar-room, which was

doing a rushing business. The law in London is, as I understand, that

travellers may be served at a public bar on Sunday, but not others.

To be a traveller, a bona-fide traveller, you must have come from a

distance of at least three miles. There were a great many travellers in

Petticoat Lane on the Sunday morning that I was there.

This same morning I visited Bethnal Green, another and a quite

different quarter of the East End. There are a number of these

different quarters of the East End, like Stepney, Poplar, St. George's

in the East, and so forth. Each of these has its peculiar type of

population and its own peculiar conditions. Whitechapel is Jewish;

St. George's in the East is Jewish at one end and Irish at the other,

but Bethnal Green is English. For nearly half a mile along Bethnal

Green Road I found another Sunday market in full swing, and it was, if

anything, louder and more picturesque than the one in Petticoat Lane.

It was about eleven o'clock in the morning; the housewives of Bethnal

Green were out on the street hunting bargains in meat and vegetables

for the Sunday dinner. One of the most interesting groups I passed was

crowded about a pushcart where three sturdy old women, shouting at the

top of their lungs, were reeling off bolt after bolt of cheap cotton

cloth to a crowd of women gathered about their cart.

At another point a man was "knocking down" at auction cheap cuts of

frozen beef from Australia at prices ranging from 4 to 8 cents a pound.

Another was selling fish, another crockery, and a third tinware, and so

through the whole list of household staples.

The market on Bethnal Green Road extends across a street called Brick

Lane and branches off again from that into other and narrower streets.

In one of these there is a market exclusively for birds, and another

for various sorts of fancy articles not of the first necessity. The

interesting thing about all this traffic was that, although no one

seemed to exercise any sort of control over it, somehow the different

classes of trade had managed to organize themselves so that all the

wares of one particular sort were displayed in one place and all the

wares of another sort in another, everything in regular and systematic

order. The streets were so busy and crowded that I wondered if there

were any people left in that part of the town to attend the churches.

One of the marvels of London is the number of handsome and stately

churches. One meets these beautiful edifices everywhere, not merely in

the West End, where there is wealth sufficient to build and support

them, but in the crowded streets of the business part of the city,

where there are no longer any people to attend them. Even in the

grimiest precincts of the East End, where all is dirt and squalor,

one is likely to come unexpectedly upon one of these beautiful old

churches, with its quiet churchyard and little space of green,

recalling the time when the region, which is now crowded with endless

rows of squalid city dwellings, was, perhaps, dotted with pleasant

country villages. These churches are beautiful, but as far as I could

see they were, for the most part, silent and empty. The masses of the

people enjoy the green spaces outside, but do not as a rule, I fear,

attend the services on the inside. They are too busy.

It is not because the churches are not making an effort to reach

the people that the masses do not go to them. One has only to read

the notices posted outside of any of the church buildings in regard

to night schools, lectures, men's clubs and women's clubs, and many

other organizations of various sorts, to know that there is much

earnestness and effort on the part of the churches to reach down and

help the people. The trouble seems to be that the people are not at the

same time reaching up to the church. It is one of the results of the

distance between the classes that rule and the classes that work. It is

too far from Whitechapel to St. James's Park. What Mr. Kipling says, in

another connection, seems to be true of London:

"The East is East, and the West is West,

And never these twain shall meet."

While on one side of Bethnal Green Road the hucksters were shouting

and the crowd was busy dickering and chaffering for food and clothes,

I noticed on the other side of the street a wayside preacher. I went

over and listened to what he had to say, and then I noted the effect of

his words upon his hearers. He had gathered about him perhaps a dozen

persons, most of them, however, seeming to be his own adherents who had

come out to the meeting merely to give him the benefit of their moral

support. The great mass of the people who passed up and down the street

did not pay the slightest attention to him. There was no doubt about

the earnestness and sincerity of the man, but as I listened to what he

had to say I could find in his words nothing that seemed to me to touch

in any direct or definite way the lives of the people about him. In

fact, I doubted whether the majority of them could really understand

what he was talking about.

Somewhat later, in another part of the city, I had an opportunity to

listen to another of these street preachers. In this case he was a

young man, apparently fresh from college, and he was making a very

genuine effort, as it seemed to me, to reach and influence in a

practical way the people whom the lights of the torches and the music

had attracted to the meeting. I observed that the people listened

respectfully to what he had to say, and I have no doubt they were

impressed, as I was, with his evident desire to help them. It was

only too evident, however, that he was speaking another language than

theirs; that, in fact, one might almost say he belonged to a different

race of people. The gulf between them was too great.

After listening to this man I thought I could understand in a way that

I had not understood before the great success which the Salvation

Army at one time had among the masses of the people of East London.

In its early days, at least, the Salvation Army was of the people; it

picked its preachers from the streets; it appealed to the masses it

was seeking to help for its support; in fact, it set the slums to work

to save itself. The Salvation Army is not so popular in East London, I

understand, as it used to be. One trouble with the Salvation Army, as

with much of the effort that has been made to help the people of East

London, is that the Salvation Army seeks to reach only those who are

already down; it does not attempt to deal with the larger and deeper

problem of saving those who have not yet fallen.

The problem of the man farthest down, whether he lives in America or

in Europe, and whether he be black or white, is, in my opinion, not

one of conversion merely, but of education as well. It is necessary,

in other words, to inspire the masses in the lower strata of life with

a disposition to live a sober, honest, and useful life, but it is

necessary also to give them an opportunity and a preparation to live

such a life after they have gained the disposition to do so.

