1814.
Unexpected receipts in the Post-office Department--Arrival of
Napoleon's Commissioners at M. de Talleyrand's--Conference of the
Marshals with Alexander--Alarming news from Essonne--Marmont's
courage--The white cockade and the tri-coloured cockade--
A successful stratagem--Three Governments in France--The Duc de
Cadore sent by Maria Louisa to the Emperor of Austria--Maria
Louisa's proclamation to the French people--Interview between the
Emperor of Austria and the Duc de Cadore--The Emperor's protestation
of friendship for Napoleon--M. Metternich and M. Stadion--Maria
Louisa's departure for Orleans--Blucher's visit to me--Audience of
the King of Prussia--His Majesty's reception of Berthier, Clarke,
and myself--Bernadotte in Paris--Cross of the Polar Star presented
to me by Bernadotte.
After my nomination as Director-General of the Post office the business
of that department proceeded as regularly as before. Having learned that
a great many intercepted letters had been thrown aside I sent, on the 4th
of April, an advertisement to the 'Moniteur', stating that the letters to
and from England or other foreign countries which had been lying at the
Post-office for more than three years would be forwarded to their
respective addresses. This produced to the Post-office a receipt of
nearly 300,000 francs, a fact which may afford an idea of the enormous
number of intercepted letters.
On the night after the publication of the advertisement I was awakened by
an express from the Provisional Government, by which I was requested to
proceed with all possible haste to M. de Talleyrand's hotel. I rose, and
I set off immediately, and I got there some minutes before the arrival of
the Emperor's Commissioners. I went up to the salon on the first floor,
which was one of the suite of apartments occupied by the Emperor
Alexander. The Marshals retired to confer with the monarch, and it would
be difficult to describe the anxiety--or, I may rather say,
consternation--which, during their absence, prevailed among some of the
members of the Provisional Government and other persons assembled in the
salon where I was.
While the Marshals were with Alexander, I learned that they had
previously conversed with M. de Talleyrand, who observed to them, "If you
succeed in your designs you will compromise all who have met in this
hotel since the 1st of April, and the number is not small. For my part,
take no account of me, I am willing to be compromised." I had passed the
evening of this day with M. de Talleyrand, who then observed to the
Emperor Alexander in my presence, "Will you support Bonaparte? No, you
neither can nor will. I have already had the honour to tell your Majesty
that we can have no choice but between Bonaparte and Louis XVIII.;
anything else would be an intrigue, and no intrigue can have power to
support him who may be its object. Bernadotte, Eugene, the Regency, all
those propositions result from intrigues. In present circumstances
nothing but a new principle is sufficiently strong to establish the new
order of things which must be adopted. Louis XVIII. is a principle."
None of the members of the Provisional Government were present at this
conference, for no one was willing to appear to influence in any way the
determination of the chief of the coalition upon the subject of this
important mission. General Dessolles alone, in quality of commander of
the National Guard of Paris, was requested to be present. At length the
Marshals entered the salon where we were, and their appearance created a
sensation which it is impossible to describe; but the expression of
dissatisfaction which we thought we remarked in their countenances
restored the hopes of those who for some hours had been a prey to
apprehensions. Macdonald, with his head elevated, and evidently under
the influence of strong irritation, approached Beurnonville, and thus
addressed him, in answer to a question which the latter had put to him.
"Speak not to me, sir; I have nothing to say to you. You have made me
forget a friendship of thirty years!" Then turning to Dupont, "As for
you, sir," he continued in the same tone, "your conduct towards the
Emperor is not generous. I confess that he has treated you with
severity, perhaps he may even have been unjust to you with respect to the
affair of Baylen, but how long has it been the practice to avenge a
personal wrong at the expense of one's country?"
These remarks were made with such warmth, and in so elevated a tone of
voice, that Caulaincourt thought it necessary to interfere, and said,
"Do not forget, gentlemen, that this is the residence of the Emperor of
Russia." At this moment M. de Talleyrand returned from the interview
with the Emperor which he had had after the departure of the Marshals,
and approaching the group formed round Macdonald, "Gentlemen," said he,
"if you wish to dispute and discuss, step down to my apartments."--
"That would be useless," replied Macdonald; "my comrades and I do not
acknowledge the Provisional Government." The three Marshals, Ney,
Macdonald, and Marmont, then immediately retired with Caulaincourt, and
went to Ney's hotel, there to await the answer which the Emperor
Alexander had promised to give them after consulting the King of Prussia.
