I don't recall any early prohibition against association with

Negroes although I do recall clearly that the attitude of my

family and associates, generally, was not one of approval.

Negroes were regarded as an inferior race, and I think as a

child I gathered the impression that contact with them was to

be avoided. My feeling is that if in normal circumstances I had

been thrown into more or less contact with Negroes, prohibition

against association, except where absolutely necessary, would

have been forthcoming.

I have never formally asked for information on the subject, but

I have discussed the matter with a good many people and have

given thought to it. I know a good many Negroes, not only in

Chicago but outside, but I don't know many of them intimately.

Among the leaders of the Negroes in Chicago are Dr. Bentley,

Dr. George C. Hall, Edward H. Morris, Edward H. Wright, Louis

B. Anderson, Oscar De Priest. In the United States, since

the death of Booker T. Washington, I imagine that two of the

outstanding men are Mr. Moton and Professor Du Bois.

I am a subscriber to the _Crisis_. In general my feeling is

that the tendency of this periodical is to stimulate and foster

race feeling among the Negroes. I don't say this critically. It

may be the best thing to do, considering all the circumstances,

and anything that will make for growth in self-respect,

character and initiative on the part of the Negroes is to be

commended even if, at the same time, race spirit is fostered

and developed.

Generally speaking, I find that discussion most frequently leads

to the Negroes when there are questions of lynching, race riots,

crimes or disturbances in which Negroes are involved. It also

comes up in connection with public schools, churches, parks

and public transportation systems. I had it arise recently in

connection with the Naval Academy at Annapolis. My experience

is that this subject is most frequently discussed among those

interested in social problems.

I used to think that the Negro question might be best solved

if the Negroes would be colonized in some favorable spot in

Africa under an American protectorate until they were capable

of self-government. I realize, however, that no such scheme

ought to be attempted if the Negroes obstinately objected, and

in that event I would see to it, if I had the power, that they

were protected from exploitation, were given a square deal

and had the equal protection of the laws. They should have

schools adequate to their needs and average living conditions.

I believe the Negro race should be educated, but I believe

at the same time that the most solid foundation for the race

is education in accordance with the ideas of the late Booker

T. Washington as I understand those ideas. While I think this

type of education will mean more for the race in the long run

I believe at the same time that individual Negroes should have

an opportunity fully to develop individual capacities.

I think there is an element of fear in the prejudice of

Negroes, but I don't think this is the chief element. I think

the real basis for this prejudice is a racial antipathy that

is instinctive and fundamental in the white race. I imagine

that in individual cases where this prejudice does not exist

it is not because it was not there originally, but because it

has been overcome by reason and education. It isn't unlikely

that this prejudice is in the main grounded upon an instinct

in the white race to keep its strain pure and strong.

It seems to me that it isn't isolation so much as it is contact

that favors the development of race prejudice. If the Negroes

had never been brought out of Africa, we wouldn't feel the

prejudice that we do. Or, if they were restricted to one or

two southern states, prejudice in other parts of the country

would rapidly disappear. A community that has no Negro problem

is relatively free from prejudice. It is when the two races

come into contact that prejudices run riot and race conflicts

result. My own opinion is that if you should scatter the Negro

population throughout Chicago and its suburbs and put one

or two Negro families in every block, race prejudice would

increase enormously.

A minority of the population will not get complete justice

at the hands of an overwhelming majority. But this is true of

all minorities, whether racial, political, or religious. All

we can do is to keep working for an approximation to ideal

justice. A minority has the right to demand, and a majority

should be willing to grant, substantial justice and that is

all that can be expected in the present state of civilization.

C--

My opinion is that we must cling to the ideal of Lincoln--the

right of every human being to equality in the real sense of

the term. I have found, however, that Negroes are dull and

sensitive. These opinions are based upon observation at Tuskegee

and in this school--[the Lewis Institute]. Among my outstanding

experiences is a visit made to Tuskegee and meeting Booker

T. Washington. The visit showed great hope for the Negro. As

a child I had no contact aside from living in the same city

with them.

It has always been considered unwise in the circles in which

I moved for whites and blacks to associate socially. I first

became conscious of a race difference when a very small

child--about three years of age.

Booker T. Washington, Cable, Dunbar, southerners and northerners

who have traveled in the South are probably best fitted to

speak for Negroes. I do inquire of both Negroes and whites

for information. The only Negroes I know are working people.

Robert Jackson, alderman, and Ed. Green, lawyer. Booker T.

Washington's successor. I have read one Negro paper. It was

insistent in a very fair way on the political rights of the

Negro. Good. Lynchings, lying, stealing, and the attacking of

little girls are the subject of discussion that most frequently

lead to the Negro, and these occur principally among men who

have seen Negroes socially and women who have hired them.

As a solution I would colonize them in Africa, and if they

objected I would use all peaceable means to force them to go.

Regarding the propositions: Their education should be increased

and the demands produced by education met.

Prejudice has its basis in race repulsion. Unless the isolation

is African colonization, there will be group prejudices.

Every man or group should demand and get complete justice.

D--

I assume that it is a fact recognized by science that Negroes

are so different from whites that the two races cannot

be amalgamated. This fact interposes a barrier to social

relationships. I share in the general dislike of Negroes as

neighbors or traveling companions on the street cars. The white

race is responsible for the existence of the Negro problem in

America, and must submit patiently to the penalty for many years

to come. Lincoln's second inaugural is the best expression of

this thought. The Negro race is extraordinarily docile and easy

to handle. If surrounded by good living conditions and given a

proper education they would be good citizens. The progress of

their race since slavery, considering their many handicaps, has

been very creditable. The prejudice against them is probably

the most deep-seated of all American prejudices, and must be

reckoned with as one of the great factors in the problem.

In my opinion they are characterized by distinctly inferior

mentality, deficient moral sense, shiftlessness, good nature,

and a happy disposition. I have in mind no special facts,

authorities or sources of information on which I base my

opinions. I do, however, recognize the bearing of Christianity

on the problem, and find it impossible to formulate a viewpoint

which I can reconcile with the demands of Christianity.

We had a Negro family chauffeur some years ago who misconducted

himself so seriously as to have caused a very considerable

increase in the family prejudice against the race. If he had

been an Irish man our prejudice against him would not have

extended to his race. As a child I had no contacts with Negroes,

excepting one or two fellow-pupils in public schools of whom

I saw very little, and a few servants in the neighborhood who

were of the old-fashioned type, of pleasant memory.

I can recall no early prohibitions of association with Negroes.

There were so few in my neighborhood that they constituted no

real problem. As to implied prohibitions, I suppose I understood

at a very early age the existing social difference, although

I remember no instances of this.

I cannot remember when I first became conscious of a racial

difference, but I assume it was at a very early age.

I do not know that I can cite any friends, acquaintances,

favorite authors or scholars well fitted to speak with authority

on the question. Lincoln's views always seemed true to me, while

I have not been so favorably impressed by southern writers.

Every southerner I have ever met, no matter how reasonable

on other subjects, seemed to be incapable of looking at this

question with an open mind. His confidence that he knew all

about the Negro and the problem seemed absolute, and therefore

he was not in position to learn. I occasionally inquire for

information on this subject. Naturally most of the men of whom

I have made inquiries have been white, as I come in contact

with very few Negroes. I have, however, talked with Negroes

who have expressed their willingness to be segregated if the

segregation was complete enough to rid their district of all

whites, and give them fair living conditions. I cannot say that

I know any Negroes, although there are a few with whom I have

sufficient acquaintance to talk with them occasionally. As to

their leaders in Chicago, I have assumed that their political

leaders and their ministers were their leaders, the ministers

having a larger place of leadership than ministers among white

people. I used to come in contact occasionally with colored

lawyers who were capable men, and I believe leaders of their

race, and I understand that there is a colored physician, whose

name I cannot recall, who is the real leader of the best Negroes

in Chicago. Nationally I could not name any since the death

of Booker Washington, whom I very much admired, excepting Du

Bois whom I have heard speak, and with whose views I do not

sympathize. I do not remember ever reading a Negro periodical.

As I live on the South Side the subject of discussion most

frequently leading to the Negro is their encroachment on white

residence districts. Two years ago my church was given up to

a colored congregation, and the church into which we were

transferred is seriously threatened by the same invasion.

Property interests in a large part of the South Side bring up

the question, as does the unpleasantness of meeting them on the

street cars. I do not hear serious constructive discussion in

any circle. The invasion is deplored in all circles, social,

business, church and others.

I would not undertake to make any social adjustment on my

present information, except segregation of the Negroes in a

part of the South Side, and this only if it had the approval of

their own leaders. I do not approve of "Jim Crow" street cars

for Chicago, although I would not insist on their abandonment

in southern cities where they are already used, and I would

not favor any radical change if the better Negroes obstinately

objected.

I believe in educating Negroes, even though I am not sure

to what it will lead. I hope that as the race progresses the

prejudice against it will be modified. Still this prejudice is

so very great that I think it would be foolish for the Negroes

ever to seek a high station through demands. Probably many of

their demands should be granted, but they will make greater

progress by reckoning with the prejudice, and continuing their

present conciliatory attitude.

I do not believe that prejudice is based on fear. There is,

of course, a well-founded fear of many individual Negroes, but

I do not believe that the white race is conscious of any fear

of the Negro race as such. I think the prejudice is based on

the relative inferiority of the Negro race.

As a general proposition this is doubtless true that isolation

fosters prejudice. As applied to Negroes, however, it is

doubtful whether it would produce more conflict than the

present system. I would feel more hopeful of the overcoming

of the prejudice through more intimate contact with Negroes

if the difference between Negroes and white men were not so

fundamental.

As an abstract proposition the despotism of a majority cannot

be justified. I would say it is a very bad doctrine to spread

among a majority, but has in it a certain amount of practical

truth which the minority would do well to bear in mind.

E--

Negroes do possess distinguishing traits of mentality and

character. My opinions are based upon my personal observation.

As I knew the Negro in the South he was inclined to be indolent,

shiftless and lacking in a high sense of honesty, though

religious. His disposition is a happy one, and often his good

will is shown in many ways of gratitude and faithfulness. These

traits I have seen expressed in service as servants, in the

cotton fields, in their homes, and on town streets. In Chicago,

when the Negro has long been a resident here, having larger

advantages in education and employment, I find the colored

man honest in business and other transactions, diligent at

work, and inoffensive, but firmly standing for his citizenship

rights, and wanting to live peaceably. My Chicago experience

has been principally as a physician visiting in Negro homes.

When a boy I worked in the cotton fields with Negroes, and

I attended some of their religious meetings for the sake of

amusement. It was a social law in the South that we must not

eat at the same table with Negroes, and we were not to sit

with colored people when riding on street cars or on trains.

However, if a Negro was driver of a horse and buggy, the most

beautiful and refined woman might sit on the same seat with

the colored driver. White people visiting a colored church

were given seats to themselves, usually front seats. Colored

children could not attend white schools. At the age of six when

I first saw Negroes, I became conscious of a race difference.

I regard Rev. John R. Hayworth as fitted to advise on the

question. I have sought information from about twenty-five

Negroes when in their midst as their physician. I am acquainted

with at least a dozen Negro families but can give the names

of only three. I consider Alderman De Priest, Mr. Lucas and

Colonel Jackson leading colored men; Dr. George Hall is also

well known. I have never read a Negro periodical.

