_Seige and Plunder of the City of =Carthagena= on the =Terra
Firma=, by an Armament from =France= in conjunction with the
=Flibustiers= of =Saint Domingo=._
[Sidenote: 1697.] In 1697, at the suggestion of M. le Baron de Pointis, an
officer of high rank in the French Marine, a large armament was fitted out
in _France_, jointly at the expence of the Crown, and of private
contributors, for an expedition against the Spaniards in the _West
Indies_. The chief command was given to M. de Pointis, and orders were
sent out to the Governor of the French Settlements in _Hispaniola_ (M. du
Casse) to raise 1200 men in _Tortuga_ and _Hispaniola_ to assist in the
expedition. The king's regular force in M. du Casse's government was
small, and the men demanded were to be supplied principally from the
Flibustiers. The dispatches containing the above orders arrived in
January. It was thought necessary to specify to the Flibustiers a
limitation of time; and they were desired to keep from dispersing till the
15th of February, it being calculated that M. de Pointis would then, or
before, certainly be at _Hispaniola_. [Sidenote: March.] De Pointis,
however, did not arrive till the beginning of March, when he made _Cape
Francois_, but did not anchor there; preferring the Western part of
_Hispaniola_, 'fresh water being better and more easy to be got at _Cape
Tiburon_ than at any other part.' M. du Casse had, with some difficulty,
kept the Flibustiers together beyond the time specified, and they were
soon dissatisfied with the deportment of the Baron de Pointis, which was
more imperious than they had been accustomed to from any Commander.
[Sidenote: Character of the Buccaneers by M. de Pointis.] M. de Pointis
published a history of his expedition, in which he relates that at the
first meeting between him and M. du Casse, he expressed himself
dissatisfied at the small number of men provided; 'but,' says he, 'M. du
Casse assured me that the Buccaneers were at this time collected, and
would every man of them perform wonders. It is the good fortune of all the
pirates in these parts to be called Buccaneers. These freebooters are, for
the most part, composed of those that desert from ships that come upon the
coast: the advantage they bring to the Governors, protects them against
the prosecution of the law. All who are apprehended as vagabonds in
_France_, and can give no account of themselves, are sent to these
Islands, where they are obliged to serve for three years. The first that
gets them, obliges them to work in the plantations; at the end of the term
of servitude, somebody lends them a gun, and to sea they go a
buccaneering.' It is proper to hint here, that when M. de Pointis
published his Narrative, he was at enmity with the Buccaneers, and had a
personal interest in bringing the buccaneer character into disrepute. Many
of his remarks upon them, nevertheless, are not less just than
characteristic. He continues his description; 'They were formerly
altogether independent. Of late years they have been reduced under the
government of the coast of _St. Domingo_: they have commissions given
them, for which they pay the tenth of all prizes, and are now called the
King's subjects. The Governors of our settlements in _Saint Domingo_ being
enriched by them, do mightily extol them for the damages they do to the
Spaniards. This infamous profession which an impunity for all sorts of
crimes renders so much beloved, has within a few years lost us above six
thousand men, who might have improved and peopled the colony. At present
they are pleased to be called the King's subjects; yet it is with so much
arrogance, as obliges all who are desirous to make use of them, to court
them in the most flattering terms. This was not agreeable to my
disposition, and considering them as his Majesty's subjects which the
Governor was ordered to deliver to me, I plainly told them that they
should find me a Commander to lead them on, but not as a companion to
them.'
The expedition, though it was not yet made known, or even yet pretended to
be determined, against what place it should be directed, was expected to
yield both honour and profit. The Buccaneers would not quarrel with a
promising enterprise under a spirited and experienced commander, for a
little haughtiness in his demeanour towards them; but they demanded to
have clearly specified the share of the prize money and plunder to which
they should be entitled, and it was stipulated by mutual agreement 'that
the Flibustiers and Colonists should, man for man, have the same shares of
booty that were allowed to the men on board the King's ships.' As so many
men were to embark from M. du Casse's government, he proposed to go at
their head, and desired to know of M. de Pointis what rank would be
allowed him. M. du Casse was a mariner by profession, and had the rank of
Captain in the French Navy. De Pointis told him that the highest character
he knew him in, was that which he derived from his commission as
_Capitaine de Vaisseau_, and that if he embarked in the expedition, he
must be content to serve in that quality according to his seniority.
M. du Casse nevertheless chose to go, though it was generally thought he
was not allowed the honours and consideration which were his due as
Governor of the French Colonies at _St. Domingo_, and Commander of so
large a portion of the men engaged in the expedition. It was settled, that
the Flibustiers should embark partly in their own cruising vessels, and
partly on board the ships of M. de Pointis' squadron, and should be
furnished with six weeks provisions. A review was made, to prevent any but
able men of the Colony being taken; negroes who served, if free, were to
be allowed shares like other men; if slaves and they were killed, their
masters were to be paid for them.
