_Meeting of Buccaneers at the =Samballas=, and =Golden Island=.
Party formed by the English Buccaneers to cross the =Isthmus=.
Some account of the Native Inhabitants of the =Mosquito
Shore=._
Immediately after the plundering of _Porto Bello_, a number of Buccaneer
vessels, both English and French, on the report which had been made by
Captain Bournano, assembled at the _Samballas_, or _Isles of San Blas_,
near the coast of _Darien_. One of these vessels was commanded by
Bournano. The Indians of _Darien_ received them as friends and allies, but
they now disapproved the project of going to _Tocamoro_. The way thither,
they said, was mountainous, and through a long tract of uninhabited
country, in which it would be difficult to find subsistence; and instead
of _Tocamoro_, they advised going against the city of _Panama_. [Sidenote:
1680. Golden Island.] Their representation caused the design upon
_Tocamoro_ to be given up. The English Buccaneers were for attacking
_Panama_; but the French objected to the length of the march; and on this
difference, the English and French separated, the English Buccaneers going
to an Island called by them _Golden Island_, which is the most eastern of
the _Samballas_, if not more properly to be said to the eastward of all
the _Samballas_.
Without the assistance of the French, _Panama_ was too great an
undertaking. They were bent, however, on crossing the _Isthmus_; and at
the recommendation of their Darien friends, they determined to visit a
Spanish town named _Santa Maria_, situated on the banks of a river that
ran into the _South Sea_. The Spaniards kept a good garrison at _Santa
Maria_, on account of gold which was collected from mountains in its
neighbourhood.
The Buccaneers who engaged in this expedition were the crews of seven
vessels, of force as in the following list:
Guns Men
A vessel of 8 and 97 commanded by John Coxon.
-- 25 - 107 ---- Peter Harris.
-- 1 - 35 ---- Richard Sawkins.
-- 2 - 40 ---- Bart. Sharp.
-- 0 - 43 ---- Edmond Cook.
-- 0 - 24 ---- Robert Alleston.
-- 0 - 20 ---- ---- Macket.
It was settled that Alleston and Macket, with 35 men, themselves included,
should be left to guard the vessels during the absence of those who went
on the expedition, which was not expected to be of long continuance. These
matters were arranged at _Golden Island_, and agreement made with the
Darien Indians to furnish them with subsistence during the march.
William Dampier, a seaman at that time of no celebrity, but of good
observation and experience, was among these Buccaneers, and of the party
to cross the _Isthmus_; as was Lionel Wafer, since well known for his
_Description of the Isthmus of Darien_, who had engaged with them as
surgeon.
[Sidenote: Account of the Mosquito Indians.] In this party of Buccaneers
were also some native Americans, of a small tribe called Mosquito Indians,
who inhabited the sea coast on each side of _Cape Gracias a Dios_, one way
towards the river _San Juan de Nicaragua_, the other towards the _Gulf of
Honduras_, which is called the _Mosquito Shore_. If Europeans had any plea
in justification of their hostility against the Spaniards in the _West
Indies_, much more had the native Americans. The Mosquito Indians,
moreover, had long been, and were at the time of these occurrences, in an
extraordinary degree attached to the English, insomuch that voluntarily of
their own choice they acknowledged the King of _Great Britain_ for their
sovereign. They were an extremely ingenious people, and were greatly
esteemed by the European seamen in the _West Indies_, on account of their
great expertness in the use of the harpoon, and in taking turtle. The
following character of them is given by Dampier: 'These Mosquito Indians,'
he says; 'are tall, well made, strong, and nimble of foot; long visaged,
lank black hair, look stern, and are of a dark copper complexion. They are
but a small nation or family. They are very ingenious in throwing the
lance, or harpoon. They have extraordinary good eyes, and will descry a
sail at sea, farther than we. For these things, they are esteemed and
coveted by all privateers; for one or two of them in a ship, will
sometimes maintain a hundred men. When they come among privateers, they
learn the use of guns, and prove very good marksmen. They behave
themselves bold in fight, and are never seen to flinch, or hang back; for
they think that the white men with whom they are, always know better than
they do, when it is best to fight; and be the disadvantage never so great,
they do not give back while any of their party stand. These Mosquito men
are in general very kind to the English, of whom they receive a great deal
of respect, both on board their ships, and on shore, either in _Jamaica_,
or elsewhere. We always humour them, letting them go any where as they
will, and return to their country in any vessel bound that way, if they
please. They will have the management of themselves in their striking
fish, and will go in their own little canoe, nor will they then let any
white man come in their canoe; all which we allow them. For should we
cross them, though they should see shoals of fish, or turtle, or the like,
they will purposely strike their harpoons and turtle-irons aside, or so
glance them as to kill nothing. They acknowledge the King of England for
their sovereign, learn our language, and take the Governor of _Jamaica_ to
be one of the greatest princes in the world. While they are among the
English, they wear good cloaths, and take delight to go neat and tight;
but when they return to their own country, they put by all their cloaths,
and go after their own country fashion.'