In Chicago the subject of undesirable neighbors leads to the

discussion of Negroes in our neighborhood improvement clubs.

Believing that both black and white people prefer to live

separately, I would make agreeable provision for separate

locations in which each might live and in so doing abide by

the wish of the majority and enforce its dictates.

The Negro should be given the advantage of education, culture

and good employment. We should expect to grant him better

living conditions on account of such advantages.

Prejudice against the Negro has its principal basis in not

understanding him, as well as fear and an inborn dislike for

people of another race.

There never seemed to be any conflicts in the South because the

whites and blacks occupied separate parts of towns. Colored

people in the South seem to prefer to live in communities to

themselves, because a bond of sympathy holds them together.

It is better for a minority to bear an injustice than for an

overwhelming majority to bear an injustice.

F--

Negroes should have the same rights as we.

I know of no distinguishing traits.

My opinion is based largely on reading, as I never lived in

the South. I had no early contacts. There were few Negroes

near, and none in my schools. As authorities I would mention

Professor Du Bois, Fannie B. Williams, Professor Graham Taylor.

I know an able colored woman, a member of the Chicago Woman's

Club and women who have worked in our home.

Occasionally I read a Negro periodical.

The discussion of lynchings and riots at home and church lead

most frequently to the Negro.

Our schools, trades and professions should be opened to Negroes

and they be permitted to take care of themselves. Let them

follow their own bent so long as it injures no one else.

Of course, when you educate Negroes you increase their demands.

Grant their demands.

Egotism and the jealousy that we whites are better are the

basis of prejudice.

It is true that a minority has no right to expect complete

justice from the majority, if Negroes reason from experience;

but the colored race probably has idealists who hope for better

future treatment.

G--

The trouble is with the whites; selfishness and pride have

caused the situation and the regulation of the Negro according

to faulty concepts of right will always fail. The Stock Yards

riots gave proof of equality in passion, cowardliness, and

unfairness between blacks and whites.

Negroes lag in evolution through hinderment. They may put

reason above emotion as they develop mentally, as do cultured

whites, but a better evolution may bring trained intuition

from crude emotion.

My opinions are based upon short trips South, residence in

Louisville and northern contacts, plus general reading.

My only contacts are on the streets.

Children's talk and the term "Nigger" just called my attention

to a race difference.

I know a few highly educated Negro pastors. I never read

Negro papers. The subject of interracial marriage leads to

the discussion of the Negro.

As a solution they should be distributed without boundaries,

among whites, as to residence, occupation and society. They

would not object; it is what they fight for--equality.

Negro faults are the result of retarded mental growth. Why

further retard them? The problem ceases to be as their mental

level rises. Prejudice is the result of selfishness in whites.

Your third proposition is absolutely true.

Injustice to the minority by the majority is unconstitutional,

un-Christian and unwise.

H--

My opinion is that the Negro is entitled to life, liberty,

and the pursuit of happiness as well as the white. The very

fact that his skin is differently colored than mine is no

reason why he should not be free to develop himself mentally,

morally, and physically the same as I do. Observation is basis

of my opinion. No contacts or warnings as a child. No friends

particularly familiar with question.

I have given this matter some little consideration, and have

discussed it with some Negroes as well as many white men. It

is my opinion that the consensus of opinion among Negroes to

whom I have talked is that they have no particular desire to

mix socially with the white man, but that they do feel they

should be given opportunity for development along those lines

for which they are best fitted. I am not acquainted particularly

with any of the leaders in this movement anywhere.

I read no Negro periodical. Racial equality is the subject

that leads to the Negro.

In all circles where general subjects are usually discussed

the question of the Negro arises.

Until the white man is ready to give the Negro a square

deal, I would suggest that he be segregated, and given every

opportunity for development possible under such segregation.

If they objected I would insist upon majority rule.

Nothing is gained by keeping the Negro ignorant, any more than

would be gained by keeping the white man ignorant. Education

of all of our races will bring about the world's salvation.

Prejudice among white women has its basis in fear but not

particularly among men. This is partly due to the publicity

given to all acts against women by Negroes, in my judgment.

The history of the world has proved that most of the races on

earth tend to group themselves, which is the natural thing,

because of the community of interest.

Until the Golden Rule is accepted unanimously majority rule

will continue to be the human law and under our present world

political arrangements, it seems to be about as fair as any

arrangement could be.

I--

The Negro seems to me to be evolutionally handicapped, but

possesses the qualities of children--imitativeness, affection,

loyalty, receptiveness, lack of responsibility, carelessness,

improvidence. They also seem to me to lack racial pride, for

which their history in this country may well account. There

are fine Negroes and those who are as worthless as "poor white

trash." To judge them all by either the best or the worst would

be manifestly unfair. I feel that they have, as a race, never

had a fair chance for their finest development.

I have lived among them and practiced medicine in their families

for ten years.

The most tender, loving service, beyond monetary recompense,

of one Negro woman who worked in my family for ten years. Her

intimate, gentle, faithful services to members of my family

in health and sickness will always endear her to us and make

us more conscious of the possibilities of members of that race.

The community in which I was raised had so few Negroes

that there was no occasion for contacts or prohibitions to

association. I suppose as a boy I first became conscious of

race difference.

I have discussed this question with intelligent Negroes, have

heard some fine sermons by Negro preachers, and am somewhat

familiar with the writings of Booker T. Washington and Du Bois.

I do not read their periodicals.

Mention of the servant cited in a foregoing question, newspaper

accounts of lynchings, house-bombings most frequently lead to

discussion of Negroes among our personal friends.

I feel that Negroes would be happier if segregated in

neighborhoods which allowed contact with the dominant race. I

feel that they are as unhappy to be isolated among whites as

the whites would be to be isolated among Negroes. I feel they

should have the right to live under decent conditions, with

those things which make life livable and enjoyable. Probably

part of my unwillingness to have them for neighbors lies

in the fear of undesirable neighbors (bad citizens), in the

fear of property depreciation which would follow, and because

of the lack of interests in common that make for neighborly

intercourse. I suppose I am as inconsistent as others in this,

for in my heart I have no prejudice of which I am aware, yet I

believe I am infected with the universal indefinite prejudice,

if I could but analyze it thoroughly.

Their education should not be curtailed, but enlarged. Their

demands should be granted if not incompatible with the common

good.

It is probably true that prejudice is based on fear, a result of

the abuse of female slaves by the whites in slavery time, and

the resultant desire on the part of a few Negroes engendered

during the reconstruction period by the carpet-baggers, to

have social equality. I have discussed this subject of "social

equality" with intelligent, fine Negroes, and believe they

meant what they said when they assured me that among decent

Negroes there is no more desire for this than there is among

the white people. I feel that it is a bugaboo, useful in

increasing fear and prejudice against the Negro.

By segregation, I did not mean isolation, but the natural

grouping together of Negroes under wholesome conditions, but

which permitted their contact through employment, through

meetings for the common good, with the dominant race.

Even a minority has the right to expect and demand justice

in opportunity to develop industrial, social and spiritual

growth. I recognize that education of both whites and blacks is

necessary to overcome fear and prejudice and make this possible.

J--

My opinion, which is still open to conviction, is that the

Negro race overlaps the white race throughout the bulk of the

frequency curves of distribution of intelligence of the two

races; but the average of the Negro race is probably lower

than that of the white race, and among the extreme varieties

the Negroes probably go lower and the whites higher than the

similar varieties of the other race. This refers to distribution

of inherent capacity. But I believe that many of them are

modifiable and differ only in their average distribution from

similar qualities in whites. Also that certain distinguishing

traits may be so adjusted to the circumstances under which

Negroes are educated and employed as to be distinctly

advantageous, both to themselves and to society.

Aside from my conversation with southerners, I have made

a special study of the Negro problem in connection with my

undergraduate work, and again at the University of Pennsylvania.

I am familiar with a number of worth-while sources which can

be listed on request. I lived for four winters in St. Louis,

where I saw a great many Negroes, but knew none. Some excitement

was caused there by an instructor inviting a mulatto school

principal to address our sociology class. There was no protest

here in Evanston. I also passed through the South, and stopped

twice at New Orleans.

As a child in Portland, Oregon, I had two Negro nurses. At the

age of perhaps seven or eight years, one of my nurses returned

for a visit, and I was teased by companions for kissing her.

That was my first consciousness of a racial difference.

My authorities and sources of importance are the N.A.A.C.P.,

Urban League, the Race Relations Commission, and certain

Negroes. I might also mention the two Spingarns and Mr. Roger

Baldwin. I know C. S. Johnson, T. Arnold Hill and the colored

members of the Commission, together with the union leaders whom

I heard. W. E. B. Du Bois, Haynes, Dr. Roman, J. W. Johnson,

T. A. Hill, I regard as leaders among the Negroes.

I read the _Crisis_, and occasional newspapers. The _Crisis_

is good except the fiction; the newspapers are rather poor.

Race relations, mob action, venereal disease, and housing

questions lead to discussion of the Negro.

As a solution I suggest equal facilities, spontaneous

segregation, spontaneous co-operation in common interest,

education in matters of sex. In this program there would be

no compulsion involved--unless possibly upon the whites.

Their education should be modified and their demands granted

so far as they can be harmonized with the general good.

The main question involved in prejudice seems to me whether

it is an interest or an instinct. If it is an interest then

changes in social organization may with comparative ease abate

the fear and the prejudice. If it is an instinct then we can

only deal with it by repression and sublimation of a more

deeply psychological character.

I question whether the prejudice is greater the greater the

isolation. The word isolation should be analyzed into physical

or economic on the one hand, and psychological on the other.

Plato asked, "What is justice?" The answer can never be final,

and one's concept of it is usually colored by interest. A

sociological definition of justice is in terms of harmony

or harmonization of interests. Complete harmony never does

exist, else we should have no thought and no progress, but

harmonization of interests can be a continuous process, and

is not irreconcilable with the existence of minorities and

majorities.

K--

I have formed no definite opinions about Negroes. I am inclined

to the opinion that generally the balance is found on the

side of the white races. In general I believe they possess

distinguishing traits of mentality and character. I find it

very difficult, however, to define my opinion regarding this.

When I was in high school in Petersburg, Illinois, from 1895 to

1898, the school had an attendance of about forty. There were

two Negroes, a boy and a girl. The boy's name was John Gaddie.

I have the impression now that they both acted as though they

were out of place. I found John a likeable boy. I think all

of the members of the school liked him. I particularly liked

him, so paid considerable attention to him, to which John

reacted in a decided manner. He never forgot it. I do not like

to shake hands with Negroes. I avoid it whenever I can, but

I never had any hesitancy in shaking hands with John. After

finishing school, I went to college and John went to work. His

work was some sort of manual labor. From time to time when I

went back to Petersburg I saw John, always spoke to him, shook

hands with him and talked to him. John appreciated this very

much and acted as though he regarded it a condescension on my

part. I am not aware that I feel toward any other Negro as I

feel toward John Gaddie.

I was first conscious of a racial difference when I first

knew the Negro, which was when I was about fifteen years of

age. In the small town of Petersburg (about 3,000 inhabitants)

the Negroes there, as here in Chicago, lived in a segregated

district. There were no clashes between the Negro and the

whites but the racial difference was obvious enough.