Two copies of the agreement respecting the sharing of booty were posted up
in public places at _Petit Goave_, and a copy was delivered to M. du
Casse, the Governor. M. de Pointis consulted with M. du Casse what
enterprise they should undertake, but the determination wholly rested with
M. de Pointis. 'There was added,' M. de Pointis says, 'without my
knowledge, to the directions sent to Governor du Casse, that he was to
give assistance to our undertaking, without damage to, or endangering, his
Colony. This restriction did in some measure deprive me of the power of
commanding his forces, seeing he had an opportunity of pretending to keep
them for the preservation of the Colony.' M. du Casse made no pretences to
withhold, but gave all the assistance in his power. He was an advocate for
attacking the City of _San Domingo_. This was the wish of most of the
colonists, and perhaps was what would have been of more advantage to
_France_ than any other expedition they could have undertaken. But the
armament having been prepared principally at private expence, it was
reasonable for the contributors to look to their own reimbursement. To
attack the City of _San Domingo_ was not approved; other plans were
proposed, but _Carthagena_ seems to have been the original object of the
projectors of the expedition, and the attack of that city was determined
upon. Before the Flibustiers and other colonists embarked, a disagreement
happened which had nearly made them refuse altogether to join in the
expedition. The officers of De Pointis' fleet had imbibed the sentiments
of their Commander respecting the Flibustiers or Buccaneers, and followed
the example of his manners towards them. The fleet was lying at _Petit
Goave_, and M. de Pointis, giving to himself the title of General of the
Armies of _France_ by Sea and by Land in _America_, had placed a guard in
a Fort there. M. du Casse, as he had received no orders from _Europe_ to
acknowledge any superior within his government, might have considered such
an exercise of power to be an encroachment on his authority which it
became him to resist; but he acted in this, and in other instances, like a
man overawed. The officer of M. de Pointis who commanded the guard on
shore, arrested a Flibustier for disorderly behaviour, and held him
prisoner in the fort. The Flibustiers surrounded the fort in a tumultuous
manner to demand his release, and the officer commanded his men to fire
upon them, by which three of the Flibustiers were killed. It required some
address and civility on the part of M. de Pointis himself, as well as the
assistance of M. du Casse, to appease the Flibustiers; and the officer who
had committed the offence was sent on board under arrest.
The force furnished from M. du Casse's government, consisted of nearly 700
Flibustiers, 170 soldiers from the garrisons, and as many volunteer
inhabitants and negroes as made up about 1200 men. The whole armament
consisted of seven large ships, and eleven frigates, besides store ships
and smaller vessels; and, reckoning persons of all classes, 6000 men.
[Sidenote: April. Siege of Carthagena by the French.] The Fleet arrived
off _Carthagena_ on April the 13th, and the landing was effected on the
15th. It is not necessary to relate all the particulars of this siege, in
which the Buccaneers bore only a part. That part however was of essential
importance.
M. de Pointis, in the commencement, appointed the whole of the
Flibustiers, without any mixture of the King's troops, to a service of
great danger, which raised a suspicion, of partiality and of an intention
to save the men he brought with him from _Europe_, as regarding them to be
more peculiarly his own men. An eminence about a mile to the Eastward of
the City of _Carthagena_, on which was a church named _Nuestra Senora de
la Poupa_, commands all the avenues and approaches on the land side to the
city. 'I had been assured,' says M. de Pointis, 'that if we did not seize
the hill _de la Poupa_ immediately on our arrival, all the treasure would
be carried off. To get possession of this post, I resolved to land the
Buccaneers in the night of the same day on which we came to anchor, they
being proper for such an attempt, as being accustomed to marching and
subsisting in the woods.' M. de Pointis takes this occasion to accuse the
Buccaneers of behaving less heroically than M. du Casse had boasted they
would, and that it was not without murmuring that they embarked in the
boats in order to their landing. It is however due to them on the score of
courage and exertion, to remark, though in some degree it is anticipation,
that no part of the force under M. de Pointis shewed more readiness or
performed better service in the siege than the Buccaneers.
There was uncertainty about the most proper place for landing, and M. de
Pointis went himself in a boat to examine near the shore to the North of
the city. The surf rolled in heavy, by which his boat was filled, and was
with difficulty saved from being stranded on a rock. The proposed landing
was given up as impracticable, and M. de Pointis became of opinion that
_Carthagena_ was approachable only by the lake which makes the harbour,
the entrance to which, on account of its narrowness, was called the
_Bocca-chica_, and was defended by a strong fort.