Such was this night-scene; which possessed more dramatic effect than many
which are performed on the stage. In it all was real: on its denouement
depended the political state of France, and the existence of all those
who had already declared themselves in favour of the Bourbons. It is a
remarkable fact, and one which affords a striking lesson to men who are
tempted to sacrifice themselves for any political cause, that most of
those who then demanded the restoration of the Bourbons at the peril of
their lives have successively fallen into disgrace.
When the Marshals and Caulaincourt had retired we were all anxious to
know what had passed between them and the Emperor of Russia. I learned
from Dessolles, who, as I have stated, was present at the conference in
his rank of commander of the National Guard of Paris, that the Marshals
were unanimous in urging Alexander to accede to a Regency. Macdonald
especially supported that proposition with much warmth; and among the
observations he made I recollect Dessolles mentioned the following:--
"I am not authorised to treat in any way for the fate reserved for the
Emperor. We have full powers to treat for the Regency, the army, and
France; but the Emperor has positively forbidden us to specify anything
personally regarding himself." Alexander merely replied, "That does not
astonish me." The Marshals then, resuming the conversation, dwelt much
on the respect which was due to the military glory of France. They
strongly manifested their disinclination to abandon the family of a man
who had so often led them to victory; and lastly, they reminded the
Emperor Alexander of his own declaration, in which he proclaimed, in his
own name as well as on the part of his Allies, that it was not their
intention to impose on France any government whatever.
Dessolles, who had all along declared himself in favour of the Bourbons,
in his turn entered into the discussion with as much warmth as the
partisans of the Regency. He represented to Alexander how many persons
would be compromised for merely having acted or declared their opinions
behind the shield of his promises. He repeated what Alexander had
already been told, that the Regency would, in fact, be nothing but
Bonaparte in disguise. However, Dessolles acknowledged that such was the
effect of Marshal Macdonald's powerful and persuasive eloquence that
Alexander seemed to waver; and, unwilling to give the Marshals a positive
refusal, he had recourse to a subterfuge, by which he would be enabled to
execute the design he had irrevocably formed without seeming to take on
himself alone the responsibility of a change of government. Dessolles
accordingly informed us that Alexander at last gave the following answer
to the Marshals: "Gentlemen, I am not alone; in an affair of such
importance I must consult the King of Prussia, for I have promised to do
nothing without consulting him. In a few hours you shall know my
decision." It was this decision which the Marshals went to wait for at
Ney's.
Most of the members of the Provisional Government attributed the evasive
reply of the Emperor Alexander to the influence of the speech of
Dessolles. For my part, while I do justice to the manner in which he
declared himself on this important occasion, I do not ascribe to his
eloquence the power of fixing Alexander's resolution, for I well know by
experience how easy it is to make princes appear to adopt the advice of
any one when the counsel given is precisely that which they wish to
follow. From the sentiments of Alexander at this time I had not the
slightest doubt as to the course he would finally pursue, and I
considered what he said about consulting the King of Prussia to be merely
a polite excuse, by which he avoided the disagreeable task of giving the
Marshals a direct refusal.
I therefore returned home quite satisfied as to the result of the Emperor
Alexander's visit to the King of Prussia. I knew, from the persons about
the Czar, that he cherished a hatred, which was but too well justified,
towards Bonaparte. Frederick William is of too firm a character to have
yielded to any of the considerations which might on this subject have
been pressed on him as they had been on the Emperor of Russia. But,
besides that the King of Prussia had legitimate reasons for disliking
Napoleon, policy would at that time have required that he should appear
to be his enemy, for to do so was to render himself popular with his
subjects. But the King of Prussia did not need to act under the dictates
of policy; he followed his own opinion in rejecting the propositions of
the Marshals, which he did without hesitation, and with much energy.
While the Marshals had gone to Paris Bonaparte was anxious to ascertain
whether his Commissioners had passed the advanced posts of the foreign
armies, and in case of resistance he determined to march on Paris, for he
could not believe that he had lost every chance. He sent an aide de camp
to desire Marmont to come immediately to Fontainebleau: such was
Napoleon's impatience that instead of waiting for the return of his aide
de camp he sent off a second and then a third officer on the same errand.
This rapid succession of envoys from the Emperor alarmed the general who
commanded the different divisions of Marmont's corps at Essonne. They
feared that the Emperor was aware of the Convention concluded that
morning with Prince Schwartzenberg, and that he had sent for Marmont with
the view of reprimanding him. The fact was, Napoleon knew nothing of the
matter, for Marmont, on departing for Paris with Macdonald and Ney, had
left orders that it should be said that he had gone to inspect his lines.