I know very few Negroes. I know too little to be in a position

to consider anyone as a leader among the colored people in

Chicago or the United States. I never read a Negro periodical.

The subjects most frequently leading to the discussion of the

Negro are riots, housing problems, certain industrial problems,

and, here in Chicago, politics.

The fact that the Negroes obstinately objected quite logically

would not interfere with making any adjustment which seemed

"wise." The social adjustment which seemed "wise" would have

to be based on the possibility of objection on the part of

the Negro. If the leaders were obstinate, some other solution

would have to be worked out, but if the leaders saw that it

was wise and for the best interest of the masses I would insist

that the plan be tried out.

I do not comprehend what is meant by "demand." It may mean

ambition for social standing in the sense of intermingling with

the whites. It may mean other things. No matter what it means,

I am not impressed, if the statement is true, that it is any

reason for not educating the Negro. I am not impressed that

it becomes necessary either to curtail or modify the Negro's

education or to grant their demands whatever they may be.

I do not think it true that prejudice has its basis in fear.

So far as I am familiar with it there is naturally a very

high degree of segregation of the Negro as to living quarters

everywhere. I am not aware that the segregation which we now

find of habitation brings about the development of special group

prejudices. Undoubtedly, if there are or were such prejudices

they would form the background of conflicts. It doesn't seem

to me to follow that the greater the isolation the greater

the prejudice.

There never is complete justice; but if a minority may not

expect justice at the hands of an overwhelming majority it can

expect no justice at all. The justice, if it comes at all, will

be at the hands of an overwhelming majority. Theoretically, in

this country all are entitled to justice. I know no reason why

this should not be true in a practical sense. Furthermore, I

see no reason why a minority may not only expect but demand,

at the hands of an overwhelming majority, justice. It seems

to me that if the overwhelming majority hoped to prosper, it

would see to it that justice was dispensed to the minority.

I do not find myself ready to place the Negro on an equal

basis with the white in every respect, that is, socially and

otherwise. I do not regard the failure to so place the Negroes

as injustice to them.

L--

In general, I like the Negro, but I lament his presence in

this country in large numbers. I have never heard a solution of

the Negro problem. Their distinguishing traits are ignorance,

good nature, mental weakness, and physical strength.

I have never heard of good arguments for extensive isolation.

M--

I have a strong prejudice, but it is undefined. For instance,

the hair of Negroes always holds a peculiar fascination, but

under no consideration could I touch it, but there was always

a great curiosity about it. I was undecided whether or not I

should shake hands or in any way touch a colored skin, but I

am quite sure I would never do it from choice. The everyday

contacts on street cars are the only personal experiences I

have had. The fascination of watching them is constant.

When I was about two years old a family moved into the village

bringing with them an old colored nurse. She was too old to

work, and my childish remembrance is that she always sat in

the corner near the fireplace with a pipe in her mouth. I did

not know that the Negro could do anything else.

When I was about five years old a Negro came to the village

and opened a barber shop. I remember my father telling mother

about the Negro and how he took the three small children down

to see "Snowball" as a matter of curiosity. My reaction was

that the Negro was not a person such as I was accustomed to

seeing, although there was no feeling of classing him as an

animal.

The third contact came when I was half-grown. My father was

prominent in politics and on election day the table was kept

set so that anyone sent from the polls could have a meal.

By some chance a Negro was sent and ate. After he had gone I

remember seeing my mother take the plate and other dishes out

in the yard and scour them with brick dust, evidently with an

idea that something had rubbed off.

My information is largely taken from the books of Booker T.

Washington. I admired Dunbar's poems when they were current in

the newspapers and magazines. I have not seen any of them for

many years but remember vividly, "When the Bread Won't Raise."

I was naturally familiar with _Uncle Tom's Cabin_, both as a

book and a play in Civil War days. I do not consciously seek

for information on the subject of Negroes and do not personally

know any Negroes. Outside of the names which appear in the

press I do not know of any Negro leaders and could not be sure

of correct information as to those who are well known.

I have never seen a Negro periodical and have so rarely heard

Negroes discussed that no conclusions can be given. The Negro

is rarely a topic of conversation in my circle.

As a solution they might be nationalized if possible, somewhere

and somehow, like the Japs. Liberia is a failure largely

because of white leadership and policy. Some portion of the

earth should be set aside where the Negroes can be a nation,

perhaps in Africa. They have a right to work out their own

problems in their own ways.

All Negroes should be educated as highly as possible. They have

a right to it because they are Americans. If demands follow

this education, it is right they should be granted.

There is no personal fear of Negroes as a basis of my prejudice.

I agree with the third proposition as to isolation.

Majority's injustice to minority is always true in politics,

religion, everyday dealings. Is not peculiar to relations

between white and colored.

N--

My views are more impressions than opinions. I have a distinct

aversion to close association with Negroes generally. On the

other hand I have a distinct liking for particular Negroes

whom I have been thrown with. Aside from the more educated

ones, they seem to me to be of a sluggish mentality and of

somewhat low moral character. They seem to have more of the

animal in them. I am not sure that this is not an impression

rather than an opinion.

I have no basis for my views except my own experience and what

I have read in papers and periodicals.

I had two Negro classmates in college; I saw a good deal of

Negroes as a boy; and I have known Negroes, some well educated,

since I came to Chicago from the law school.

Although my contacts were largely casual, I particularly

remember one very old Negro man whom I regarded as a sort

of patriarch and of whom I was a little bit afraid. Then I

recall vividly my impression of the filth and sordidness of

"darky-town" in the small city in which I lived as a boy. I

was never forbidden, so far as I can remember, to associate

with Negroes. In public school there was no separation of the

races. As a small boy, it seems to me my playmates in school

were partly Negroes. Of course the Negroes, as is usual, lived

in a separate part of the city. I should say that this seemed

to me then to be a natural and necessary arrangement. Negroes

were black and we were white. That was about all there was to

it.

Very early I became race conscious, I should say along about

the fourth or fifth grade in school, perhaps even before.

I regard as authorities on the question teachers or officers

of Fisk University, Tuskegee Institute, those who have to do

with criminals; employers of Negroes; persons who have dealt

with Negroes as a class as well as individually. Booker T.

Washington's writings should be an authority.

I have made very few inquiries for information. I know few

Negroes in Chicago. Those that I do know are of the better

educated type. Some of them, I think, have been at Fisk

University. I do not know the leaders in the city, nor do I

know the leaders in the country; but I should say they are

the heads of the great Negro universities and colleges, like

Fisk, Tuskegee, Lincoln Institute. Booker Washington was, of

course, a leader. I do not know who his successors are.

So far as I know, I have seen only one Negro periodical, some

years ago. The article I read in it I happened to be interested

in because I was dealing with the subject of it, and it was

undoubtedly a prejudiced article founded on misinformation and

a rather wilful disregard of facts. As I recall the paper as

a whole its main motive and purpose was an apparent hatred of

the white race. I realize that this is not enough to base an

opinion on.

The discussion of labor, politics, especially questions

connected with southern politics, almost any question relating

to the South, education, home missions, living conditions,

the servant problem, crime, most frequently lead to the Negro.

It would hardly be feasible to send Negroes out of the country

as a whole; they are needed in the industrial world, and it

would not be a Christian act to deport them. Nor does it seem

right or practicable or just to segregate them entirely. They

need education and the help that comes from association with

those who are further along in the polite amenities. On the

other hand, unless they are somewhat segregated racial troubles

are sure to arise when a Negro tries to settle, say, in the

same block with upper class whites. I am not sure that it might

not be a good plan if one or two of the southern states could

be turned over to the Negroes, but if this is done they should

be allowed to govern themselves and should be protected from

exploitation from unscrupulous whites.

It seems to me that race prejudice is not based principally

on fear, but rather on a natural aversion or shrinking from a

man of another color. It is almost as elemental as fear. We

fear any uneducated, ignorant and brutal man, whether he be

white, red, black or yellow. We have an aversion, as I have

said, to close association with any man of another color, even

though he be educated. I do not know whether this aversion is

curable by any method or not.

I am inclined to agree with the third proposition, and I

suppose the fourth proposition is regrettably true.

The outstanding feature in the answers to the queries: "Have you formed

definite opinions about Negroes?" and "Do Negroes, in your opinion,

possess distinguishing traits of mentality or character?" is the great

variation in opinions. As a race they are "shiftless," "childish,"

"docile," "evolutionarily handicapped," "undependable," "some of

them good," "they have as a mass a lower level of inherent capacity,"

"disliked in the mass," "liked as individuals," "entitled to the same

leniency and consideration as whites," "entitled to the same rights as

whites," "lacking in racial pride," "loyal," "imitative," "affectionate,"

"improvident."

The feelings toward Negroes are as varied. There is aversion to close

association, a distinct dislike, a desire that Negroes should have equal

rights and privileges, a desire that they should have the same rights, a

feeling that Negroes have been mistreated and exploited, a feeling that

selfishness and pride of white persons have caused the present racial

situation, and a conviction that present behavior toward the Negro is

faulty and wrong. Lincoln is twice mentioned but with different meanings.

The trend of sentiment, while unfavorable toward Negroes, maintains some

sort of ideal. Although childish, they "must be trained," "although we

dislike their presence, we must submit to our penalty for years to come,"

etc. Some are not sure of their opinions. Some call them impressions or

regret a lack of knowledge. A general summing up would show a desire to

be fair in spite of unfavorable opinions.

The questions regarding the disposition they would make of Negroes if they

could entirely control the situation were put to get views uninfluenced

by considerations of present practicability. The play of circumstances,

opinion, ethical considerations, and difficulties were excluded from

consideration. The trend of replies was toward segregation, even to

the extent of colonization in Africa. There were curious anomalies,

like segregation without Jim Crow and segregation for the Negro's own

happiness. Others would distribute them without boundaries throughout the

social system. When segregation is generally mentioned it is conditioned

on the consent of Negroes.

Interesting answers are made on propositions (_a_), (_b_), (_c_), and

(_d_), covering education, prejudice, isolation, and justice. In spite

of unforeseen danger, it is pretty generally agreed that Negroes should

be educated, even though their demands are thus increased. There is less

agreement on granting demands. The analysis of prejudice brought a wide

variety of opinions. Repulsion, natural aversion, social equality and

the sex complex, selfishness of whites, egotism and inborn dislike, as

well as fear, are accredited as forming the basis of prejudice.

The problem of isolation was essentially a problem of segregation. Strange

to say, although the trend of some was toward isolation, there was a

majority belief that isolation would increase conflict and friction. The

ethical problem developed in general the opinion that there does exist

a disparity between what is and what should be.

The unwisdom of an unjust course of social conduct is recognized, but

is for the most part held to be warranted by the peculiar difficulty

of present relations. Here, probably as nowhere else, the problem was

compared with other general problems not involving race.

The experiences on which opinions are based divide into definite classes:

1. Experiences in the South.

2. Experiences with individual Negro servants.

3. Experiences with individual Negroes of intelligence.

4. General observation.

The actual basis of opinions as stated by the persons themselves provides

an interesting question.

