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[Illustration: LILLY'S HIEROGLYPHS (PUBLISHED IN 1651)]
MYTHS AND MARVELS
OF ASTRONOMY
BY
RICHARD A. PROCTOR
AUTHOR OF
"ROUGH WAYS MADE SMOOTH," "THE EXPANSE OF HEAVEN," "OUR PLACE
AMONG INFINITIES," "PLEASANT WAYS IN SCIENCE,"
ETC., ETC.
_NEW EDITION_
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
LONDON, NEW YORK, AND BOMBAY
1896
_Printed by_ BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO
_At the Ballantyne Press_
PREFACE.
The chief charm of Astronomy, with many, does not reside in the wonders
revealed to us by the science, but in the lore and legends connected
with its history, the strange fancies with which in old times it has
been associated, the half-forgotten myths to which it has given birth.
In our own times also, Astronomy has had its myths and fancies, its wild
inventions, and startling paradoxes. My object in the present series of
papers has been to collect together the most interesting of these old
and new Astronomical myths, associating with them, in due proportion,
some of the chief marvels which recent Astronomy has revealed to us. To
the former class belong the subjects of the first four and the last five
essays of the present series, while the remaining essays belong to the
latter category.
Throughout I have endeavoured to avoid technical expressions on the one
hand, and ambiguous phraseology (sometimes resulting from the attempt
to avoid technicality) on the other. I have, in fact, sought to present
my subjects as I should wish to have matters outside the range of my
special branch of study presented for my own reading.
RICHARD A. PROCTOR.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
I. ASTROLOGY 1
II. THE RELIGION OF THE GREAT PYRAMID 53
III. THE MYSTERY OF THE PYRAMIDS 78
IV. SWEDENBORG'S VISIONS OF OTHER WORLDS 106
V. OTHER WORLDS AND OTHER UNIVERSES 135
VI. SUNS IN FLAMES 160
VII. THE RINGS OF SATURN 191
VIII. COMETS AS PORTENTS 212
IX. THE LUNAR HOAX 242
X. ON SOME ASTRONOMICAL PARADOXES 268
XI. ON SOME ASTRONOMICAL MYTHS 299
XII. THE ORIGIN OF THE CONSTELLATION-FIGURES 332
MYTHS AND MARVELS
OF
ASTRONOMY
I.
_ASTROLOGY._
Signs and planets, in aspects sextile, quartile, trine, conjoined,
or opposite; houses of heaven, with their cusps, hours, and
minutes; Almuten, Almochoden, Anahibazon, Catahibazon; a thousand
terms of equal sound and significance.--_Guy Mannering._
... Come and see! trust thine own eyes.
A fearful sign stands in the house of life,
An enemy: a fiend lurks close behind
The radiance of thy planet--oh! be warned!--COLERIDGE.
Astrology possesses a real interest even in these days. It is true that
no importance attaches now even to the discussion of the considerations
which led to the rejection of judicial astrology. None but the most
ignorant, and therefore superstitious, believe at present in divination
of any sort or kind whatsoever. Divination by the stars holds no higher
position than palmistry, fortune-telling by cards, or the indications of
the future which foolish persons find in dreams, tea-dregs,
salt-spilling, and other absurdities. But there are two reasons which
render the history of astrology interesting. In the first place, faith
in stellar influences was once so widespread that astrological
terminology came to form a part of ordinary language, insomuch that it
is impossible rightly to understand many passages of ancient and
mediaeval literature, or rightly to apprehend the force of many allusions
and expressions, unless the significance of astrological teachings to
the men of those times be recognised. In the second place, it is
interesting to examine how the erroneous teachings of astrology were
gradually abandoned, to note the way in which various orders of mind
rejected these false doctrines or struggled to retain them, and to
perceive how, with a large proportion of even the most civilised races,
the superstitions of judicial astrology were long retained, or are
retained even to this very day. The world has still to see some
superstitions destroyed which are as widely received as astrology ever
was, and which will probably retain their influence over many minds long
after the reasoning portion of the community have rejected them.
Even so far back as the time of Eudoxus the pretensions of astrologers
were rejected, as Cicero informs us ('De Div.' ii. 42). And though the
Romans were strangely superstitious in such matters, Cicero reasons with
excellent judgment against the belief in astrology. Gassendi quotes the
argument drawn by Cicero against astrology, from the predictions of the
Chaldaeans that Caesar, Crassus, and Pompey would die 'in a full old age,
in their own houses, in peace and honour,' whose deaths, nevertheless,
were 'violent, immature, and tragical.' Cicero also used an argument
whose full force has only been recognised in modern times. 'What
contagion,' he asked, 'can reach us from the planets, whose distance is
almost infinite?' It is singular that Seneca, who was well acquainted
with the uniform character of the planetary motions, seems to have
entertained no doubt respecting their influence. Tacitus expresses some
doubts, but was on the whole inclined to believe in astrology.