Souham; Lebrun des Essarts, and Bordessoulle, who had given their assent
to the Convention with Prince Schwartzenberg, deliberated in the absence
of Marmont, and, perhaps being ignorant that he was released from his
promise, and fearing the vengeance of Napoleon, they determined to march
upon Versailles. On arriving there the troops not finding the Marshal at
their head thought themselves betrayed, and a spirit of insurrection
broke out among them. One of Marmont's aides de camp, whom he had left
at Essonne, exerted every endeavour to prevent the departure of his
general's corps, but, finding all his efforts unavailing, he hastened to
Paris to inform the Marshal of what had happened. 'When Marmont received
this news he was breakfasting at Ney's with Macdonald and Caulaincourt:
they were waiting for the answer which the Emperor Alexander had promised
to send them. The march of his corps on Versailles threw Marmont into
despair. He said to the Marshals, "I must be off to join my corps and
quell this mutiny;" and without losing a moment he ordered his carriage
and directed the coachman to drive with the utmost speed. He sent
forward one of his aides de camp to inform the troops of his approach.
Having arrived within a hundred paces of the place where his troops were
assembled he found the generals who were under his orders advancing to
meet him. They urged him not to go farther, as the men were in open
insurrection. "I will go into the midst of them," said Marmont. "In a
moment they shall either kill me or acknowledge me as their chief:" He
sent off another aide de camp to range the troops in the order of battle.
Then, alighting from the carriage and mounting a horse, he advanced
alone, and thus harangued his troops: "How! Is there treason here? Is
it possible that you disown me? Am I not your comrade? Have I not been
wounded twenty times among you? . . . Have I not shared your fatigues
and privations? And am I not ready to do so again?" Here Marmont was
interrupted by a general shout of "Vive le Marechal! Vive le Marechal!"
The alarm caused among the members of the Provisional Government by the
mission of the Marshals was increased by the news of the mutiny of
Marmont's troops. During the whole of the day we were in a state of
tormenting anxiety. It was feared that the insurrectionary spirit might
spread among other corps of the army, and the cause of France again be
endangered. But the courage of Marmont saved everything: It would be
impossible to convey any idea of the manner in which he was received by
us at Talleyrand's when he related the particulars of what had occurred
at Versailles.
On the evening of the day on which Marmont had acted so nobly it was
proposed that the army should adopt the white cockade. In reply to this
proposition the Marshal said, "Gentlemen, I have made my troops
understand the necessity of serving France before all things. They have,
consequently, returned to order, and I can now answer for them. But what
I cannot answer for is to induce them to abandon the colours which have
led them to victory for the last twenty years. Therefore do not count
upon me for a thing which I consider to be totally hostile to the
interests of France. I will speak to the Emperor Alexander on the
subject." Such were Marmont's words. Every one appeared to concur in
his opinion, and the discussion terminated. For my own part, I find by
my notes that I declared myself strongly in favour of Marmont's
proposition.
The Marshal's opinion having been adopted, at least provisionally, an
article was prepared for the Moniteur in nearly the following terms:
The white cockade has been, during the last four days, a badge for
the manifestation of public opinion in favour of the overthrow of an
oppressive Government: it has been the only means of distinguishing
the partisans of the restoration of the old dynasty, to which at
length we are to be indebted for repose. But as the late Government
is at an end, all colours differing from our national colours are
useless: let us, therefore, resume those which have so often led us
to victory.
Such was the spirit of the article, though possibly the above copy may
differ in a few words. It met with the unqualified approbation of every
one present. I was therefore extremely surprised, on looking at the
'Moniteur' next day, to find that the article was not inserted. I knew
not what courtly interference prevented the appearance of the article,
but I remember that Marmont was very ill pleased at its omission. He
complained on the subject to the Emperor Alexander, who promised to
write, and in fact did write, to the Provisional Government to get the
article inserted. However, it did not appear, and in a few days we
obtained a solution of the enigma, as we might perhaps have done before
if we had tried. The Emperor Alexander also promised to write to the
Comte d'Artois, and to inform him that the opinion of France was in
favour of the preservation of the three colours, but I do not know
whether the letter was written, or, if it was, what answer it received.