The Fleet sailed for the _Bocca-chica_, and on the 15th some of the ships
began to cannonade the Fort. The first landing was effected at the same
time by a corps of eighty negroes, without any mixture of the King's
troops. This was a second marked instance of the Commander's partial
attention to the preservation of the men he brought from _France_. M. de
Pointis despised the Flibustiers, and probably regarded negroes as next to
nothing. He was glad however to receive them as his companions in arms,
and it was an honour due from him to all under his command, as far as
circumstances would admit without injury to service, to share the dangers
equally, or at least without partiality.
The 16th, which was the day next after the landing, the Castle of
_Bocca-chica_ surrendered. This was a piece of good fortune much beyond
expectation, and was obtained principally by the dexterous management of a
small party of the Buccaneers; which drew commendation even from M. de
Pointis. 'Among the chiefs of these Buccaneers,' he says, 'there may be
about twenty men who deserve to be distinguished for their courage; it not
being my intention to comprehend them in the descriptions which I make of
the others.'
[Sidenote: May. The City capitulates.] De Pointis conducted the siege with
diligence and spirit. The _Nuestra Senora de la Poupa_ was taken
possession of on the 17th; and on the 3d of May, the City capitulated. The
terms of the Capitulation were,
That all public effects and office accounts should be delivered to the
captors.
That merchants should produce their books of accounts, and deliver up all
money and effects held by them for their correspondents.
That every inhabitant should be free to leave the city, or to remain in
his dwelling. That those who retired from the city should first deliver up
all their property there to the captors. That those who chose to remain,
should declare faithfully, under penalty of entire confiscation, the gold,
silver, and jewels, in their possession; on which condition, and
delivering up one half, they should be permitted to retain the other half,
and afterwards be regarded as subjects of _France_.
That the churches and religious houses should be spared and protected.
The French General on entering the Town with his troops, went first to the
cathedral to attend the _Te Deum_. He next sent for the Superiors of the
convents and religious houses, to whom he explained the meaning of the
article of the capitulation promising them protection, which was, that
their houses should not be destroyed; but that it had no relation to money
in their possession, which they were required to deliver up. Otherwise, he
observed, it would be in their power to collect in their houses all the
riches of the city. He caused it to be publicly rumoured that he was
directed by the Court to keep possession of _Carthagena_, and that it
would be made a French Colony. To give colour to this report, he appointed
M. du Casse to be Governor of the City. He strictly prohibited the troops
from entering any house until it had undergone the visitation of officers
appointed by himself, some of which officers it was supposed, embezzled
not less than 100,000 crowns each. A reward was proclaimed for informers
of concealed treasure, of one-tenth of all treasure discovered by them.
'The hope of securing a part, with the fear of bad neighbours and false
friends, induced the inhabitants to be forward in disclosing their riches,
and Tilleul who was charged with receiving the treasure, was not able to
weigh the specie fast enough.'
M. du Casse, in the exercise of what he conceived to be the duties of his
new office of Governor of _Carthagena_, had begun to take cognizance of
the money which the inhabitants brought in according to the capitulation;
but M. de Pointis was desirous that he should not be at any trouble on
that head. High words passed between them, in consequence of which, Du
Casse declined further interference in what was transacting, and retired
to a house in the suburbs. This was quitting the field to an antagonist
who would not fail to make his advantage of it; whose refusal to admit
other witnesses to the receipt of money than those of his own appointment,
was a strong indication, whatever contempt he might profess or really feel
for the Flibustiers, that he was himself of as stanch Flibustier
principles as any one of the gentry of the coast. Some time afterwards,
however, M. du Casse thought proper to send a formal representation to the
General, that it was nothing more than just that some person of the colony
should be present at the receipt of the money. The General returned
answer, that what M. du Casse proposed, was in itself a matter perfectly
indifferent; but that it would be an insult to his own dignity, and
therefore he could not permit it.
The public collection of plunder by authority did not save the city from
private pillage. In a short time all the plate disappeared from the
churches. Houses were forcibly entered by the troops, and as much violence
committed as if no capitulation had been granted. M. de Pointis, when
complained to by the aggrieved inhabitants, gave orders for the prevention
of outrage, but was at no pains to make them observed. It appears that the
Flibustiers were most implicated in these disorders. Many of the
inhabitants who had complied with the terms of the capitulation, seeing
the violences every where committed, hired Flibustiers to be guards in
their houses, hoping that by being well paid they would be satisfied and
protect them against others. Some observed this compact and were faithful
guardians; but the greater number robbed those they undertook to defend.
For this among other reasons, De Pointis resolved to rid the city of them.