'Certainly,' he says, 'the majority of mankind cannot be weaned from the
opinion that at the birth of each man his future destiny is fixed;
though some things may fall out differently from the predictions, by the
ignorance of those who profess the art; and thus the art is unjustly
blamed, confirmed as it is by noted examples in all ages.'[1]
Probably, the doubt suggested by the different fortunes and characters
of men born at the same time must have occurred to many before Cicero
dwelt upon it. Pliny, who followed Cicero in this, does not employ the
argument quite correctly, for he says that, 'in every hour, in every
part of the world, are born lords and slaves, kings and beggars.' But of
course, according to astrological principles, it would be necessary that
two persons, whose fortunes were to be alike, should be born, not only
in the same hour, but in the same place. The fortunes and character of
Jacob and Esau, however, should manifestly have been similar, which was
certainly not the case, if their history has been correctly handed down
to us. An astrologer of the time of Julius Caesar, named Publius Nigidius
Figulus, used a singular argument against such reasoning. When an
opponent urged the different fortunes of men born nearly at the same
instant, Nigidius asked him to make two contiguous marks on a potter's
wheel which was revolving rapidly. When the wheel was stopped, the two
marks were found to be far apart. Nigidius is said to have received the
name of Figulus (the potter), in remembrance of the story; but more
probably he was a potter by trade, and an astrologer only during those
leisure hours which he could devote to charlatanry. St. Augustine, who
relates the story (which I borrow from Whewell's 'History of the
Inductive Sciences'), says, justly, that the argument of Nigidius was as
fragile as the ware made on the potter's wheel.
The belief must have been all but universal in those days that at the
birth of any person who was to hold an important place in the world's
history the stars would either be ominously conjoined, or else some
blazing comet or new star would make its appearance. For we know that
some such object having appeared, or some unusual conjunction of planets
having occurred, near enough to the time of Christ's birth to be
associated in men's minds with that event, it came eventually to be
regarded as belonging to his horoscope, and as actually indicating to
the Wise Men of the East (Chaldaean astrologers, doubtless) the future
greatness of the child then born. It is certain that that is what the
story of the Star in the East means as it stands. Theologians differ as
to its interpretation in points of detail. Some think the phenomenon was
meteoric, others that a comet then made its appearance, others that a
new star shone out, and others that the account referred to a
conjunction of Jupiter, Saturn, and Mars, which occurred at about that
time. As a matter of detail it may be mentioned, that none of these
explanations in the slightest degree corresponds with the account, for
neither meteor, nor comet, nor new star, nor conjoined planets, would go
before travellers from the east, to show them their way to any place.
Yet the ancients sometimes regarded comets as guides. Whichever view we
accept, it is abundantly clear that an astrological significance was
attached by the narrator to the event. And not so very long ago, when
astrologers first began to see that their occupation was passing from
them, the Wise Men of the East were appealed to against the enemies of
astrology,[2]--very much as Moses was appealed to against Copernicus
and Galileo, and more recently to protect us against certain
relationships which Darwin, Wallace, and Huxley unkindly indicate for
the human race divine.
Although astronomers now reject altogether the doctrines of judicial
astrology, it is impossible for the true lover of that science to regard
astrology altogether with contempt. Astronomy, indeed, owes much more to
the notions of believers in astrology than is commonly supposed.
Astrology bears the same relation to modern astronomy that alchemy bears
to modern chemistry. As it is probable that nothing but the hope of
gain, literally in this case _auri sacra fames_, would have led to those
laborious researches of the alchemists which first taught men how to
analyse matter into its elementary constituents, and afterwards to
combine these constituents afresh into new forms, so the belief that, by
carefully studying the stars, men might acquire the power of predicting
future events, first directed attention to the movements of the
celestial bodies. Kepler's saying, that astrology, though a fool, was
the daughter of a wise mother,[3] does not by any means present truly
the relationship between astrology and astronomy. Rather we may say that
astrology and alchemy, though foolish mothers, gave birth to those wise
daughters, astronomy and chemistry. Even this way of speaking scarcely
does justice to the astrologers and alchemists of old times. Their views
appear foolish in the light of modern scientific knowledge, but they
were not foolish in relation to what was known when they were
entertained. Modern analysis goes far to demonstrate the immutability,
and, consequently, the non-transmutability of the metals, though it is
by no means so certain as many suppose that the present position of the
metals in the list of _elements_ is really correct. Certainly a chemist
of our day would be thought very unwise who should undertake a series of
researches with the object of discovering a mineral having such
qualities as the alchemists attributed to the philosopher's stone. But
when as yet the facts on which the science of chemistry is based were
unknown, there was nothing unreasonable in supposing that such a mineral
might exist, or the means of compounding it be discovered. Nay, many
arguments from analogy might be urged to show that the supposition was
altogether probable. In like manner, though the known facts of astronomy
oppose themselves irresistibly to any belief in planetary influences
upon the fates of men and nations, yet before those facts were
discovered it was not only not unreasonable, but was in fact, highly
reasonable to believe in such influences, or at least that the sun, and
moon, and stars moved in the heavens in such sort as to indicate what
would happen. If the wise men of old times rejected the belief that 'the
stars in their courses fought' for or against men, they yet could not
very readily abandon the belief that the stars were for signs in the
heavens of what was to befall mankind.