The question concerning early childhood experiences was put to draw

out, if possible, impressions unconsciously insinuated or consciously

obtained but perhaps discounted and forgotten through subsequent years of

intermittent relations. It was successful in bringing to light incidents

of striking significance. The answers, indeed, show striking elements in

the heritage of racial consciousness. Impressions gained in early life

require many facts to unsettle or remove.

Most important in considering the trustworthiness of information sources

are the replies to the question: "Whom of your friends, acquaintances,

favorite authors, scholars, etc., do you regard best fitted to speak with

authority on the question?" There are mentioned seven Negroes and ten

white persons. Of the four local Negroes mentioned, two might be regarded

as well informed; one has been out of public life for fifteen years,

and the other, although by no means an authority, probably could provide

interesting information. Of the Negro national figures, Washington, Du

Bois, and Dunbar are mentioned, Washington three times, Dunbar and Du

Bois once. Booker T. Washington died in 1915. Paul Laurence Dunbar, the

poet, died in 1906. Practically all of the white persons mentioned have

been at some time connected with movements to improve conditions among

Negroes. George W. Cable wrote for the most part stories of the Creole

South.

It is strange, though, that in answering the question, "Who are the Negro

leaders?" so many gave the names of politicians, who are not the real

leaders of Negroes. About half of those who answered had never read a

Negro periodical, and half of those who had read them considered their

influence pernicious.

V. PUBLIC OPINION AS EXPRESSED BY NEGROES

The practice of "keeping the Negro in his place" or any modification of

it in northern communities has isolated Negroes from all other members

of the community. Though in the midst of an advanced social system and

surrounded by cultural influences, they have hardly been more than exposed

to them. Of full and free participation they know little. The pressure

of the dominant white group in practically every ordinary experience has

kept the attention and interests of Negroes centered upon themselves,

and made them race conscious. Their thinking on general questions is

controlled by their race interests. The opinions of Negroes, therefore,

are in large measure a negative product.

It is probably for this reason that most of their expressions of opinion

take the form of protest. This same enforced self-interest warps these

opinions, giving exaggerated values to the unconsidered views of the

larger group, increasing sensitiveness to slights, and keeping Negroes

forever on the defensive. Extreme expressions, unintelligible to those

outside the Negro group, are a natural result of this isolation. The

processes of thought by which these opinions are reached are, by virtue

of this very isolation, concealed from outsiders. Negroes by their words

alone may often be judged as radical, pernicious, or fanatic. Without

the background of their experiences it is no more possible for their

views to be completely understood than for Negroes to understand the

confessed prejudices of white persons, or even their ordinary feelings

toward Negroes.

Negroes know more of the habits of action and thought of the white

group than white people know of similar habits in the Negro group. For

Negroes read the whites' books and papers, hear them talk, and sometimes

see them in the intimacy of their homes. But this one-sided and partial

understanding serves only to make the behavior of the whites more keenly

felt. Until these differences, long held as taboo, are thoroughly

understood and calmly faced, there is small chance of satisfactory

relations.

The opinions of Negroes on this question are as various as the white

opinions of the Negro. Their response may reflect, the sentiment of the

larger group; it may take a conciliatory turn, or, it may be exclusively

self-centered in disregard, if indeed not in defiance, of the white

group. The rapid growth of the Garvey movement[80] is a good example of

this last type of opinion. There is harmony of opinion on ultimates, but

on programs, processes, and methods there are differences among Negroes

that reach the intensity of abusive conflicts.

No Negro is willing to admit that he belongs to a different and lower

species, or that his race is constitutionally weak in character. All

Negroes hope for an adjustment by virtue of which they will be freely

granted the privileges of ordinary citizens. They are conscious, however,

of an opposition in the traditions of the country and actually meet

it daily. Conflict arises from opinions as to methods of combating and

overcoming the opposition with the greatest gain and smallest loss to

themselves.

Thus we come to hear of different schools of thought among Negroes.

Booker T. Washington is contrasted with W. E. B. Du Bois, and Du Bois is

contrasted with Owen, Peyton, and Colson, and they, in turn are contrasted

with Garvey. Among individual Negroes opinion is determined by experience

as well as tradition. The Negro house-servant does not feel toward white

persons as does a Negro common laborer. The independent professional man

holds an opinion essentially different from the social worker. Yet they

are all governed by those trends of sentiment protective of the Negro

group, and in crises either act upon them or suffer the group's censure.

An instance of the strength of Negro group opinion appeared in a tragic

by-product of the Chicago riot. A Negro prominent in local political and

social circles was sought out as a leader, and asked for an interview by

a reporter of the _Chicago Tribune_ during the riot. In the published

interview he was reported as saying: "This is a white man's country,

and Negroes had better behave or they will get what rights they have

taken away." This aroused a solid Negro sentiment against him; his life

was threatened; for several weeks he had to have police protection; he

was finally ostracized; and in less than a year he died. His friends

asserted that he was slanderously misquoted, and that his death was due

largely to the resulting criticism.

The more balanced opinions may be found among Negroes who have developed

a defensive philosophy. Race pride and racial solidarity have sprung from

this necessity. The term radical is used to characterize Negroes whose

views and preachments are in advocacy of changes which to the general

white public appear undesirable. It will be observed that most of the

so-called radicals are southern Negroes now living in the North. They

know by experience the meaning of oppression. Contrasts with them are

sharper and the desire for change is more insistent, because they can

appreciate differences.

Frequently this "radicalism" is no more than a matter of interpretation by

white persons and possibly an oversuspicion. For example, Attorney-General

A. Mitchell Palmer, in his report on the investigations of his department,

referred to the bitter protests of Negro publications against lynching

and disfranchisement as radical and incendiary documents. This report

is headed, "Radicalism and Sedition among the Negroes as Reflected in

Their Publications." It reads in part as follows:

There can no longer be any question of a well-concerted movement

among a certain class of Negro leaders of thought and action

to constitute themselves a determined and persistent source of

a radical opposition to the government, and to the established

rule of law and order.

Among the more salient points to be noted in the present

attitude of the Negro leaders are, first, the ill-governed

reaction toward race rioting; second, the threat of retaliatory

measures in connection with lynching; third, the more openly

expressed demand for social equality, in which demand the sex

problem is not infrequently included; fourth, the identification

of the Negro with such radical organizations as the I.W.W. and

an outspoken advocacy of the Bolsheviki or Soviet doctrines;

fifth, the political stand assumed toward the present federal

administration, the South in general, and incidentally, toward

the peace treaty and the League of Nations. Underlying these

more salient viewpoints is the increasingly emphasized feeling

of a race consciousness in many of these publications always

antagonistic to the white race and openly, defiantly assertive

of its own equality and even superiority. When it is borne in

mind that this boast finds its most frequent expression in the

pages of those journals whose editors are men of education, and

in at least one instance, by men holding degrees conferred by

Harvard University, it may be seen that the boast is not to be

dismissed lightly as the ignorant vaporing of untrained minds.

Neither is the influence of the Negro press in general to be

reckoned with lightly. The _Negro World_ for October 18, 1919,

states that "there are a dozen Negro papers with a circulation

of over 20,000, and scores with smaller circulation. There

are half a dozen magazines with a large circulation and other

magazines with a smaller circulation, and there are easily over

fifty writers who can write interesting editorials and special

articles, written in fine, pure English, with a background of

scholarship behind them." Notwithstanding the clumsiness of

expression of this particular assertion, the claim is not an

idle one. It may be added that in several instances the Negro

magazines are expensive in manufacture, being on coated paper

throughout, well-printed, and giving evidence of the possession

of ample funds.

In all the discussions of the recent race riots there is

reflected the note of pride that the Negro has found himself,

that he has "fought back," that never again will he tamely

submit to violence or intimidation. The sense of oppression

finds increasingly bitter expression. Defiance and insolently

race-centered condemnation of the white race is to be met with

in every issue of the more radical publications, and this one

in moderateness of denunciation carries its own threat. The

Negro is "seeing red," and it is the prime object of the leading

publications to induce a like quality of vision upon the part

of their readers. A few of them deny this, notwithstanding

the evidence of their work. Others of them openly admit the

fact. The number of restrained and conservative publications

is relatively negligible, and even some of these ... have

indulged in most intemperate utterance, though it would be

unfair not to state that certain papers--I can think of no

magazines--maintain an attitude of well-balanced sanity....

The _Messenger_ for October is significant for one thing above

all others. In it for the first time a Negro publication comes

out openly for sex equality.[81]

It is the sentiment briefly sketched in the foregoing pages that summons

attention. What are Negroes actually thinking? How are they being affected

by what the general public is thinking? What do they want? Against what

are their protests directed? What kinds of group sentiments are being

developed and how significant are they as to subsequent relations between

the two groups?

This report merely sets out examples of those views in the hope of

showing the beliefs that control the conduct of Negroes in Chicago.

1. RACE PROBLEMS

_Criticism of Negro leaders._--A Negro attorney said:

I have read numerous articles written by prominent colored

men on the subject of Negroes moving North, and I have heard

many of them speak. But few of them, in my opinion, will

bear rigid criticism. They are wanting in genuine expression

of true conditions. Those writers and orators who have some

personal motive for their expression do not necessarily speak

with absolute frankness.

A Negro worker said:

Our leaders are not interested enough in the welfare of the

race. As soon as they reach some little place of fame they

try to get off to themselves.

_Contacts as basis for respect._--A Negro professional man said:

When in school in Oberlin my professor in debating and oratory

was so prejudiced that he would not let the other colored

boy and me be on teams together. We asked him repeatedly,

but he always refused. We decided to work on a debate for all

there was in it and compel him to recognize the fact that we

could measure up to the other members of the class. When we

finished he praised our work in the highest terms. After that

he began to take an interest in me and finally told me that he

did not know anything about Negroes and just felt that there

was nothing worth while in them. He tried to persuade me to

teach, and when I left he gave me one of the best letters of

recommendation that I have ever seen. That shows what contact

can do.

_Not a race problem._--A Negro business man said:

There is no race problem; if the white people would only do as

they would be done by we would not have need of commissions

to better conditions. This won't be done, but an easier plan

is to enforce the law. The laws are good enough but they are

not enforced. Riots grow out of hate, jealousy, envy, and

prejudice. When a man becomes a contented citizen there will

be little chance of causing him to fight anyone. Give us those

things that are due us--law, protection, and equal rights--then

we will become contented citizens.

_For better race relations in Chicago._--A Negro alderman said:

1. Pass a vagrancy law that will take the idle, shiftless and

intolerant hoodlum off the streets. Put the burden of proof

on the one so arrested.

2. Close all vicious poolrooms and dens of vice, and permit

no boy under nineteen years of age to enter poolrooms.

3. Forbid loitering on the street corners, especially transfer

points.

4. Prohibit vicious and race-antagonizing campaign speeches

on the streets of the city and in public halls. Races must

not be arrayed against each other.

5. Make more rigid the habeas corpus act, tighten up on the

parole and probation laws and enforcement of the truancy law.

6. Stop the newspapers from referring to the territory occupied

by the colored people as the "Black Belt."

7. Inciting and inflammatory headlines in the newspapers must

be stopped.

8. Open the gates of employment to all races in our public

utilities, such as street-car and elevated-road service,

Chicago Telephone Co. exchanges, Peoples Gas Light & Coke Co.,

and the Commonwealth Edison Co.