The Negro in America, whatever his drawbacks in other directions,

is not indifferent to religious influences. The Negro is not only

naturally religious, but the religion he enjoys in America is his own

in a sense that is not true, it seems to me, of much of the religious

life and work among the people of East London.

The most powerful and influential organization among the Negroes in

America to-day is the Negro church, and the Negroes support their own

churches. They not only support the churches and the ministers, but

they support also a large number of schools and colleges in which their

children, and especially those who desire to be ministers, may get

their education. These little theological seminaries are frequently

poorly equipped and lacking in almost everything but good intentions;

they are generally, however, as good as the people are able to make

them. The Negro ministers in the backwoods districts of the South are

frequently rude and ignorant and sometimes immoral, but they have this

advantage, that they spring from and represent the people, and the

religion which they preach is a religion which has grown up in response

to the actual needs and feelings of the masses of the Negro people. In

other words, the religion of the Negro in America is on a sound basis,

because the Negro church has never got out of touch with the masses of

the Negro people.

After leaving East London on my first Sunday in England, I drove about

fifteen miles through the famous Epping Forest to Waltham Abbey, the

country seat of Sir T. Fowell Buxton, a grandson of Sir T. Fowell

Buxton, who succeeded Wilberforce as leader of the anti-slavery party

in parliament, and who framed the bill that finally resulted in the

emancipation of the slaves in the English West Indies.

There is certainly no more beautiful country to look upon than rural

England. Flowering vines cover the humble cottage of the farm labourer

as well as the luxurious country seats of the landowners, and lend a

charm to everything the eye rests upon. I was all the more impressed

with the blooming freshness of the country because I had come out of

the stifling life of the crowded city. I learned, however, that rural

England has for a long time past been steadily losing its population.

From 1891 to 1900 it is said that the number of farm labourers in

England decreased 20 per cent., and it has been estimated that the

rural population of England and Wales has diminished something like

30 or 40 per cent. during the past century, at a time when the urban

population has multiplied itself many times over.

There are, of course, many reasons for this decrease in the

agricultural population. One is, that at the present time not more

than 15 per cent. of the land in England is farmed by the people who

own it. Thirty-eight thousand landowners hold four fifths of all the

agricultural land in England.

A few days after my visit to Sir Fowell Buxton at Waltham Abbey I went

into northern Scotland to visit Mr. Andrew Carnegie at Skibo Castle.

While I was there I had opportunity to get some sort of acquaintance

with farming conditions in that part of the world.

In Scotland the opportunities for the small farmer to obtain land

are even less than they are in England. Some years ago, it is said,

twenty-four persons in Scotland owned estates of more than 100,000

acres. The Duke of Sutherland owns a tract stretching, I was told,

clear across Scotland from coast to coast.

In no country in the world is so small a portion of the population

engaged in agriculture as is true in England. For instance, 68 per

cent. of the population of Hungary, 59 per cent. of the population of

Italy, 48 per cent. of the population of Denmark, 37.5 per cent. of the

population of the United States are engaged in agriculture. In England

and in Wales in 1901 only 8 per cent. were engaged in agriculture.

Not only is it true that a larger proportion of the population of

England than of other countries has removed from the country to the

city, but in England, also, the distance between the man in the city

and the man on the soil is greater than elsewhere. For example, in

Italy the distinction between the agricultural labourer and the

labourer in the city may be said hardly to exist; the man who, at one

part of the year, finds work in the city, is very likely to be found at

work at some other time of the year in the country.

In Germany also I noticed that a great many of the manufacturing

plants were located in the country, where the factory labourer had an

opportunity to cultivate a small patch of land. To the extent that he

has been able to raise his own food, the factory hand in Germany has

made himself independent of the manufacturers and the market.

In Hungary I was told that in harvest time the public works were

deserted and many of the factories were compelled to shut down, because

every one went away to the country to work in the fields.

Now, the thing that interested me in observing the vast dislocation of

the rural population of England, represented by this vast labouring

community of East London, was the extent to which the English

labourer, in moving from the country to the city, had lost his natural

independence.

In losing his hold upon the soil the English labourer has made himself

peculiarly dependent upon the organization of the society about him.

He can, for instance, neither build his own home nor raise his own

food. In the city he must pay a much larger rent than it would be

necessary for him to pay in the country. He must work more steadily in

order to live, and he has to depend upon some one else to give him the

opportunity to work. In this respect, although the English labourer is

probably better paid and better fed than any other labourer in Europe,

he is less protected from the effects of competition. He is more likely

to suffer from the lack of opportunity to work.

In the same way England as a whole is more dependent upon foreign

countries for the sale of its manufactured products and the purchase

of its food supply than is any other country in Europe. Thus it will be

found that most of the great questions which are now agitating England,

like most of the great questions which are agitating other countries

in Europe, are more or less directly concerned with the matter of

agriculture and the condition of the labourer on the land.

I said in the preceding chapter that one advantage that the Negro in

the South had was the opportunity to work for the asking. The Negro

in the South has opportunities in another direction that no other man

in his position has, outside of America: he has the opportunity to

get land. No one who has not visited Europe can understand what the

opportunity to get land means to a race that has so recently gained its

freedom.

No one who has not seen something of the hardships of the average

workingman in a great city like London can understand the privilege

that we in the Southern States have in living in the country districts,

where there is independence and a living for every man, and where we

have the opportunity to fix ourselves forever on the soil.

The Man Farthest Down: A Record of Observation and Study in Europe · 第 3 / 20 章