If we consider the reasoning now commonly thought valid in favour of the
doctrine that other orbs besides our earth are inhabited, and compare it
with the reasoning on which judicial astrology was based, we shall not
find much to choose between the two, so far as logical weight is
concerned. Because the only member of the solar system which we can
examine closely is inhabited, astronomers infer a certain degree of
probability for the belief that the other planets of the system are also
inhabited. And because the only sun we know much about is the centre of
a system of planets, astronomers infer that probably the stars, those
other suns which people space, are also the centres of systems; although
no telescope which man can make would show the members of a system like
ours, attending on even the nearest of all the stars. The astrologer had
a similar argument for his belief. The moon, as she circles around the
earth, exerts a manifest influence upon terrestrial matter--the tidal
wave rising and sinking synchronously with the movements of the moon,
and other consequences depending directly or indirectly upon her
revolution around the earth. The sun's influence is still more manifest;
and, though it may have required the genius of a Herschel or of a
Stephenson to perceive that almost every form of terrestrial energy is
derived from the sun, yet it must have been manifest from the very
earliest times that the greater light which rules the day rules the
seasons also, and, in ruling them, provides the annual supplies of
vegetable food, on which the very existence of men and animals depends.
If these two bodies, the sun and moon, are thus potent, must it not be
supposed, reasoned the astronomers of old, that the other celestial
bodies exert corresponding influences? _We_ know, but they did not know,
that the moon rules the tides effectually because she is near to us, and
that the sun is second only to the moon in tidal influence because of
his enormous mass and attractive energy. We know also that his position
as fire, light, and life of the earth and its inhabitants, is due
directly to the tremendous heat with which the whole of his mighty
frame is instinct. Not knowing this, the astronomers of old times had no
sufficient reason for distinguishing the sun and moon from the other
celestial bodies, so far at least as the general question of celestial
influences was concerned.
So far as particulars were concerned, it was not altogether so clear to
them as it is to us, that the influence of the sun must be paramount in
all respects save tidal action, and that of the moon second only to the
sun's in other respects, and superior to his in tidal sway alone. Many
writers on the subject of life in other worlds are prepared to show (as
Brewster attempts to do, for example) that Jupiter and Saturn are far
nobler worlds than the earth, because superior in this or that
circumstance. So the ancient astronomers, in their ignorance of the
actual conditions on which celestial influences depend, found abundant
reasons for regarding the feeble influences exerted by Saturn, Jupiter,
and Mars, as really more potent than those exerted by the sun himself
upon the earth. They reasoned, as Milton afterwards made Raphael reason,
that 'great or bright infers not excellence,' that Saturn or Jupiter,
though 'in comparison so small, nor glist'ring' to like degree, may yet
'of solid good contain more plenty than the sun.' Supposing the
influence of a celestial body to depend on the magnitude of its sphere,
in the sense of the old astronomy (according to which each planet had
its proper sphere, around the earth as centre), then the influence of
the sun would be judged to be inferior to that of either Saturn,
Jupiter, or Mars; while the influences of Venus and Mercury, though
inferior to the influence of the sun, would still be held superior to
that of the moon. For the ancients measured the spheres of the seven
planets of their system by the periods of the apparent revolution of
those bodies around the celestial dome, and so set the sphere of the
moon innermost, enclosed by the sphere of Mercury, around which in turn
was the sphere of Venus, next the sun's, then, in order, those of Mars,
Jupiter, and Saturn. We can readily understand how they might come to
regard the slow motions of the sphere of Saturn and Jupiter, taking
respectively some thirty and twelve years to complete a revolution, as
indicating power superior to the sun's, whose sphere seemed to revolve
once in a single year. Many other considerations might have been urged,
before the Copernican theory was established, to show that, possibly,
some of the planets exert influences more effective than those of the
sun and moon.
It is, indeed, clear that the first real shock sustained by astrology
came from the arguments of Copernicus. So long as the earth was regarded
as the centre round which all the celestial bodies move, it was hopeless
to attempt to shake men's faith in the influences of the stars. So far
as I know, there is not a single instance of a believer in the old
Ptolemaic system who rejected astrology absolutely. The views of
Bacon--the last of any note who opposed the system of
Copernicus[4]--indicate the extreme limits to which a Ptolemaist could
go in opposition to astrology. It may be worth while to quote Bacon's
opinion in this place, because it indicates at once very accurately the
position held by believers in astrology in his day, and the influence
which the belief in a central fixed earth could not fail to exert on the
minds of even the most philosophical reasoners.