In Dampier's time, it was the custom among the Mosquito Indians, when
their Chief died, for his successor to obtain a commission, appointing him
Chief, from the Governor of _Jamaica_; and till he received his commission
he was not acknowledged in form by his countrymen[15].
How would Dampier have been grieved, if he could have foreseen that this
simple and honest people, whilst their attachment to the English had
suffered no diminution, would be delivered by the British Government into
the hands of the Spaniards; which, from all experience of what had
happened, was delivering them to certain destruction.
Before this unhappy transaction took place, and after the time Dampier
wrote, the British Government took actual possession of the Mosquito
Country, by erecting a fort, and stationing there a garrison of British
troops. British merchants settled among the Mosquito natives, and
magistrates were appointed with authority to administer justice. Mosquito
men were taken into British pay to serve as soldiers, of which the
following story is related in Long's History of _Jamaica_; 'In the year
1738, the Government of _Jamaica_ took into their pay two hundred Mosquito
Indians, to assist in the suppression of the Maroons or Wild Negroes.
During a march on this service, one of their white conductors shot a wild
hog. The Mosquito men told him, that was not the way to surprise the
negroes, but to put them on their guard; and if he wanted provisions, they
would kill the game equally well with their arrows. They effected
considerable service on this occasion, and were well rewarded for their
good conduct; and when a pacification took place with the Maroons, they
were sent well satisfied to their own country.'
In the year 1770, there resided in the _Mosquito Country_ of British
settlers, between two and three hundred whites, as many of mixed blood,
and 900 slaves. On the breaking out of the war between _Great Britain_ and
_Spain_, in 1779, when the Spaniards drove the British logwood cutters
from their settlements in the _Bay of Honduras_, the Mosquito men armed
and assisted the British troops of the line in the recovery of the logwood
settlements. They behaved on that occasion, and on others in which they
served against the Spaniards, with their accustomed fidelity. An English
officer, who was in the _West Indies_ during that war, has given a
description of the Mosquito men, which exactly agrees with what Dampier
has said; and all that is related of them whilst with the Buccaneers,
gives the most favourable impression of their dispositions and character.
It was natural to the Spaniards to be eagerly desirous to get the Mosquito
Country and people into their power; but it was not natural that such a
proposition should be listened to by the British. Nevertheless, the matter
did so happen.
When notice was received in the _West Indies_, that a negociation was on
foot for the delivery of the _Mosquito Shore_ to _Spain_, the Council at
_Jamaica_ drew up a Report and Remonstrance against it; in which was
stated, that 'the number of the Mosquito Indians, so justly remarkable for
their fixed hereditary hatred to the Spaniards, and attachment to us, were
from seven to ten thousand.' Afterwards, in continuation, the Memorial
says, 'We beg leave to state the nature of His Majesty's territorial
right, perceiving with alarm, from papers submitted to our inspection,
that endeavours have been made to create doubts as to His Majesty's just
claims to the sovereignty of this valuable and delightful country. The
native Indians of this country have never submitted to the Spanish
Government. The Spaniards never had any settlement amongst them. During
the course of 150 years they have maintained a strict and uninterrupted
alliance with the subjects of _Great Britain_. They made a free and formal
cession of the dominion of their country to His Majesty's predecessors,
acknowledging the King of _Great Britain_ for their sovereign, long before
the American Treaty concluded at _Madrid_ in 1670; and consequently, by
the eighth Article of that Treaty, our right was declared[16].' In one
Memorial and Remonstrance which was presented to the British Ministry on
the final ratification (in 1786) of the Treaty, it is complained, that
thereby his Majesty had given up to the King of _Spain_ 'the Indian
people, and country of the _Mosquito Shore_, which formed the most secure
West-Indian Province possessed by _Great Britain_, and which we held by
the most pure and perfect title of sovereignty.' Much of this is
digression; but the subject unavoidably came into notice, and could not be
hastily quitted.
Some mercantile arrangement, said to be advantageous to _Great Britain_,
but which has been disputed, was the publicly assigned motive to this act.
It has been conjectured that a desire to shew civility to the Prime
Minister of _Spain_ was the real motive. Only blindness or want of
information could give either of these considerations such fatal
influence.
The making over, or transferring, inhabited territory from the dominion
and jurisdiction of one state to that of another, has been practised not
always with regard for propriety. It has been done sometimes unavoidably,
sometimes justly, and sometimes inexecusably. Unavoidably, when a weaker
state is necessitated to submit to the exactions of a stronger. Justly,
when the inhabitants of the territory it is proposed to transfer, are
consulted, and give their consent. Also it may be reckoned just to
exercise the power of transferring a conquered territory, the inhabitants
of which have not been received and adopted as fellow subjects with the
subjects of the state under whose power it had fallen.
The inhabitants of a territory who with their lands are transferred to the
dominion of a new state without their inclinations being consulted, are
placed in the condition of a conquered people.