On a report, which it is said himself caused to be spread, that an army
of 10,000 Indians were approaching _Carthagena_, he ordered the
Flibustiers out to meet them. Without suspecting any deception, they went
forth, and were some days absent seeking the reported enemy. As they were
on the return, a message met them from the General, purporting, that he
apprehended their presence in the city would occasion some disturbance,
and he therefore desired them to stop without the gates. On receiving this
message, they broke out into imprecations, and resolved not to delay their
return to the city, nor to be kept longer in ignorance of what was passing
there. When they arrived at the gates they found them shut and guarded by
the King's troops. Whilst they deliberated on what they should next do,
another message, more conciliating in language than the former, came to
them from M. de Pointis, in which he said that it was by no means his
intention to interdict them from entering _Carthagena_; that he only
wished they would not enter so soon, nor all at one time, for fear of
frightening the inhabitants, who greatly dreaded their presence. The
Flibustiers knew not how to help themselves, and were necessitated to take
up their quarters without the city walls, where they were kept fifteen
days, by which time the collection of treasure from the inhabitants was
completed, the money weighed, secured in chests, and great part embarked.
De Pointis says, 'as fast as the money was brought in, it was immediately
carried on board the King's ships.' The uneasiness and impatience of the
Flibustiers for distribution of the booty may easily be imagined. On their
re-admission to the city, the merchandise was put up to sale by auction,
and the produce joined to the former collection; but no distribution took
place, and the Flibustiers were loud in their importunities. M. de Pointis
assigned as a reason for the delay, that the clerks employed in the
business had not made up the accounts. He says in his Narrative, 'I was
not so ill served by my spies as not to be informed of the seditious
discourses held by some wholly abandoned to their own interest, upon the
money being carried on board the King's ships.' To allay the ferment, he
ordered considerable gratifications to be paid to the Buccaneer captains,
also compensations to the Buccaneers who had been maimed or wounded, and
rewards to be given to some who had most distinguished themselves during
the siege;--and he spoke with so much appearance of frankness of his
intention, as soon as ever he should receive the account of the whole, to
make a division which should be satisfactory to all parties, that the
Buccaneers were persuaded to remain quiet.
[Sidenote: Value of the Plunder.] The value of the plunder is variously
reported. Much of the riches of the city had been carried away on the
first alarm of the approach of an enemy. De Pointis says 110 mules laden
with gold went out in the course of four days. 'Nevertheless, the honour
acquired to his Majesty's arms, besides near eight or nine millions that
could not escape us, consoled us for the rest.' Whether these eight or
nine millions were crowns or livres M. de Pointis' account does not
specify. It is not improbable he meant it should be understood as livres.
Many were of opinion that the value of the booty was not less than forty
millions of livres; M. du Casse estimated it at above twenty millions,
besides merchandise.
M. de Pointis now made known that on account of the unhealthiness of the
situation, he had changed his intention of leaving a garrison and keeping
_Carthagena_, for that already more Frenchmen had died there by sickness
than he had lost in the siege. He ordered the cannon of the _Bocca-chica
Castle_ to be taken on board the ships, and the Castle to be demolished.
On the 25th of May, orders were issued for the troops to embark; and at
the same time he embarked himself without having given any previous notice
of his intention so to do to M. du Casse, from whom he had parted but a
few minutes before. The ships of the King's fleet began to take up their
anchors to move towards the entrance of the harbour, and M. de. Pointis
sent an order to M. du Casse for the Buccaneers and the people of the
Colony to embark on board their own vessels.
M. du Casse sent two of his principal officers to the General to demand
that justice should be done to the Colonists. Still the accounts were said
not to be ready; but on the 29th, the King's fleet being ready for sea, M.
du Pointis sent to M. du Casse the Commissary's account, which stated the
share of the booty due to the Colonists, including the Governor and the
Buccaneers, to be 40,000 crowns.
What the customary manner of dividing prize money in the French navy was
at that time, is not to be understood from the statement given by De
Pointis, which says, 'that the King had been pleased to allow to the
several ships companies, a tenth of the first million, and a thirtieth
part of all the rest.' Here it is not specified whether the million of
which the ships companies were to be allowed one-tenth, is to be
understood a million of _Louis_, a million crowns, or a million livres.
The difference of construction in a large capture would be nearly as three
to one. It requires explanation likewise what persons are meant to be
included in the term 'ships companies.' Sometimes it is used to signify
the common seamen, without including the officers; and for them, the
one-tenth is certainly not too large a share. That in any military
service, public or private, one-tenth of captures or of plunder should be
deemed adequate gratification for the services of all the captors,
officers included, seems scarcely credible. In the _Carthagena_ expedition
it is also to be observed, that the dues of the crown were in some
measure compromised by the admission of private contributions towards
defraying the expence. The Flibustiers had contributed by furnishing their
own vessels to the service.
Du Casse when he saw the account, did not immediately communicate it to
his Colonists, deterred at first probably by something like shame, and an
apprehension that they would reproach him with weakness for having yielded
so much as he had all along done to the insulting and imperious
pretensions of De Pointis. Afterwards through discretion, he delayed
making the matter public until the Colonists had all embarked and their
vessels had sailed from the city. He then sent for the Captains, and
acquainted them with the distribution intended by M. de Pointis, and they
informed their crews.