'Astrology,' he begins, 'is so full of superstition that scarce anything
sound can be discovered in it; though we judge it should rather be
purged than absolutely rejected. Yet if any one shall pretend that this
science is founded not in reason and physical contemplations, but in the
direct experience and observation of past ages, and therefore not to be
examined by physical reasons, as the Chaldaeans boasted, he may at the
same time bring back divination, auguries, soothsaying, and give in to
all kinds of fables; for these also were said to descend from long
experience. But we receive astrology as a part of physics, without
attributing more to it than reason and the evidence of things allow, and
strip it of its superstition and conceits. Thus we banish that empty
notion about the horary reign of the planets, as if each resumed the
throne thrice in twenty-four hours, so as to leave three hours
supernumerary; and yet this fiction produced the division of the
week,[5] a thing so ancient and so universally received. Thus likewise
we reject as an idle figment the doctrine of horoscopes, and the
distribution of the houses, though these are the darling inventions of
astrology, which have kept revel, as it were, in the heavens. And
lastly, for the calculation of nativities, fortunes, good or bad hours
of business, and the like fatalities, they are mere levities, that have
little in them of certainty and solidity, and may be plainly confuted by
physical reasons. But here we judge it proper to lay down some rules for
the examination of astrological matters, in order to retain what is
useful therein, and reject what is insignificant. Thus, 1. Let the
greater revolutions be retained, but the lesser, of horoscopes and
houses, be rejected--the former being like ordnance which shoot to a
great distance, whilst the other are but like small bows, that do no
execution. 2. The celestial operations affect not all kinds of bodies,
but only the more sensible, as humours, air, and spirits. 3. All the
celestial operations rather extend to masses of things than to
individuals, though they may obliquely reach some individuals also which
are more sensible than the rest, as a pestilent constitution of the air
affects those bodies which are least able to resist it. 4. All the
celestial operations produce not their effects instantaneously, and in a
narrow compass, but exert them in large portions of time and space. Thus
predictions as to the temperature of a year may hold good, but not with
regard to single days. 5. There is no fatal necessity in the stars; and
this the more prudent astrologers have constantly allowed. 6. We will
add one thing more, which, if amended and improved, might make for
astrology--viz. that we are certain the celestial bodies have other
influences besides heat and light, but these influences act not
otherwise than by the foregoing rules, though they lie so deep in
physics as to require a fuller explanation. So that, upon the whole, we
must register as needed,[6] an astrology written in conformity with
these principles, under the name of _Astrologia Sana_.'
He then proceeds to show what this just astrology should comprehend--as,
1, the doctrine of the commixture of rays; 2, the effect of nearest
approaches and farthest removes of planets to and from the point
overhead (the planets, like the sun, having their summer and winter); 3,
the effects of distance, 'with a proper enquiry into what the vigour of
the planets may perform of itself, and what through their nearness to
us; for,' he adds, but unfortunately without assigning any reason for
the statement, 'a planet is more brisk when most remote, but more
communicative when nearest;' 4, the other accidents of the planet's
motions as they pursue
Their wand'ring course, now high, now low, then hid,
Progressive, retrograde, or standing still;
5, all that can be discovered of the general nature of the planets and
fixed stars, considered in their own essence and activity; 6, lastly,
let this just astrology, he says, 'contain, from tradition, the
particular natures and alterations of the planets and fixed stars; for'
(here is a reason indeed) 'as these are delivered with general consent,
they are not lightly to be rejected, unless they directly contradict
physical considerations. Of such observations let a just astrology be
formed; and according to these alone should schemes of the heavens be
made and interpreted.'
The astrology thus regarded by Bacon as sane and just did not differ, as
to its primary object, from the false systems which now seem to us so
absurd. 'Let this astrology be used with greater confidence in
prediction,' says Bacon, 'but more cautiously in election, and in both
cases with due moderation. Thus predictions may be made of comets, and
all kinds of meteors, inundations, droughts, heats, frosts, earthquakes,
fiery eruptions, winds, great rains, the seasons of the year, plagues,
epidemic diseases, plenty, famine, wars, seditions, sects,
transmigrations of people, and all commotions, or great innovations of
things, natural and civil. Predictions may possibly be made more
particular, though with less certainty, if, when the general tendencies
of the times are found, a good philosophical or political judgment
applies them to such things as are most liable to accidents of this
kind. For example, from a foreknowledge of the seasons of any year, they
might be apprehended more destructive to olives than grapes, more
hurtful in distempers of the lungs than the liver, more pernicious to
the inhabitants of hills than valleys, and, for want of provisions, to
monks than courtiers, etc. Or if any one, from a knowledge of the
influence which the celestial bodies have upon the spirits of mankind,
should find it would affect the people more than their rulers, learned
and inquisitive men more than the military, etc. For there are
innumerable things of this kind that require not only a general
knowledge gained from the stars which are the agents, but also a
particular one of the passive subjects. Nor are elections to be wholly
rejected, though not so much to be trusted as predictions; for we find
in planting, sowing, and grafting, observations of the moon are not
absolutely trifling, and there are many particulars of this kind. But
elections are more to be curbed by our rules than predictions; and this
must always be remembered, that election only holds in such cases where
the virtue of the heavenly bodies, and the action of the inferior bodies
also, is not transient, as in the examples just mentioned; for the
increases of the moon and planets are not sudden things. But punctuality
of time should here be absolutely rejected. And perhaps there are more
of these instances to be found in civil matters than some would
imagine.'