9. Better housing for the colored people and improvement

of the district in which a vast majority of them reside by

turning certain streets into boulevards, building small parks

and playgrounds, and let the city or South Park Commissioners

build a bathing-beach equal to any other for the benefit and

comfort of all races along the water front, between Twenty-ninth

and Thirty-ninth streets. This without lines or thought of

segregation and for the benefit of a neglected part of our

tax-paying community.

10. Apprehend and convict the bomb throwers by placing in

command of our police-stations officers who will do their

duty and place patrolmen on duty who will not sympathize with

this lawless element of our citizenry. Greater still, insist

that the state's attorney do his full duty in prosecuting the

people who are responsible for inciting these criminal acts.

11. Safeguard the rights of all races in our public parks and

on the public highways.

12. Give us a man's chance in the field of labor, and we will

prove that we are no burden to any other race of people.

2. THE EMOTIONAL BACKGROUND

_An old settler._--The sentiment presented below is probably the

unpolished feeling of a Negro who was born in Chicago before the fire of

1871, and has lived here since. His grandfather owned the property where

the post-office now stands. He was at one time a member of the Central

Y.M.C.A. (white). For two and a half years he was assistant bookkeeper

in a white bank in Memphis, Tennessee. He said:

Prejudice has been on the increase in Chicago since 1893.

Southerners came to the World's Exposition and many of them

remained. They brought their prejudices with them. On the cars

they would order colored people to get up and give their seats

to them. This resulted in fights, and when the cases were

taken to court colored people won as many cases as whites. I

took my grandmother to the fair and on the street car I had an

altercation with a white southerner who called her "Auntie."

He tried to hit me, and I got out my gun to shoot him. A

Columbian guard and detective grabbed me. When the case was

called I was discharged.

Hyde Park is a nest of prejudice. These southerners moved out

there. Southern clubs are established throughout the country.

They get northernized and want straight-haired mulatto maids

for their mistresses and call them typists. The southern white

boys get jobs on newspapers in the North and work for nothing

in order that they may write articles and editorials against

Negroes and spread the doctrine of the South.

A good many years ago colored people lived in good homes and

the Irish lived in shanties. They used to call them "flannel

mouth," "mick," and "shanty Irish." It used to be that only

colored men of light complexion could secure jobs as porters

on certain railroads. In 1908 the Archbishop of the Diocese of

the Catholic Church issued an edict that white communicants

should not worship at the Thirty-sixth and Dearborn streets

church. The whites still go there, however. The very fact that

the G.A.R. invited the Confederate veterans to march in the

same parade on Memorial Day goes to show that prejudice against

Negroes is increasing. They are combining. These southern

societies in Chicago which foster race prejudice should be

exposed.

_Abyssinians._--During the summer of 1920 a group of self-styled

"Abyssinians," in a spectacular demonstration,[82] killed two white

men and seriously wounded two Negroes, one of whom was a policeman.

Neither whites nor Negroes could give any further explanation of the

affair than that it was an ignorant outburst of fanatics. Although the

demonstration was announced as part of a membership drive in a "Back to

Africa Movement," there was a definite racial sentiment in the appeals

to unlettered Negroes. This sentiment was calculated to solidify the

fanatic group, while, at the same time, by its anti-social dogma, it

placed this group in opposition to the safety and well-being of the

community. Meetings and speeches and anti-racial dogma, founded upon

unusual interpretations of the Bible, gave their sentiments a religious

fervor and a racial aim. Thus these sentiments grew, uncorrected by

outsiders, and finally expressed themselves in criminal but significant

conduct. The significance of these sentiments is apparent in the

attitude of a sympathizer with the movement, expressed to one of the

Commission's investigators several weeks before the outbreak made the

movement unpopular. He is a shopkeeper, and most of his trade is among

Negroes. His business with whites is wholly with wholesale dealers. In

his treatment of those who came into his store during the interview he

was rude and discourteous. He said:

I am a radical. I despise and hate the white man. They will

always be against the Ethiopian. I do not want to be called

Negro, colored, or "nigger." Either term is an insult to me

or to you. Our rightful name is Ethiopian. White men stole

the black man from Africa and counseled with each other as to

what to do with him and what to call him, for when the Negro

learned that he was the first civilized human on earth he

would rise up and rebel against the white man. To keep him

from doing this it was decided to call him Negro after the

Niger River in Africa. This was to keep him from having that

knowledge by the Bible, for his right name was Ethiopian.

This was done so we could always be ruled by the white man. I

will call your attention to the Bible. There is not one word

of evil against the Children of Israel and Ethiopia written

in it. Ethiopia came out of Israel and God said they are his

people and he will be their God. He also says after the 300

years of punishment he will never go by [desert] Israel again

and will be with him for ever and ever. We find by the Bible

that he, the Ethiopian, is the only child of God.

The three hundred years of punishment are up, and this is the

year of deliverance. It started in 1619 when we were stolen from

Africa and made slaves. God is taking care of the black man.

Some great destruction will take place, but God's chosen people

will be all right. White passers-by from other neighborhoods are

the only people who trouble us. They will call you insulting

names or try to annoy you in a hundred little ways. The white

people in the neighborhood are all right. Two white men ran

down an old pet rooster of mine this morning. They were on a

motor-cycle and picked him up, carried him off, paying no heed

to me, as I ran two blocks after them.

_Ready for trouble._--A Negro ex-soldier said:

I went to war, served eight months in France; I was married,

but I didn't claim exemption. I wanted to go, but I might as

well have stayed here for all the good it has done me.... No,

that ain't so, I'm glad I went. I done my part and I'm going

to fight right here till Uncle Sam does his. I can shoot as

good as the next one, and nobody better start anything. I ain't

looking for trouble, but if it comes my way I ain't dodging.

_Agitation and discussion._--A Negro lawyer said:

Agitation by the press, both white and colored, does nothing

but create dissension. The religious and political leaders have

gone from one extreme to the other. Formerly the Negroes were

cringing and ingratiating when dealing with the whites. Now

they are trying to be radical in order to gain notoriety. There

is nothing to be gained in either being servile or radical.

I have had indignities heaped upon me by the white man. Why,

my mother was ill when a white man in Georgia took every bit

of our furniture from us, pulling the bed from under her. She

screamed with pain each time they moved the bed, but they left

her on the floor. I swore that I would kill that man and for

many years held hatred against him. Now I know it is wrong

and only hope that he has learned better.

_A Negro and a mob._--How does a Negro feel when he is being hunted or

chased by a mob? Few persons are able to analyze their emotions under

such stress. It happens, however, that a Negro university student fell

victim to the sportive brutality of a gang of white men in a clash in

September, 1920, and after being chased and hunted for five hours and a

half in an unfriendly neighborhood escaped uninjured. He recounted his

experience in an effort at a purely objective study of his emotions.

While at work in a plant just outside Chicago he became ill and was

forced to leave early. Unaware that a riot was in progress, he left

a street car to transfer in a hostile neighborhood. As he neared the

corner one of a group of about twenty young white men yelled: "There's

a nigger! Let's get him!" He boarded a car to escape them. They pulled

off the trolley and started into the car after him. His story follows:

The motorman opened the door, and before they knew it I jumped

out and ran up Fifty-first Street as fast as my feet could

carry me. Gaining about thirty yards on them was a decided

advantage, for one of them saw me and with the shout "There he

goes!" the gang started after me. One, two, three, blocks went

past in rapid succession. They came on shouting, "Stop him!

Stop him!" I ran on the sidewalk and someone tried to trip me,

but fortunately I anticipated his intentions and jumped into

the road. As I neared the next street intersection, a husky,

fair-haired fellow weighing about 180 pounds came lunging at

me. I have never thought so quickly in all my life as then, I

believe. Three things flashed into my mind--to stop suddenly

and let him pass me and then go on; to try to trip him by

dropping in front of him; or to keep running and give him a

good football straight arm. The first two I figured would stop

me, and the gang would be that much nearer, so I decided to

rely on the last. These thoughts flashed through my mind as

I ran about ten steps. As we came together, I left my feet,

and putting all my weight and strength into a lunge, shot my

right hand at his chin. It landed squarely and by a half-turn

the fair-haired would-be tackler went flying to the road on

his face.

That was some satisfaction, but it took a lot of my strength,

for by this time I was beginning to feel weak. But determination

kept me at it, and I ran on. Then I came to a corner where a

drug-store was open and a woman standing outside. I slowed

down and asked her to let me go in there, that a gang was

chasing me; but she said I would not be safe there, so I turned

off Fifty-first Street and ran down the side street. Here

the road had been freshly oiled and I nearly took a "header"

as I stepped in the first pool, but fortunately no accident

happened. My strength was fast failing; the suggestion came

into my mind to stop and give up or try to fight it out with

the two or three who were still chasing me, but this would

never do, as the odds were too great, so I kept on. My legs

began to wobble, my breath came harder, and my heart seemed to

be pounding like a big pump, while the man nearest me began

to creep up on me. It was then that an old athletic maxim

came into my mind--"He's feeling as tired as you." Besides,

I thought, perhaps he smokes and boozes and his wind is worse

than mine. Often in the last hundred yards of a quarter-mile

that thought of my opponent's condition had brought forth the

last efforts necessary for the final spurt. There was more than

a medal at stake this time, so I stuck, and in a few strides

more they gave up the chase. One block further on, when I

had made sure that no one was following me on the other side

of the street, I slowed down to walk and regained my breath.

Soon I found myself on Forty-sixth Street just west of Halsted

where the street is blind, so I climbed up on the railroad

tracks and walked along them. But I imagined that in crossing

a lighted street I could be seen from below and got down off

the tracks, intending to cross a field and take a chance on

the street. But this had to be abandoned, for as I looked over

the prospect from the shadow of a fence I saw an automobile

held up at the point of a revolver in the hands of one member

of a gang while they searched the car apparently looking for

colored men.

This is no place for a minister's son, I thought, and crept

back behind a fence and lay down among some weeds. Lying there

as quietly as could be I reflected on how close I had come to

a severe beating or the possible loss of my life. Fear, which

had caused me to run, now gave place to anger, and a desire

to fight, if I could fight with a square deal. I remembered

that as I looked the gang over at Fifty-first and Ashland

I figured I could handle any of them individually with the

possible exception of two, but the whole gang of blood-thirsty

hoodlums was too much. Anger gave place to hatred and a desire

for revenge, and I thought if ever I caught a green-buttoned

"Ragen's Colt" on the South Side east of State that one of

us would get a licking. But reason showed me such would be

folly and would only lead to reprisals and some other innocent

individual getting a licking on my account. I knew all "Ragen's"

were not rowdies, for I had met some who were pretty decent

fellows, but some others--ye gods!

My problem was to get home and to avoid meeting hostile

elements. Temporarily I was safe in hiding, but I could not

stay there after daybreak. So I decided to wait a couple of

hours and then try to pass through "No Man's Land"--Halsted to

Wentworth. I figured the time to be about 11:30 and so decided

to wait until 1:30 or 2:00 A.M., before coming out of cover.

Shots rang out intermittently; the sky became illumined; the

fire bells rang, and I imagined riot and arson held sway as of

the previous year. It is remarkable how the imagination runs

wild under such conditions.