Marshal Jourdan, who was then at Rouen, received a letter, written
without the knowledge of Marmont, informing him that the latter had
mounted the white cockade in his corps. Jourdan thought he could not do
otherwise than follow Marmont's example, and he announced to the
Provisional Government that in consequence of the resolution of the Duke
of Ragusa he had just ordered his corps to wear the white cockade.
Marmont could now be boldly faced, and when he complained to the
Provisional Government of the non-insertion of the article in the
Moniteur the reply was, "It cannot now appear. You see Marshal Jourdan
has mounted the white cockade: you would not give the army two sets of
colours!"
Marmont could make no answer to so positive a fact. It was not till some
time after that I learned Jourdan had determined to unfurl the white flag
only on the positive assurance that Marmont had already done so. Thus we
lost the colours which had been worn by Louis XVI., which Louis XVIII.,
when a Prince, had adopted, and in which the Comte d'Artois showed
himself on his return to the Parisians, for he entered the capital in the
uniform of the National Guard. The fraud played off by some members of
the Provisional Government was attended by fatal consequences; many evils
might have been spared to France had Marmont's advice been adopted.
At the period of the dissolution of the Empire there might be said to be
three Governments in France, viz. the Provisional Government in Paris,
Napoleon's at Fontainebleau, and the doubtful and ambulatory Regency of
"Maria Louisa." Doubtful and ambulatory the Regency might well be called,
for there was so little decision as to the course to be adopted by the
Empress that it was at first proposed to conduct her to Orleans, then to
Tours, and she went finally to Blois. The uncertainty which prevailed
respecting the destiny of Maria Louisa is proved by a document which I
have in my possession, and of which there cannot be many copies in
existence. It is a circular addressed to the prefects by M. de
Montalivet, the Minister of the Interior, who accompanied the Empress.
In it a blank is left for the seat of the Government, to which the
prefects are desired to send their communications. In the copy I possess
the blank is filled up with the word "Blois" in manuscript.
As soon as Maria Louisa was made acquainted with the events that had
taken place around Paris she sent for the Duc de Cadore, and gave him a
letter addressed to the Emperor of Austria, saying, "Take this to my
father, who must be at Dijon. I rely on you for defending the interests
of France, those of the Emperor, and above all those of my son."
Certainly Maria Louisa's confidence could not be better placed, and those
great interests would have been defended by the Duc de Cadore 'si defendi
possent.'
After the departure of the Due de Cadore Maria Louisa published the
following proclamation, addressed to the French people:
BY THE EMPRESS REGENT.
A Proclamation
The events of the war have placed the capital in the power of
foreigners. The Emperor has marched to defend it at the head of his
armies, so often victorious. They are face to face with the enemy
before the walls of Paris. From the residence which I have chosen,
and from the Ministers of the Emperor, will emanate the only orders
which you can acknowledge. Every town in the power of foreigners
ceases to be free, and every order which may proceed from them is
the language of the enemy, or that which it suits his hostile views
to propagate. You will be faithful to your oaths. You will listen
to the voice of a Princess who was consigned to your good faith, and
whose highest pride consists in being s Frenchwoman, and in being
united to the destiny of the sovereign whom you have freely chosen.
My son was less sure of your affections in the time of our
prosperity; his rights and his person are under your safeguard.
(By order) MONTALIVET. (Signed) MARIA LOUISA
BLOIS, 3d April 1814.
It is to be inferred that the Regency had within three days adopted the
resolution of not quitting Blois, for the above document presents no
blanks, nor words filled up in writing. The Empress' proclamation,
though a powerful appeal to the feelings of the French people, produced
no effect. Maria Louisa's proclamation was dated the 4th of April, on
the evening of which day Napoleon signed the conditional abdication, with
the fate of which the reader has already been made acquainted. M. de
Montalivet transmitted the Empress' proclamation, accompanied by another
circular, to the prefects, of whom very few received it.
M. de Champagny, having left Blois with the letter he had received from
the Empress, proceeded to the headquarters of the Emperor of Austria,
carefully avoiding those roads which were occupied by Cossack troops.