The method of inquiry suggested by Bacon as proper for determining the
just rules of the astrology he advocated, was, as might be expected,
chiefly inductive. There are, said he, 'but four ways of arriving at
this science, viz.--1, by future experiments; 2, past experiments; 3,
traditions; 4, physical reasons.' But he was not very hopeful as to the
progress of the suggested researches. It is vain, he said, to think at
present of future experiments, because many ages are required to procure
a competent stock of them. As for the past, it is true that past
experiments are within our reach, 'but it is a work of labour and much
time to procure them. Thus astrologers may, if they please, draw from
real history all greater accidents, as inundations, plagues, wars,
seditions, deaths of kings, etc., as also the positions of the celestial
bodies, not according to fictitious horoscopes, but the above-mentioned
rules of their revolutions, or such as they really were at the time,
and, when the event conspires, erect a probable rule of prediction.'
Traditions would require to be carefully sifted, and those thrown out
which manifestly clashed with physical considerations, leaving those in
full force which complied with such considerations. Lastly, the physical
reasons worthiest of being enquired into are those, said Bacon, 'which
search into the universal appetites and passions of matter, and the
simple genuine motions of the heavenly bodies.'
It is evident there was much which, in our time at least, would be
regarded as wild and fanciful in the 'sound and just astrology'
advocated by Bacon. Yet, in passing, it may be noticed that even in our
own time we have seen similar ideas promulgated, not by common
astrologers and fortune-tellers (who, indeed, know nothing about such
matters), but by persons supposed to be well-informed in matters
scientific. In a roundabout way, a new astrology has been suggested,
which is not at all unlike Bacon's 'astrologia sana,' though not based,
as he proposed that astrology should be, on experiment, or tradition, or
physical reasons. It has been suggested, first, that the seasons of our
earth are affected by the condition of the sun in the matter of spots,
and very striking evidence has been collected to show that this must be
the case. For instance, it has been found that years when the sun has
been free from spots have been warmer than the average; and it has also
been found that such years have been cooler than the average: a
double-shotted argument wholly irresistible, especially when it is also
found that when the sun has many spots the weather has sometimes been
exceptionally warm and sometimes exceptionally cold. If this be not
considered sufficient, then note that in one country or continent or
hemisphere the weather, when the sun is most spotted (or least, as the
case may be), may be singularly hot, while in another country,
continent, or hemisphere, the weather may be as singularly cold. So with
wind and calm, rain and drought, and so forth. Always, whether the sun
is very much spotted or quite free from spots, something unusual in the
way of weather must be going on somewhere, demonstrating in the most
significant way the influence of sun-spots or the want of sun-spots on
the weather. It is true that captious minds might say that this method
of reasoning proved too much in many ways, as, for example,
thus--always, whether the sun is very much spotted or quite free from
spots, some remarkable event, as a battle, massacre, domestic tragedy on
a large scale, or the like, may be going on, demonstrating in the most
significant way the influence of sun-spots or the want of sun-spots on
the passions of men--which sounds absurd. But the answer is twofold.
First, such reasoning is captious, and secondly, it is not certain that
sun-spots, or the want of them, may not influence human passions; it may
be worth while to enquire into this possible solar influence as well as
the other, which can be done by crossing the hands of the new
fortune-tellers with a sufficient amount of that precious metal which
astrologers have in all ages dedicated to the sun.
That the new system of divination is not solely solar, but partly
planetary also, is seen when we remember that the sun-spots wax and wane
in periods of time which are manifestly referable to the planetary
motions. Thus, the great solar spot-period lasts about eleven years, the
successive spotless epochs being separated on the average by about that
time; and so nearly does this period agree with the period of the planet
Jupiter's revolution around the sun, that during eight consecutive
spot-periods the spots were most numerous when Jupiter was farthest from
the sun, and it is only by going back to the periods preceding these
eight that we find a time when the reverse happened, the spots being
most numerous when Jupiter was nearest to the sun. So with various other
periods which the ingenuity of Messrs. De la Rue and Balfour Stewart has
detected, and which, under the closest scrutiny, exhibit almost exact
agreement for many successive periods, preceded and followed by almost
exact disagreement. Here, again, the captious may argue that such
alternate agreements and disagreements may be noted in every case where
two periods are not very unequal, whether there be any connection
between them or not; but much more frequently when there is no
connection: and that the only evidence really proving a connection
between planetary motions and the solar spots would be constant
agreement between solar spot periods and particular planetary periods.