Then the injustice of the whole thing overwhelmed me--emotions

ran riot. Had the ten months I spent in France been all in

vain? Were those little white crosses over the dead bodies of

those dark-skinned boys lying in Flanders fields for naught? Was

democracy merely a hollow sentiment? What had I done to deserve

such treatment? I lay there experiencing all the emotions I

imagined the innocent victim of a southern mob must feel when

being hunted for some supposed crime. Was this what I had

given up my Canadian citizenship for, to become an American

citizen and soldier? Was the risk of life in a country where

such hatred existed worth while? Must a Negro always suffer

merely because of the color of his skin? "There's a Nigger;

let's get him!" Those words rang in my ears--I shall never

forget them.

Psychologists claim that it is in the face of overwhelming

forces that man is prone to turn to the Supreme Being. I was

no longer afraid, only filled with righteous indignation and

a desire to get out of danger. But mingled emotions shook me,

and a flood of tears burst forth. In the midst of it I found

myself praying fervently to God against the injustice of it

all, for strength and help to go through safely, and thanks for

my deliverance from the gang which had chased me. Then relief

came from all these pent-up feelings with the determination

to get up and try to go through--and to fight, if necessary.

I began to speculate on means. A freight train came along, and

the impulse came to jump on it and ride out of town until the

trouble was over, but the knowledge of only 15 cents carfare

in my pocket compelled the rejection of this idea. I thought

of phoning to a friend to come and get me in his car, but

this was futile, for where could I find a phone and be safe

in that neighborhood? Some clothes on a line in a yard across

the field offered a disguise, but even dressed as a woman I'd

need a hat, and that idea had to be abandoned. With resources

at an end, I picked up four rocks for ammunition and started

out.

For four blocks I glided from shadow to shadow, through alleys.

A couple of dogs nearly "spilled the beans" when they barked

just as an automobile came down the street. I dove for cover

until the car had disappeared and then emerged. At Forty-ninth

Street and Union Avenue I climbed up on the railroad tracks

and cautiously walked along them in the darkness. All of a

sudden a block ahead appeared what seemed to be about ten men

standing on the tracks, so I dropped to the ground and made a

pair of binoculars out of my hands. For what seemed like five

minutes I watched these forms then decided they were uprights

on a bridge and went on. Imagination and fear can play tricks,

and this was one of them.

Finally I found myself at Thirty-seventh and Stewart streets,

having been walking northeast instead of east as I thought.

I climbed down to the street and walked through back lanes

until I saw the Sox ball park. All was quiet, so I came out

and crossed Wentworth Avenue. At State and Thirty-seventh

I saw two colored fellows waiting for a car and ran up to

them. Putting my hands on their shoulders I said, "Gee! I'm

glad to see a dark skin." Then I related my experience. They

assured me the "fun" was all over, and I was thankful. It was

twenty-five minutes to four, just five and a half hours after

I had started for home from work. A white man came along,

and my first impulse was to jump on him and beat him up. But

again reason told me he was not responsible for the actions of

a gang of rowdies, and he was as innocent as I had been when

set upon.

Is such an experience easily forgotten? Recent events would

prove to the contrary. I vowed that morning never to let

the sun set on me west of Wentworth Avenue, and never to go

into that section unprotected, even in daytime. On a recent

Sunday the papers came out with an "Extra" about 11:00 P.M.,

announcing a "Big South Side Fight." I went to the door and

hailed a boy. Just then an automobile with men standing on

the running-board came around the corner. The possibility

of another riot flashed through my mind and without looking

at the paper I snapped off the light, closed the door, and

prepared for trouble if it came my way. But the "Fight" had

been a gunman's war. This is just indicative of the caution

such an experience develops. It is not a fear, but a wariness

in uncertainty.

3. DEFENSIVE POLICIES

To stimulate group morale and solidify the sentiments of Negroes for

unified opposition to what they regard as oppressive measures of white

people, many tactics are employed. The most common of these is that of

interpreting the aims and ambitions of Negroes to white persons and of

defending themselves generally against criticism. A selection of types

of this "defensive" sentiment is given.

A Negro attorney said:

The only way to gain favorable public opinion is to create

favorable press notices. A certain amount of agitation is

necessary on the part of colored papers to educate the race

as to what it is entitled to. The American white race has been

very successful in its propaganda that colored people are not

entitled to certain things. This has caused many Negroes to

believe that they are not as good as the white people.

The press can be a source of evil or of good. It depends upon

the point of view. The difficulty lies in the fact that the

white press has the wrong attitude, usually. A great deal of

harm is done by paid workers who will give interviews that

will sustain the viewpoint of the papers. Others desirous of

newspaper notoriety are guilty of the same offense. Usually

those interviewed are not capable of giving exact opinions and

viewpoints. Those capable of doing justice to the situation

are not sought by reporters. During the time when there is

more calm and people are in a position to give thoughtful

consideration to the question, no effort is made to find out

the attitude of substantial citizens. If this were done the

papers would get somewhere.

A letter from a Negro thanking the editor of a northern paper for a fair

editorial said:

The colored citizens realize fully the extent to which

propaganda is spread against them in the average newspaper

under the guise of news, and when they find someone who knows

that too, and who is strong enough to help, as is the ----

[newspaper], they thank him with all the strength of their

hearts, although their lips may remain mute.

_Negro sentiment regarding racial news in the white press._--A Negro

weekly paper said:

Whatever be the cause or the motive there is apparently a

well organized plan to discredit the race in America and to

bring estrangement between fellow Americans. A short-sighted

... press is contributing to this estrangement by playing

upon the passions of the undiscriminating and thoughtlessly

by its glaring and sensational headings, emphasizing rumours

of alleged crimes by Negroes.

_Flattery as a means of promoting tolerance._--A popular Negro orator said:

I think that the great trouble with us already is that we have

allowed the white people to settle too many things for us.

The nation gave you constitutional freedom, but no man can

make you truly free except you yourself. The white man hates

nothing worse than a coward, and the American white man is the

most remarkable human being the world ever knew. He is God's

superman. As white and black have one destiny beneath the Stars

and Stripes, so have we the common duties of citizenship....

Woodrow Wilson is my leader. What he commands me to do I shall

do. Where he commands me to go I shall go. I had naught of

ill will toward Von Bernsdorf until Wilson pointed him out

as a national menace. Whom Woodrow Wilson cannot receive into

fellowship, I cannot receive.

A Negro resident of Chicago for fourteen years, formerly of Louisiana,

said:

I went to Wilson's last inauguration in Washington and tried to

talk to the President. I got in the gate, but the guard would

not let me go farther without a pass. I went into every place

that men were allowed to enter and found no "Jim-Crowing" in

any public place. The nearest approach to it was in the printing

department of the government. There were several colored girls

all working at the same table. In other departments I had

seen white and colored together. I went into every washroom

on every floor of one building and must have washed my hands

twenty times.

_Negroes, real Americans._--A letter from a Negro workman to Governor

Lowden said:

Why is it that intelligent colored people, the real Americans

and the most humble and purest nation that ever trod the soil

of America since they have been here--we have never thrown

any bombs; we have never written a black-hand letter and what

disgrace and shameful things we do it was learned to us by

our foreparents' masters down south because they taught them

to steal and murder and do all other most disgraceful things.

We have never bombed any white people's homes, but I cannot

see into it why it is that all nations such as the Polish,

Japan, Chinaman, Mexican, German and Russ and now you see what

they have done to this country; they have done everything to

overthrow this Government and have got the I.W.W. and the Red.

Where have we done such dirty deeds? We have enriched this

soil of America with our blood in every war for this country

and then cannot live where we want to as an American citizen.

We even shed our blood in France to save someone else money

and their homes, and the thanks we got when we come back was

a big race riot which I do believe was started by southern

white men to put a disgrace on the North because the North do

not lynch and burn as they do. Of course I know you cannot do

anything by yourself. But if you can get enough men who have

got a backbone to protect the ones who have always protected

them this outrage could be stopped. I read a piece in the

_Herald-Examiner_ that it would be a riot here; that has

poisoned the minds of so many people. So now I hope you will

try to stop such trouble.

_Defensive philosophy; silence does not mean contentment._--A Negro

educator said:

Many white men of high intellectual ability and keen discernment

have mistaken the Negro silence for contentment, his facial

expression for satisfaction at prevailing conditions, and his

songs and jovial air for happiness. But not always so. These are

his methods of bearing his troubles and keeping his soul sweet

under seeming wrongs. In the absence of a spokesman or means

of communication with the whites over imagined grievances, he

has brightened his countenance, smiled and sung to give ease

to his mind. In the midst of it all he is unable to harmonize

the teachings of the Bible which the white Christian placed

in his hands with the practices of daily life. He finds it

difficult to harmonize the fatherhood of God and the brotherhood

of man, and his faith is put to the test in that "Providence"

which enslaved his ancestors, corrupted his blood and placed

upon him stigmas more damaging than to be a leper or convict

by making his color a badge of infamy and his preordained

social position at the bottom of human society. So firmly has

his status been fixed by this "Providence" that neither moral

worth, fidelity to trust, love of home, loyalty to country or

faith in God can raise him to human recognition.

_Votes for Negroes._--The _Crisis_ for January, 1921, said:

The astonishing thing about the Bourbon South is its

intellectual bankruptcy when it comes to the Negro. It

continually assumes that the Negro is a fool. Some Negroes are

fools, but the proportion among them is steadily decreasing,

while that among the Bourbons seems to increase. When the

average white Southerner faces the problem of racial contact

he has absolutely nothing to offer except what he offered

in 1861, namely: the Will of God, Force and Bloodshed, and,

"The best friend in the world to the Negro is the Southern

white man--the only one who truly loves him." We quote from

our ever-delightful friend, the editor of the _Macon_ (Ga.)

_Telegraph_.

The tragedy of the situation is that this man believes what

he says. He knows absolutely just the "place" for which God

made "niggers"; but to support this sincere belief he spreads

falsehoods. He says that the woman suffrage party by its secret

machinations "probably" caused the blood shed in the Florida

elections! He threatens murder for black men who want to vote,

and almost weeps over the misguided Negroes who have left the

Empire State of lynching and gone to Chicago.

There seems to be in this man's mind absolutely no conception

of the tremendous, increasing, unswerving development of the

Negro. To him all aspiration, unrest, and complaints of black

folk are conspiracies of whites. For the blacks he has no

program, no vision, except that they stay where they have always

been, growing more content with "Jim-Crow" cars, lynching and

disfranchisement.

It is inconceivable to the mentality of this section of the

white South that such a program is absolutely impossible.

That if, in the end, the price we must pay for aspiration to

modern manhood is death, and death in the most horrible form

of public torture and burning like that in Florida, if to live

we must die, then the South will have us to kill. Any man who

does not prefer death to slavery is not worth freedom....

The black man must vote. Every Southerner with brains knows

this. The Negro is awaiting his enfranchisement with greater

patience than the South has any right to expect. But he will

not wait forever. If he sees gathering signs of sanity--a

willingness to let the intelligent and thrifty vote, an honest

effort to establish law and order and overthrow the rule of

the mob, a desire to substitute honest industrial conditions

in place of the organized and entrenched theft of black wealth

upon which southern industry is based today--such a program,

tardy and slow and inadequate though it be, may count on the

infinite patience and long suffering of Ethiopia.