He arrived, not without considerable difficulty, at Chanseaux, where
Frances II. was expected. When the Emperor arrived the Duc de Cadore
was announced, and immediately introduced to his Majesty. The Duke
remained some hours with Francis II., without being able to obtain from
him anything but fair protestations. The Emperor always took refuge
behind the promise he had given to his Allies to approve whatever
measures they might adopt. The Duke was not to leave the Emperor's
headquarters that evening, and, in the hope that his Majesty might yet
reflect on the critical situation of his daughter, he asked permission to
take leave next morning. He accordingly presented himself to the
Emperor's levee, when he renewed his efforts in support of the claims of
Maria Louisa. "I have a great affection for my daughter, and also for my
son-in law," said the Emperor. "I bear them both in my heart, and would
shed my blood for them"--"Ah, Sire!" exclaimed M. de Champagny, "such a
sacrifice is not necessary."--"Yes, Duke, I say again I would shed my
blood, I would resign my life for them, but I have given my Allies a
promise not to treat without them, and to approve all that they may do.
Besides," added the Emperor, "my Minister, M. de Metternich, has gone to
their headquarters, and I will ratify whatever he may sign."
When the Duc de Cadore related to me the particulars of his mission, in
which zeal could not work an impossibility, I remarked that he regarded
as a circumstance fatal to Napoleon the absence of M. de Metternich and
the presence of M. Stadion at the headquarters of the Emperor of Austria.
Though in all probability nothing could have arrested the course of
events, yet it is certain that the personal sentiments of the two
Austrian Ministers towards Napoleon were widely different. I am not
going too far when I affirm that, policy apart, M. de Metternich was much
attached to Napoleon. In support of this assertion I may quote a fact of
which I can guarantee the authenticity:
When M. de Metternich was complimented on the occasion of Maria Louisa's
marriage he replied, "To have contributed to a measure which has received
the approbation of 80,000,000 men is indeed a just subject of
congratulation." Such a remark openly made by the intelligent Minister
of the Cabinet of Vienna was well calculated to gratify the ears of
Napoleon, from whom, however, M. de Metternich in his personal relations
did not conceal the truth. I recollect a reply which was made by M. de
Metternich at Dresden after a little hesitation. "As to you," said the
Emperor, "you will not go to war with me. It is impossible that you can
declare yourself against me. That can never be."--" Sire, we are not now
quite allies, and some time hence we may become enemies." This hint was
the last which Napoleon received from Metternich, and Napoleon must have
been blind indeed not to have profited by it. As to M. Stadion, he
entertained a profound dislike of the Emperor. That Minister knew and
could not forget that his preceding exclusion from the Cabinet of Vienna
had been due to the all-powerful influence of Napoleon.
Whether or not the absence of Metternich influenced the resolution of
Francis II., it is certain that that monarch yielded nothing to the
urgent solicitations of a Minister who conscientiously fulfilled the
delicate mission consigned to him. M. de Champagny rejoined the Empress
at Orleans, whither she had repaired on leaving Blois. He found Maria
Louisa almost deserted, all the Grand Dignitaries of the Empire having
successively returned to Paris after sending in their submissions to the
Provisional Government.
I had scarcely entered upon the exercise of my functions as Postmaster-
General when, on the morning of the 2d of April, I was surprised to see a
Prussian general officer enter my cabinet. I immediately recognised him
as General Blucher. He had commanded the Prussian army in the battle
which took place at the gates of Paris. "Sir," said he, "I consider it
one of my first duties on entering Paris to thank you for the attention I
received from you in Hamburg. I am sorry that I was not sooner aware of
your being in Pains. I assure you that had I been sooner informed of
this circumstance the capitulation should have been made without a blow
being struck. How much blood might then have been spared!"--"General,"
said I, "on what do you ground this assurance?"--"If I had known that you
were in Paris I would have given you a letter to the King of Prussia.
That monarch, who knows the resources and intentions of the Allies,
would, I am sure, have authorised you to decide a suspension of arms
before the neighbourhood of Paris became the theatre of the war."--
"But," resumed I, "in spite of the good intentions of the Allies, it
would have been very difficult to prevent resistance. French pride,
irritated as it was by reverses, would have opposed insurmountable
obstacles to such a measure."--"But, good heavens! you would have seen
that resistance could be of no avail against such immense masses."--
"You are right, General; but French honour would have been defended to
the last."--"I am fully aware of that; but surely you have earned glory
enough!"--"Yet our French susceptibility would have made us look upon
that glory as tarnished if Paris had been occupied without defence ...
But under present circumstances I am well pleased that you were satisfied
with my conduct in Hamburg, for it induces me to hope that you will
observe the same moderation in Paris that I exercised there. The days
are past when it could be said, Woe to the conquered."--" You are right;
yet," added he, smiling, "you know we are called the northern
barbarians."--" Then, General," returned I, "you have a fair opportunity
of showing that that designation is a libel."