But the progress of science, and especially the possible erection of a
new observatory for finding out ('for a consideration') how sun-spots
affect the weather, etc., ought not to be interfered with by captious
reasoners in this objectionable manner. Nor need any other answer be
given them. Seeing, then, that sun-spots manifestly affect the weather
and the seasons, while the planets rule the sun-spots, it is clear that
the planets really rule the seasons. And again, seeing that the planets
rule the seasons, while the seasons largely affect the well-being of men
and nations (to say nothing of animals), it follows that the planets
influence the fates of men and nations (and animals). _Quod erat
demonstrandum._
Let us return, however, to the more reasonable astrology of the
ancients, and enquire into some of the traditions which Bacon considered
worthy of attention in framing the precepts of a sound and just
astrology.
It was natural that the astrologers of old should regard the planetary
influences as depending in the main on the position of the celestial
bodies on the sky above the person or place whose fortunes were in
question. Thus two men at the same moment in Rome and in Persia would by
no means have the same horoscope cast for their nativities, so that
their fortunes, according to the principles of judicial astrology, would
be quite different. In fact it might happen that two men, born at the
same instant of time, would have all the principal circumstances of
their lives contrasted--planets riding high in the heavens of one being
below the horizon of the other, and _vice versa_.
The celestial sphere placed as at the moment of the native's birth was
divided into twelve parts by great circles supposed to pass through the
point overhead, and its opposite, the point vertically beneath the feet.
These twelve divisions were called 'houses.'
Their position is illustrated in the following figure, taken from
Raphael's Astrology.
[Illustration:
Particular Significations
OF THE
_Twelve Celestial Houses_,
According to various
Astrological Authors.
Sun-rise.
Cusp of the
_Ascendant_.
LIFE
and
HEALTH
Cusp of the
_Second House_.
RICHES
Cusp of the
_Third House_.
KINDRED
and
SHORT JOURNEYS
Cusp of the
_Fourth House_.
INHERITANCES
Mid-night.
Cusp of the
_Fifth House_.
CHILDREN
Cusp of the
_Sixth House_.
SICKNESS
Cusp of the
_Seventh House_.
MARRIAGE
Sun-set.
Cusp of the
_Eighth House_.
DEATH
Cusp of the
_Ninth House_.
LONG JOURNEYS
Cusp of the
_Mid-heaven_.
HONOR
Noon-day.
Cusp of the
_Eleventh House_.
FRIENDS
Cusp of the
_Twelfth House_.
ENEMIES
]
The first, called the Ascendant House, was the portion rising above the
horizon at the east. It was regarded as the House of Life, the planets
located therein at the moment of birth having most potent influence on
the life and destiny of the native. Such planets were said to rule the
ascendant, being in the ascending house; and it is from this usage that
our familiar expression that such and such an influence is 'in the
ascendant' is derived. The next house was the House of Riches, and was
one-third of the way from the east below the horizon towards the place
of the sun at midnight. The third was the House of Kindred, short
journeys, letters, messages, etc. It was two-thirds of the way towards
the place of the midnight sun. The fourth was the House of Parents, and
was the house which the sun reached at midnight. The fifth was the House
of Children and Women, also of all sorts of amusements, theatres,
banquets, and merry-making. The sixth was the House of Sickness. The
seventh was the House of Love and Marriage. These three houses (the
fifth, sixth, and seventh) followed in order from the fourth, so as to
correspond to the part of the sun's path below the horizon, between his
place at midnight and his place when descending in the west. The
seventh, opposite to the first, was the Descendant. The eighth house was
the first house above the horizon, lying to the west, and was the House
of Death. The ninth house, next to the mid-heaven on the west, was the
House of Religion, science, learning, books, and long voyages. The
tenth, which was in the mid-heaven, or region occupied by the sun at
midday, was the House of Honour, denoting credit, renown, profession or
calling, trade, preferment, etc. The eleventh house, next to the
mid-heaven on the east, was the House of Friends. Lastly, the twelfth
house was the House of Enemies.
The houses were not all of equal potency. The _angular_ houses, which
are the first, the fourth, the seventh, and the tenth--lying east,
north, west, and south--were first in power, whether for good or evil.
The second, fifth, eighth, and eleventh houses were called _succedents_,
as following the angular houses, and next to them in power. The
remaining four houses--viz. the third, sixth, ninth, and twelfth
houses--were called _cadents_, and were regarded as weakest in
influence. The houses were regarded as alternately masculine and
feminine: the first, third, fifth, etc., being masculine; while the
second, fourth, sixth, etc., were feminine.
The more particular significations of the various houses are shown in
the accompanying figure from the same book.
[Illustration:
A
CELESTIAL DIAGRAM
representing at one view the
various symbolical significations
of the
_Twelve Heavenly Houses_;
according to ancient manuscript
writers of the twelfth century;
_and not to be found in Authors_.
Brethren
of
friends, fathers
of kings, sickness of
public enemies, wives of
enemies, death of servants,
long journeys of children, friends
of brethren, thoughts of the asker.
The end of youth, brethren of private
enemies, fathers and grandsires of
friends, king's sons, enemies
of wives, magistery of
children, private
enemies of
brethren.