The connexion of the Mosquito people with _Great Britain_ was formed in
friendship, and was on each side a voluntary engagement. That it was an
engagement, should be no question. In equity and honour, whoever permits
it to be believed that he has entered into an engagement, thereby becomes
engaged. The Mosquito people were known to believe, and had been allowed
to continue in the belief, that they were permanently united to the
British. The Governors of _Jamaica_ giving commissions for the instalment
of their chief, the building a fort, and placing a garrison in the
country, shew both acceptance of their submission and exercise of
sovereignty.
Vattel has described this case. He says, 'When a nation has not sufficient
strength of itself, and is not in a condition to resist its enemies, it
may lawfully submit to a more powerful nation on certain conditions upon
which they shall come to an agreement; and the pact or treaty of
submission will be afterwards the measure and rule of the rights of each.
For that which submits, resigning a right it possessed, and conveying it
to another, has an absolute power to make this conveyance upon what
conditions it pleases; and the other, by accepting the submission on this
footing, engages to observe religiously all the clauses in the treaty.
When a nation has placed itself under the protection of another that is
more powerful, or has submitted to it with a view of protection; if this
last does not effectually grant its protection when wanted, it is manifest
that by failing in its engagements it loses the rights it had acquired.'
The rights lost or relinquished by _Great Britain_ might possibly be of
small import to her; but the loss of our protection was of infinite
consequence to the Mosquito people. Advantages supposed or real gained to
_Great Britain_, is not to be pleaded in excuse or palliation for
withdrawing her protection; for that would seem to imply that an
engagement is more or less binding according to the greater or less
interest there may be in observing it. But if there had been no
engagement, the length and steadiness of their attachment to _Great
Britain_ would have entitled them to her protection, and the nature of the
case rendered the obligation sacred; for be it repeated, that experience
had shewn the delivering them up to the dominion of the Spaniards, was
delivering them to certain slavery and death. These considerations
possibly might not occur, for there seems to have been a want of
information on the subject in the British Ministry, and also a want of
attention to the remonstrances made. The Mosquito Country, and the native
inhabitants, the best affected and most constant of all the friends the
British ever had, were abandoned in the summer of 1787, to the Spaniards,
the known exterminators of millions of the native Americans, and who were
moreover incensed against the Mosquito men, for the part they had always
taken with the British, by whom they were thus forsaken. The British
settlers in that country found it necessary, to withdraw as speedily as
they had opportunity, with their effects.
If the business had been fully understood, and the safety of _Great
Britain_ had depended upon abandoning the Mosquito people to their
merciless enemies, it would have been thought disgraceful by the nation to
have done it; but the national interest being trivial, and the public in
general being uninformed in the matter, the transaction took place without
attracting much notice. A motion, however, was made in the British House
of Lords, 'that the terms of the Convention with _Spain_, signed in July
1786, did not meet the favourable opinion of this House;' and the noble
Mover objected to that part of the Convention which related to the
surrender of the British possessions on the _Mosquito Shore_, that it was
a humiliation, and derogating from the rights of _Great Britain_. The
first Article of the Treaty of 1786 says, 'His Britannic Majesty's
subjects, and the other Colonists, who have hitherto enjoyed the
protection of _England_, shall evacuate the Country of the Mosquitos, as
well as the Continent in general, and the Islands adjacent, without
exception, situated beyond the line hereafter described, as what ought to
be the extent of territory granted by his Catholic Majesty to the
English.'
In the debate, rights were asserted for _Spain_, not only to what she then
possessed on the Continent of _America_, but to parts she had never
possessed. Was this want of information, or want of consideration? The
word 'granted' was improperly introduced. In truth and justice, the claims
of _Spain_ to _America_ are not to be acknowledged rights. They were
founded in usurpation, and prosecuted by the extermination of the lawful
and natural proprietors. It is an offence to morality and to humanity to
pretend that _Spain_ had so clear and just a title to any part of her
possessions on the Continent of _America_, as _Great Britain_ had to the
_Mosquito_ Country. The rights of the Mosquito people, and their claims to
the friendship of _Great Britain_, were not sufficiently made known; and
the motion was negatived. It might have been of service in this debate to
have quoted Dampier.
In conclusion, the case of the Mosquito people deserves, and demands the
reconsideration of _Great Britain_. If, on examination, it shall be proved
that they have been ungenerously and unjustly treated, it may not be too
late to seek to make reparation, which ought to be done as far as
circumstances will yet admit. The first step towards this would be, to
institute enquiry if there are living any of our forsaken friends, or of
their posterity, and what is their present condition. If the Mosquito
people have been humanely and justly governed since their separation from
_Great Britain_, the enquiry will give the Spaniards cause for triumph,
and the British cause to rejoice that evil has not resulted from their
act. On the other hand, should it be found that they have shared in the
common calamities heaped upon the natives of _America_ by the Spaniards,
then, if there yet exist enough of their tribe to form a nation, it would
be right to restore them, if practicable, to the country and situation of
which their fathers were deprived, or to find them an equivalent; and at
any price or pains, to deliver them from oppression. If only few remain,
those few should be freed from their bondage, and be liberally provided
with lands and maintenance in our own _West-India Islands_.