Some days after Blucher's visit I had the honour of being admitted to a
private audience of the King of Prussia. Clarke and Berthier were also
received in this audience, which took place at the hotel of Prince
Eugene, where the King of Prussia resided in Paris. We waited for some
minutes in the salon, and when Frederick William entered from his cabinet
I remarked on his countenance an air of embarrassment and austerity which
convinced me that he had been studying his part, as great personages are
in the habit of doing on similar occasions. The King on entering the
salon first noticed Berthier, whom he addressed with much kindness,
bestowing praises on the French troops, and complimenting the Marshal on
his conduct during the war in Germany. Berthier returned thanks for
these well-merited praises, for though he was not remarkable for strength
of understanding or energy of mind, yet he was not a bad man, and I have
known many proofs of his good conduct in conquered countries.
After saluting Berthier the King of Prussia turned towards Clarke, and
his countenance immediately assumed an expression of dissatisfaction.
He had evidently not forgotten Clarke's conduct in Berlin. He reminded
him that he had rendered the Continental system more odious than it was
in itself, and that he had shown no moderation in the execution of his
orders. "In short," said his Majesty, "if I have any advice to give you,
it is that you never again return to Prussia." The King pronounced these
words in so loud and decided a tone that Clarke was perfectly confounded.
He uttered some unintelligible observations, which, however, Frederick
William did not notice, for suddenly turning towards me he said, with an
air of affability, "Ah! M. de Bourrienne, I am glad to see you, and I
take this opportunity of repeating what I wrote to you from Gonigsberg.
You always extended protection to the Germans, and did all you could to
alleviate their condition. I learned with great satisfaction what you
did for the Prussians whom the fate of war drove into Hamburg; and I feel
pleasure in telling you, in the presence of these two gentlemen, that if
all the French agents had acted as you did we should not, probably, be
here." I expressed, by a profound bow, how much I was gratified by this
complimentary address, and the king, after saluting us, retired.
About the middle of April Bernadotte arrived in Paris. His situation had
become equivocal, since circumstances had banished the hopes he might
have conceived in his interview with the Emperor Alexander at Abo.
Besides, he had been represented in some official pamphlets as a traitor
to France, and among certain worshippers of our injured glory there
prevailed a feeling of irritation, and which was unjustly directed
towards Bernadotte.
I even remember that Napoleon, before he had fallen from his power, had a
sort of national protest made by the police against the Prince Royal of
Sweden. This Prince had reserved an hotel in the Rue d'Anjou, and the
words, "Down with the traitor! down with the perjurer," were shouted
there; but this had no result, as it was only considered an outrage
caused by a spirit of petty vengeance.
While Bernadotte was in Paris I saw him every day. He but faintly
disguised from me the hope he had entertained of ruling France; and in
the numerous conversations to which our respective occupations led I
ascertained, though Bernadotte did not formally tell me so, that he once
had strong expectations of succeeding Napoleon.
Pressed at last into his final intrenchments he broke through all reserve
and confirmed all I knew of the interview of Abo.
I asked Bernadotte what he thought of the projects which were attributed
to Moreau; whether it was true that he had in him a competitor, and
whether Moreau had aspired to the dangerous honour of governing France:
"Those reports," replied the Prince Royal of Sweden, "are devoid of
foundation: at least I can assure you that in the conversations I have
had with the Emperor Alexander, that sovereign never said anything which
could warrant such a supposition. I know that the Emperor of Russia
wished to avail himself of the military talents of Moreau in the great
struggle that had commenced, and to enable the exiled general to return
to his country, in the hope that, should the war prove fortunate, he
would enjoy the honours and privileges due to his past services."
Bernadotte expressed to me astonishment at the recall of the Bourbons,
and assured me that he had not expected the French people would so
readily have consented to the Restoration. I confess I was surprised
that Bernadotte, with the intelligence I knew him to possess, should
imagine that the will of subjects has any influence in changes of
government!
During his stay in Paris Bernadotte evinced for me the same sentiments of
friendship which he had shown me at Hamburg. One day I received from him
a letter, dated Paris, with which he transmitted to me one of the crosses
of the Polar Star, which the King of Sweden had left at his disposal.
Bernadotte was not very well satisfied with his residence in Paris, in
spite of the friendship which the Emperor Alexander constantly manifested
towards him. After a few days he set out for Sweden, having first taken
leave of the Comte d'Artois. I did not see him after his farewell visit
to the Count, so that I know not what was the nature of the conversation
which passed between the two Princes.
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