Sects,
dreams,
churches, fathers
of private enemies, sons
of friends, sickness of kings,
enemies of the religious, trade of
servants, private enemies of fathers.
Dead men's goods, castles, treasure hid,
the fate of the corpse in the grave,
money of brethren, children
of private enemies, sickness
of friends, king's
enemies, friends
of servants.
Cards,
dice, brethren's
brethren, father's money,
sickness of private enemies,
enemies of friends, death of kings,
friends of enemies, enemies of servants.
Vassals, children's money, brethren's
fathers, father's brethren, enemies'
enemies, death of friends,
journeys and religion of
kings, lay dignities,
enemies of
wives.
Fines,
pleas, laws,
nuptials, death of
enemies, friends of brethren,
sons of friends, sisters
of brethren, death of enemies and
of great beasts, religion of friends.
Labour, sorrow, inheritance of the dead,
money of enemies, brethren of servants,
sickness of brethren,
dignity of friends, king's
friends, enemies
of religious
persons.
Prophets, prayers, visions, omens, divine
worship, wife's brethren, fathers of
servants, children's children,
sickness of fathers, enemies
of brethren,
friends of friends,
enemies of
kings.
Judges, brethren
of enemies,
servants, fathers of enemies,
children of servants,
sickness of sons, death of brethren,
friends of enemies, enemies of friends.
Knights, esquires, children of enemies,
sickness of servants, enemies
and wives of offspring,
death of fathers, journeys
of brethren, enemies
of enemies.
Envy, sorrow, guile, long hidden wrath,
money of friends, brethren of kings,
sickness of wives, servants'
enemies, death of children,
trade of brethren,
a prison.
]
It will be easily understood how these houses were dealt with in
erecting a scheme of nativity. The position of the planets at the moment
of the native's birth, in the several houses, determined his fortunes
with regard to the various matters associated with these houses. Thus
planets of good influence in the native's ascendant, or first house,
signified generally a prosperous life; but if at the same epoch a planet
of malefic influence was in the seventh house, then the native, though
on the whole prosperous, would be unfortunate in marriage. A good planet
in the tenth house signified good fortune and honour in office or
business, and generally a prosperous career as distinguished from a
happy life; but evil planets in the ninth house would suggest to the
native caution in undertaking long voyages, or entering upon religious
or scientific controversies.
Similar considerations applied to questions relating to horary
astronomy, in which the position of the planets in the various houses at
some epoch guided the astrologer's opinion as to the fortune of that
hour, either in the life of a man or the career of a State. In such
inquiries, however, not only the position of the planets, etc., at the
time had to be considered, but also the original horoscope of the
person, or the special planets and signs associated with particular
States. Thus if Jupiter, the most fortunate of all the planets, was in
the ascendant, or in the House of Honour, at the time of the native's
birth, and at some epoch this planet was ill-aspected or afflicted by
other planets potent for evil in the native's horoscope, then that epoch
would be a threatening one in the native's career.
The sign Gemini was regarded by astrologers as especially associated
with the fortunes of London, and accordingly they tell us that the great
fire of London, the plague, the building of London Bridge, and other
events interesting to London, all occurred when this sign was in the
ascendant, or when special planets were in this sign.[7]
The signs of the zodiac in the various houses were in the first place
to be noted, because not only had these signs special powers in special
houses, but the effects of the planets in particular houses varied
according to the signs in which the planets were situated. If we were to
follow the description given by the astrologers themselves, not much
insight would be thrown upon the meaning of the zodiacal signs. For
instance, astrologers say that Aries is a vernal, dry, fiery, masculine,
cardinal, equinoctial, diurnal, movable, commanding, eastern, choleric,
violent, and quadrupedalian sign. We may, however, infer generally from
their accounts the influences which they assigned to the zodiacal signs.
Aries is the house and joy of Mars, signifies a dry constitution, long
face and neck, thick shoulders, swarthy complexion, and a hasty,
passionate temper. It governs the head and face, and all diseases
relating thereto. It reigns over England, France, Switzerland, Germany,
Denmark, Lesser Poland, Syria, Naples, Capua, Verona, etc. It is a
masculine sign, and is regarded as fortunate.
Taurus gives to the native born under his auspices a stout athletic
frame, broad bull-like forehead, dark curly hair, short neck, and so
forth, and a dull apathetic temper, exceedingly cruel and malicious if
once aroused. It governs the neck and throat, and reigns over Ireland,
Great Poland, part of Russia, Holland, Persia, Asia Minor, the
Archipelago, Mantua, Leipsic, etc. It is a feminine sign, and
unfortunate.
Gemini is the house of Mercury. The native of Gemini will have a
sanguine complexion and tall, straight figure, dark eyes quick and
piercing, brown hair, active ways, and will be of exceedingly ingenious
intellect. It governs the arms and shoulders, and rules over the
south-west parts of England, America, Flanders, Lombardy, Sardinia,
Armenia, Lower Egypt, London, Versailles, Brabant, etc. It is a
masculine sign, and fortunate.