4. RACE CONSCIOUSNESS

_Ancient Order of Ethiopian Princes_:[83]

TO MY KINSMEN.--In a broad sense, the words "Negro" and "Nigger"

have no historical significance. They are used synonymously

in the white man's dictionary. "Negro" is a pure Spanish word

meaning "black." The word "Negro," therefore, may be descriptive

of a race, but not the name of it. In reality "Negro" is an

alias, or nickname applied to us originally, in much the same

contemptuous spirit as the black boy is called "Rastus" or

"Sambo."

The white man writes his history for us to study, makes his

scenario with his heroes and heroines for us to admire, and

supplies our newspapers. Through these instrumentalities he

almost entirely controls our thought.

Remember that "a word is the sign of an idea." The kind of an

"idea" that the "sign" stands for depends upon our teaching.

If we associate a word, then, with a noble or degraded idea,

we have been taught to do so.

You can easily prove this by experimenting with certain words

for yourself. After repeating each word tell what your idea

is and what you see: (1) Roman, (2) Paradise, (3) Statesmen,

(4) General. Is the idea or picture you get degraded? No. The

White Press, history, reel and teacher have taken care of that.

Now take the following words: (1) Lynched, (2) Jim Crow, (3)

Disfranchised, (4) Negro.

What is the result? The words "Lynched," "Jim Crow,"

"Disfranchised," are the signs of degraded ideas. Moreover,

"Negro" is very apt to creep into each one of the three mind

pictures and conversely one of the three into the "Negro" mind

picture.

Do you understand? Now why is that? That is what Ethiopic

culture teaches, through the "Ancient Order of Ethiopian

Princes."

If we believe that we come from nowhere and have no history

but that of a slave, our substance will be the charity of our

oppressors, and our future handicapped by doubts and fears.

Ancient history knows no "Negro," but ancient history does

know Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Change a family's name and in a

generation you cannot tell whether its foreparents were rogues

or saints. It is the same with a race. You cannot trace your

ancestors through the name "Negro."

Take away our birthright, our ancient honorable name,

"Ethiopian" and you have stopped the very fountain of our

inspiration. If we are "Negroes" we are by the same dictionary

also, "Niggers." The moment we realize, however, that we are

"Ethiopians," we can see the beams from the lamps of Ethiopian

culture lighting a pathway down the shadowy ages, and the

fires of ambition are rekindled in our hearts, because we

know that we came from the builders of temples and founders

of civilization.

Study this.

_Contrasts of North and South._--An investigator's report on home

conditions of retarded children said:

The mother is eager to learn, and constantly talks of wanting

to attend night school if the opportunity ever offers itself.

She is eager for her girl to complete her education and wants

her to take a business course so she will be independent. "A

white man can take everything from the colored man but his

learning," Mrs. ---- said repeatedly.

In coming to Chicago she wasn't sure what she would find, but

she had heard that colored people had a show here. She brought

her child here to give her one. Chicago seems like heaven to

her now when she thinks of what she had been through in the

South.

When the investigator asked her about the church to which she

belonged she said: "Olivet. I goes every Sunday and Wednesday

nights to prayer meeting just to thank God that he let me live

to go to a place of worship like that, a place where my people

worship and ain't pestered by the white men."

The Chicago riot provoked probably the first full expressions of sentiment

from Negroes in their own press. Underlying them are attitudes toward

present race relations. There is a strong note of resentment, and the

announcement of the birth of a "New Negro."

The war is credited with bringing about this change. More than 250,000

young Negroes, the pick of the race in health and intelligence, had

returned to the United States, presumably with changed ideas, and perhaps

with growing cynicism as to promises of fair treatment. Perhaps for

the first time in American history the Negro group fought in the 1919

riot as a body against mob violence. The idea that these disorders are

a result of active opposition to distasteful practices is prominent in

practically every Negro discussion. "The Negro race is facing about" is

a familiar statement. Said one Negro newspaper:

It is the utter ignoring of the Negro in the community life

that is responsible for these outbreaks. The controlling whites

were absolutely out of touch with the Negroes, and the races

came together in a quarrel and there was no means by which

the trouble could be settled.

A monthly magazine, the _Favorite_, said:

If the white man thinks that the rights, privileges and ordinary

pursuits of the Negro can now be annulled at this stage of the

world's affairs, he certainly has "another thought coming."

This Washington revolt is only the "handwriting on the wall."

Don't squeeze the Negro too hard; if you do you squeeze him to

the bursting point. The young Negro of today is far different

from his foreparents, and will not be content with anything

less than a fair deal.

The _New York American_ said:

The dangerous enemy of his race is the colored man that

advocates force as a remedy. There is such a thing as being

outnumbered beyond any hope.

A Negro newspaper replied:

There is such a thing, too, as a noble preference of death

to a life of slavery. Do Hearst and Arthur Brisbane think

the sentiment of "Give me Liberty or Give me Death" belongs

exclusively to a white skin?

A poem in the _Crusader_ and republished in the _Messenger_ and several

other periodicals, carries this same idea:

IF WE MUST DIE

If we must die, let it not be like hogs

Hunted and penned in an inglorious spot,

While around us bark the mad and hungry dogs

Making their mock at our accursed lot.

If we must die--oh, let us nobly die,

So that our precious blood may not be shed

In vain; then even the monsters we defy

Shall be constrained to honor us, though dead!

Oh, kinsmen! We must meet the common foe;

Though far outnumbered, let us still be brave,

And for their thousand blows deal one death-blow!

What though before us lies the open grave?

Like men we'll face the murderous, cowardly pack,

Pressed to the wall, dying, but--fighting back!

--CLAUDE MCKAY

_Defensive measures justified._--The general belief among Negroes is

that resistance to violence is justified. Some view this display of

counterviolence as simply defensive measures, some as retaliation, which

in substance means the same.

The _Washington Eagle_, a Negro newspaper, commenting on the beginning

of the Washington riot, said:

Notwithstanding the fact that these mobs, increasing in number

and in violence each evening, were allowed to harass law-abiding

colored citizens for three consecutive evenings, the colored

citizens showed no signs of revenge or retaliation. But when

the situation became so terrible that colored citizens could

endure it no longer they rose up almost as one man, and,

adhering to the first law of human nature, which says that

self-preservation is the first law of nature, they armed

themselves "to the teeth," to use the phrase of one of the

local newspapers. It was only when they showed this disposition

to fight back that the riot ceased.

The _Messenger_, a Negro magazine, said:

The world knows not that the new Negroes are determined to

observe the primal law of self-preservation whenever civil

laws break down; to assist the authorities to preserve order

and prevent themselves and families from being murdered in

cold blood. Surely, no one can easily object to this new and

laudable determination.

_Opinions of Negroes regarding the conduct of the police._--Negro

condemnation of the police seems general. From a large selection of

comments two are given. The _Favorite_ said:

History proves that nearly all race riots are started by white

policemen. East St. Louis, Houston and Washington, D.C., have

had terrible cataclysms provoked by white bluecoats who in

nine cases out of ten carry their prejudices with them whenever

they enter black belts. Instead of acting in behalf of law and

order white policemen usually act in behalf of some passion

that tells them Negroes are convenient brutes. For the safety

of the twenty-five thousand colored and ten thousand whites in

the Second Ward of Chicago we ask that every white patrolman

in the district be replaced by a colored bluecoat. Chicago

must not be added to the list of American cities cut off from

civilization by race riots, and it is up to Mayor William Hale

Thompson and Chief Garrity to see that the honor of that city

is preserved.

The _Washington Eagle_ thought most of the trouble was due to the

overbearing attitude of the police. It said:

Bishop Cottrell, wiring from Holly Springs, Miss., wants the

President to call a conference of representatives of both races

to consider the matter of mob law. We doubt if the President

will take the trouble to do anything of the kind: while he

is thinking it over the police in every place had better be

instructed to have more respect for the rights and feelings of

the Afro-American people. Most of the trouble is to be found

in the insolent and overbearing attitude of the police.

_Negro opinions regarding white newspapers._--It is asserted by numerous

Negro papers that certain white papers spurred the rioters to greater

lawlessness in the Washington outbreak, and in some cases settled the

date and place of assembly for attacking parties. The _Afro-American_

quoted from the _Washington Post_ an excerpt headed "Mobilizing for

Tonight," and reading:

It was learned that a mobilization of every available service

man stationed in or near Washington or on leave here has been

ordered for tomorrow evening near the Knights of Columbus hut

on Pennsylvania Avenue, between Seventh and Eighth streets. The

hour of assembly is 9 o'clock and the purpose is a "cleanup"

that will cause the events of the last two evenings to pale

into insignificance. Whether official cognizance of this

assemblage and its intent will bring about its forestalling

cannot be told.

The _Afro-American_ added:

Commenting on this article Secretary Shillady of the

National Association declares: "In view of the fact that the

'mobilization' announced by the _Washington Post_ had not been

ordered by any authority, military or civil, does not the

passage show intent by the _Washington Post_ to bring about

such mobilization?"

Another Negro paper in Washington carried the criticism farther:

Editorials are supposed to concern those topics that are most

important to the community in which they are written. No one

can deny the importance of the race riots that disgraced the

name of fair America's Capital during the present week; yet

two of the leading daily papers of the city found everything

to fill their editorial columns but the proper attempts

to discourage mob violence and a disposition to place the

blame where it justly belongs. The rioting, in itself, was a

deplorable disgrace, but a greater disgrace is that the daily

newspapers should have encouraged the rioting by the glaring,

ugly headlines that they gave it, rather than discourage the

riots in editorials.

The _National Defender and Sun_ replied to an editorial of the _Chicago

Tribune_:

In a recent edition of the _Chicago Daily Tribune_, which calls

itself the world's greatest newspaper, in discussing the recent

race riot in Chicago, it had this to say: "Can the two races

continue to live in peace in Chicago without segregation? We

have for some time criticized the South for its treatment of

its black citizens. We believe since the race riot in Chicago

that segregation, separate cars, will be the only cure to

prevent race riots in the future." We are very much surprised

at the statement of the _Chicago Tribune_. Does the world's

greatest newspaper forget that Atlanta, Ga., Memphis, Tenn.,

Arkansas and Texas, had great race riots, and that all of the

above-named states have their Jim Crow laws and segregated

district?

The _New York Age_ had this to say:

So much clamor and bad blood have been aroused by the repeated

charge of assaults attempted upon women in the city of

Washington, that more than ordinary significance attaches to

a news item found tucked away in an inconspicuous position

on an inside page of the _Washington Times_. It was headed:

"Woman Now Denies She Was Attacked," and read as follows: "The

case of an alleged attack on Mrs. Minnie Franklin, 1361 K.

Street Southeast, by two Negroes near Fifteenth and H. Sts.,

Northeast, Thursday night, was closed last night when according

to detectives, the woman said the story was a fabrication.

Several headquarters detectives questioned the woman yesterday

and then went over the ground where the alleged attack was

supposed to have occurred, but could find no evidence of a

struggle."

This reported case of "assault" had "scare" headlines at the

time it was supposed to have occurred, and it looked as if

the daily papers were trying to provoke another riot. Later,

by the admission of the accuser, the police and the press,

the charge was shown to be groundless. Time and again these

charges of assaults have been shown to be "faked," and the most

credulous should be brought to see the necessity of searching

investigation before pronouncing the accused guilty. Hysteria,

by newspaper suggestion, may be at the foundation of many a

case of reported "assault."