Cancer is the house of the Moon and exaltation of Jupiter, and its
native will be of fair but pale complexion, round face, grey or mild
blue eyes, weak voice, the upper part of the body large, slender arms,
small feet, and an effeminate constitution. It governs the breast and
the stomach, and reigns over Scotland, Holland, Zealand, Burgundy,
Africa, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, Constantinople, New York, etc. It is a
feminine sign, and unfortunate.
The native born under Leo will be of large body, broad shoulders,
austere countenance, with dark eyes and tawny hair, strong voice, and
leonine character, resolute and ambitious, but generous, free, and
courteous. Leo governs the heart and back, and reigns over Italy,
Bohemia, France, Sicily, Rome, Bristol, Bath, Taunton, Philadelphia,
etc. It is a masculine sign, and fortunate.
Virgo is the joy of Mercury. Its natives are of moderate stature, seldom
handsome, slender but compact, thrifty and ingenious. It governs the
abdomen, and reigns over Turkey both in Europe and Asia, Greece, and
Mesopotamia, Crete, Jerusalem, Paris, Lyons, etc. It is a feminine sign,
and generally unfortunate.
Libra is the house of Venus. The natives of Libra are tall and well
made, elegant in person, round-faced and ruddy, but plain-featured and
'inclined to eruptions that disfigure the face when old; they' (the
natives) 'are of sweet disposition, just and upright in dealing.' It
governs the lumbar regions, and reigns over Austria, Alsace, Savoy,
Portugal, Livonia, India, Ethiopia, Lisbon, Vienna, Frankfort, Antwerp,
Charleston, etc. It is a masculine sign, and fortunate.
Scorpio is, like Aries, the house of Mars, 'and also his joy.' Its
natives are strong, corpulent, and robust, with large bones, 'dark curly
hair and eyes' (presumably the eyes dark only, not curly), middle
stature, dusky complexion, active bodies; they are usually reserved in
speech. It governs the region of the groin, and reigns over Judaea,
Mauritania, Catalonia, Norway, West Silesia, Upper Batavia, Barbary,
Morocco, Valentia, Messina, etc. It is feminine, and unfortunate. (It
would appear likely, by the way, that astrology was a purely masculine
science.)
Sagittarius is the house and joy of Jupiter. Its natives are well formed
and tall, ruddy, handsome, and jovial, with fine clear eyes, chestnut
hair, and oval fleshy face. They are 'generally jolly fellows at either
bin or board,' active, intrepid, generous, and obliging. It governs the
legs and thighs,[8] and reigns over Arabia Felix, Spain, Hungary,
Moravia, Liguria, Narbonne, Cologne, Avignon, etc. It is masculine, and
of course fortunate.
Capricorn is the house of Saturn and exaltation of Mars. This sign gives
to its natives a dry constitution and slender make, with a long thin
visage, thin beard (a generally goaty aspect, in fact), dark hair, long
neck, narrow chin, and weak knees. It governs, nevertheless, the knees
and hams, and reigns over India, Macedonia, Thrace and Greece, Mexico,
Saxony, Wilna, Mecklenburgh, Brandenburg, and Oxford. It is feminine,
and unfortunate.
Aquarius also is the house of Saturn. Its natives are robust, steady,
strong, healthy, and of middle stature; delicate complexion, clear but
not pale, sandy hair, hazel eyes, and generally an honest disposition.
It governs the legs and ankles, and reigns over Arabia, Petraea, Tartary,
Russia, Denmark, Lower Sweden, Westphalia, Hamburg, and Bremen. It is
masculine, and fortunate.
Pisces is the house of Jupiter and exaltation of Venus. Its natives are
short, pale, thick-set, and round-shouldered (like fish), its character
phlegmatic and effeminate. It governs the feet and toes, and reigns over
Portugal, Spain, Egypt, Normandy, Galicia, Ratisbon, Calabria, etc. It
is feminine, and therefore, naturally, unfortunate.
Let us next consider the influences assigned to the various planets and
constellations.
Though we can understand that in old times the planets and stars were
regarded as exercising very potent influences upon the fates of men and
nations,[9] it is by no means easy to understand how astrologers came to
assign to each planet its special influence. That is, it is not easy to
understand how they could have been led to such a result by actual
reasoning, still less by any process of observation.[10] There was a
certain scientific basis for the belief in the possibility of
determining the special influences of the stars; and we should have
expected to find some scientific process adopted for the purpose. Yet,
so far as can be judged, the influences assigned to the planets depended
on entirely fanciful considerations. In some cases we seem almost to see
the line along which the fancies of the old astrologers led them, just
as in some cases we can perceive how mythological superstitions (which
are closely related to astrological ideas) had their origin; though it
is not quite clear whether the planets were first regarded as deities
with special qualities, and these qualities afterwards assigned to the
planetary influences, or whether the planetary influences were first
assigned, and came eventually to be regarded as the qualities of the
deities associated with the several planets.