_Charges of southern propaganda in the North._--A wide distinction has

been made by Negro observers between the Washington and Chicago riots,

the former being called a typical southern, and the latter a typical

northern, riot. Reasons for this are given in the different forms of

incentive to rioting. The Washington reasons were largely sentimental

and bore a striking resemblance to the Atlanta riot about 1906. Reports

of attacks on white women, played up in the newspapers, were sufficient

to set the current going. The sentiment of the South is said to have

been behind this outbreak. Said the _Chicago Defender_:

It is easy to see that the southern white man is at the

bottom of race riots in the northern cities to which we have

migrated in recent years.... It is idle to suppose that the

black man was the only migrator from the South; every northern

community is practically overrun with southern whites of both

sexes. In many of the northern cities a majority of the white

women employed as clerks and saleswomen in department stores,

telephone operators and other fields of industry are from the

South. In every place where men are utilized, including public

officials, judges and prosecuting attorneys, some of them are

also from the South.

_Remedies._--The _Chicago Defender_ said:

To emphasize the fact that no self-respecting citizen had

anything to do with the disgraceful affairs recently witnessed

here and in Washington, thousands of circulars have been

distributed by our people and to our people filled with good,

wholesome advice as to being good, law-abiding citizens. Our

only salvation lies in harmony, and both elements must come to

understand that each is necessary to the other, and that with

all pulling together, democracy for America will no longer be

a theory, but a reality.

The foregoing examples of sentiment by no means cover the varieties of

Negro opinion. They are merely illustrative of different types. The

peculiarities of group behavior which appear to be the attributes of

the Negro group would doubtless show themselves in any other groups

similarly placed in the social scale. There would at the same time be

no more likelihood of their being understood. Situations develop which

appear to the uninitiated white observer strange and even dangerous.

That they do represent very definite and calculated programs of action

within certain circles of the Negro group may be illustrated by a few

examples.

At a garment manufacturer's plant thirty colored girls were employed in

a separate unit. When a white girl was employed, the colored girls walked

out. They explained that when they first began work in a plant employing

white girls a precedent for this action was given. If white girls were

too proud to work with colored girls, then colored girls should be too

proud to work with white girls. It required much effort on the part of

the Urban League to correct their viewpoints.

A short time ago there was considerable agitation among certain groups

of Negroes over the appointment of a Negro principal for one of the

elementary schools. His appointment was strongly opposed by Negroes.

Although this may have seemed inexplicable to white people, the action

was not wholly illogical from the viewpoint of Negroes. The school in

question, near the Negro residential area, had an attendance of about

70 per cent Negro children. Negroes reasoned thus: If a Negro principal

were appointed the white teachers would eventually resign or for one

reason or another be transferred; the white parents then would withdraw

their children because there would be no white teachers, and so the first

step would be accomplished toward segregation of Negroes in the public

schools. It was segregation that was opposed, although the advancement

of one of their number must be sacrificed.

Marcus Garvey, a West Indian Negro, with a remarkable genius for

organization, four years ago began a venture on a commercial basis and

developed it into a definite racial movement. He conceived the notion

of establishing trade relations with Africa, and accordingly organized

a steamship line. It was a large undertaking. There were few large Negro

investors, and if money was to be raised it had to come in numerous small

amounts rather than in a few large ones. Again, if commercial relations

were to be established, there must be intelligent Negroes at the African

end. The effort grew into another "Back to Africa" movement. To increase

interest it was necessary to campaign actively, using appeals calculated

to arouse the great mass of Negroes. This Garvey did with such success

that his "Back to Africa" slogans created a far larger movement than

his original commercial proposition. The Universal Negro Improvement

Association attracted more interest and members. The _Negro World_, a

newspaper with a constant and powerful appeal to racial pride, racial

solidarity, and racial independence, is the organ of the movement. During

the summer of 1920 a great convention was held. A provisional president

of the Black Republic was elected, and was acclaimed the recognized

leader of the black people of the world. The women were organized into

"Black Cross" nurses and it was planned to establish a "Black House" in

Washington. The movement has been widened to include the black peoples

of the British colonies and Africa. An alliance of sympathy has been

declared with peoples similarly disadvantaged. Thus Ireland's contention

for home rule is supported, in spite of the supposed general hostility

between the Negroes and the Irish in the United States. The movement is

credited with 4,000,000 followers in different parts of the world.

VI. OPINIONS OF FIFTEEN NEGROES ON DEFINITE RACIAL PROBLEMS

What are Negroes thinking? Few white persons know the intimate reactions

of Negroes to problems which they face daily. Yet it is obvious that the

conduct of Negroes in practically every phase of life is determined by

these very sentiments, which for the white world remain a closed book.

It was with this in mind that a series of questions was put to seventeen

Negroes whose intelligence and public-mindedness qualified them for

critical self-analysis as well as dispassionate examination of racial

issues as they affect the minds, behavior, and policies of Negroes as a

group. Ten of these Negroes lived in Chicago and represented an ordinary

type of the intelligent Negro. Five of them lived outside of Chicago.

Included in this latter number were two Negroes whose writings have

been widely read and who may be said to exercise some influence over

the thinking of Negroes.

The fifteen whose replies are presented here included business men,

physicians, ministers, school teachers, lawyers, and social workers.

Two were women.

ARE RACE RELATIONS IMPROVING?

_Question_: Putting aside for the moment the question of right

and wrong and the iniquity of the causes back of present

relations, do you believe that the relations are becoming

better or worse, or are they at a standstill?

_Answers_:

1. Better, decidedly better. If it becomes unprofitable to lynch

Negroes, or unprofitable to shoot them up in riots, they will

probably more and more be let alone. The riots in Chicago and

Washington mean that not only Negroes will lose their lives.

They also indicate to me that the Negro feels that his back

is more and more to the wall, and he is bestirring himself. So

long as he is satisfied, his case is hopeless. When he begins

to force respect he will usher in the dawn of a new day. Again

there is an increasing number of evidences that white people

are waking up to the conditions. Negroes feel that some of

the "Study Groups" are ineffective, but the fact remains that

at one time the race question was not deemed worthy of study

except by Negroes. When all is said, I would rather be living

in 1920 than in 1870.

2. The relations are becoming worse. Relatively speaking, race

relations in America have not kept pace with progress in many

fields along other lines. The great desideratum is that the

Negro change his point of view.

3. The present relations between the races seem more tense than

formerly. This is due to the fact that Negroes have developed

within the past few years a greater race consciousness, a

great race respect. The immigration from the South which

permitted him to enter into the industrial life of the North

with very few hindrances, to partake of its civic life without

an ever-constant reminder of race, was one of the main factors

in increasing race consciousness and race respect. Another

factor was the treatment as equals and fellow human beings of

the Negro soldiers by the French soldiery and people. These

things have caused the Negro to demand the respect which he is

entitled to as a man and the privileges due him as a citizen.

The whites at the present time still object to giving him

these. This causes friction. I believe, however, that it will

be lessened as soon as the whites realize that these demands

of the Negro will not be withdrawn but will continue to be

made with greater insistence.

4. Better.

5. Much was gained through the war. However, at the present

time things seem to be at a standstill.

6. Racial relations between all races were never more acute

nor more keenly felt and resented than during the present day.

7. Conditions, I believe, are getting a little better.

8. I don't believe that consideration of right and wrong

influences fundamental reactions. One's conception of advantage

and disadvantage determines the character of every act. I

believe that all social relations are in a state of flux and

that with the improvement of mankind which is coming with

the evolution of a sense of higher values there will be an

improvement in human relationships.

9. Race relations on the whole are growing worse instead of

better, and they are crystallizing in the wrong direction. The

whites are adjusting their conscience to their conduct, and

are consciously or unconsciously justifying violation of the

Ten Commandments, the Golden Rule, the Sermon on the Mount,

the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the

United States at the behest of race prejudice.

10. They are becoming distinctly worse as each year solidifies

the hatred and crystallizes the opinions of the whites which

immediately subsequent to the Civil War were in a chaotic state.

11. The last year or so has shown that riots are more quickly

started. In our opinion race relations are likely to get much

worse, especially if the present flood of European immigration

continues. But getting worse to become better is much like

a boil which, after it gathers and breaks, leaves the body

in a healthier condition. Negroes are becoming more and more

determined to enjoy their constitutional rights.

12. I am in doubt.

13. I am an optimist. I believe relations are becoming better.

OPINIONS ON SOLUTION

_Question_: Do you believe that money and the acquisition of

wealth make an appreciable difference in the degree of respect

in which Negroes are held by their white neighbors, or in the

treatment they receive?

=========================+=============+================+===================

Economic Progress[84] | 1866 | 1919 | Gain in

| | | Fifty-three Years

-------------------------+-------------+----------------+-------------------

Homes owned | 12,000 | 600,000 | 588,000

Farms operated | 20,000 | 1,000,000 | 980,000

Businesses conducted | 2,100 | 50,000 | 47,900

Value of church property | $1,500,000 | $85,900,000 | $84,400,000

Wealth accumulated | $20,000,000 | $1,100,000,000 | $1,080,000,000

-------------------------+-------------+----------------+-------------------

_Answers_:

1. Yes, money and wealth are the root of all good and evil.

In North Carolina, a rich Negro, McCary, who, it was alleged,

had been caught in intimate relations with a leading white

woman, was sued for money damages instead of being lynched.

Money and wealth must be widely diffused enough to make an

appreciable difference, however; isolated cases of wealth

ordinarily engender friction and hatred.

2. No, because I personally know many who are highly respected

and kindly treated in their communities though in very humble

circumstances.

3. I believe that money or wealth causes more respect to be

accorded within white people's hearts, but it is more likely

to increase racial feeling than to lessen it. The element

of jealousy among poorer whites probably gives rise to such

statements as keeping the Negro in his place. The whites of

better circumstances merely use these existing feelings to

gain their own selfish ends.

4. Yes, and no. Money is power. The power over a man's

subsistence is the power over his will. The individual who

has money is sought because he is in a position to confer

advantages. He is likewise hated because he can inflict

pain. Were race prejudice logical and based upon reason and

not hysteria, the procurement of money and the consequent

demonstration of basic equality would improve conditions.

However, the majority of persons do not think but are exploited.

Religious dogmas and racial antipathies being useful adjuncts

in the process are sufficient to outweigh material or rational

considerations.

5. Absolutely.

6. The possession of money causes whites to accord the Negro

more respect and better treatment if the particular Negro can

intelligently handle his affluent situation so as to demand

such.

7. I think that money and the acquisition of wealth make an

appreciable difference in the degree of respect in which Negroes

are held by their white neighbors; not that the prejudice

against the race is reduced considerably or possibly to any

extent, but because men worship dollars, and if they are

possessed by Negroes, Negroes fall in for additional respect

as the holders of wealth.

8. I believe that the acquisition of wealth causes marked

increase in respect, provided that a fairly large group of

Negroes in that community respectively are the possessors; but

for merely one or two persons to acquire wealth in a community

is not likely to inspire respect. It may cause its opposite.

I assume, of course, that a fair intelligence was necessary

to secure the wealth.