CHAPTER XII.

THE DISCIPLINE OF THE CHURCH; ITS PRINCIPAL USE IN CENSURES AND

EXCOMMUNICATION.

The discipline of the Church, the discussion of which I have deferred to

this place, must be despatched in a few words, that we may proceed to

the remaining subjects. Now, the discipline depends chiefly on the power

of the keys, and the spiritual jurisdiction. To make this more easily

understood, let us divide the Church into two principal orders—the

clergy and the people. I use the word _clergy_ as the common, though

improper, appellation of those who execute the public ministry in the

Church. We shall, first, speak of the common discipline to which all

ought to be subject; and in the next place we shall proceed to the

clergy, who, beside this common discipline, have a discipline peculiar

to themselves. But as some have such a hatred of discipline, as to abhor

the very name, they should attend to the following consideration: That

if no society, and even no house, though containing only a small family,

can be preserved in a proper state without discipline, this is far more

necessary in the Church, the state of which ought to be the most orderly

of all. As the saving doctrine of Christ is the soul of the Church, so

discipline forms the ligaments which connect the members together, and

keep each in its proper place. Whoever, therefore, either desire the

abolition of all discipline, or obstruct its restoration, whether they

act from design or inadvertency, they certainly promote the entire

dissolution of the Church. For what will be the consequence, if every

man be at liberty to follow his own inclinations? But such would be the

case, unless the preaching of the doctrine were accompanied with private

admonitions, reproofs, and other means to enforce the doctrine, and

prevent it from being altogether ineffectual. Discipline, therefore,

serves as a bridle to curb and restrain the refractory, who resist the

doctrine of Christ; or as a spur to stimulate the inactive; and

sometimes as a father’s rod, with which those who have grievously fallen

may be chastised in mercy, and with the gentleness of the Spirit of

Christ. Now, when we see the approach of certain beginnings of a

dreadful desolation in the Church, since there is no solicitude or means

to keep the people in obedience to our Lord, necessity itself proclaims

the want of a remedy; and this is the only remedy which has been

commanded by Christ, or which has ever been adopted among believers.

II. The first foundation of discipline consists in the use of private

admonitions; that is to say, that if any one be guilty of a voluntary

omission of duty, or conduct himself in an insolent manner, or discover

a want of virtue in his life, or commit any act deserving of

reprehension, he should suffer himself to be admonished; and that every

one should study to admonish his brother, whenever occasion shall

require; but that pastors and presbyters, beyond all others, should be

vigilant in the discharge of this duty, being called by their office,

not only to preach to the congregation, but also to admonish and exhort

in private houses, if in any instances their public instructions may not

have been sufficiently efficacious; as Paul inculcates, when he says,

that he “taught publicly and from house to house,” and protests himself

to be “pure from the blood of all men,” having “ceased not to warn every

one night and day with tears.”[1043] For the doctrine then obtains its

full authority, and produces its due effect, when the minister not only

declares to all the people together what is their duty to Christ, but

has the right and means of enforcing it upon them whom he observes to be

inattentive, or not obedient to the doctrine. If any one either

obstinately reject such admonitions, or manifest his contempt of them by

persisting in his misconduct; after he shall have been admonished a

second time in the presence of witnesses, Christ directs him to be

summoned before the tribunal of the Church, that is, the assembly of the

elders, and there to be more severely admonished by the public

authority, that if he reverence the Church, he may submit and obey; but

if this do not overcome him, and he still persevere in his iniquity, our

Lord then commands him, as a despiser of the Church, to be excluded from

the society of believers.[1044]

III. But as Jesus Christ in this passage is speaking only of private

faults, it is necessary to make this distinction—that some sins are

private, and others public or notorious. With respect to the former,

Christ says to every private individual, “Tell him his fault between

thee and him alone.”[1045] With respect to those which are notorious,

Paul says to Timothy, “Them that sin rebuke before all, that others also

may fear.”[1046] For Christ has before said, “If thy brother shall

trespass against thee;” which no person who is not contentious can

understand in any other sense, than if our Lord had said, “If any one

sin against thee, and thou alone know it, without any other persons

being acquainted with it.” But the direction given by the apostle to

Timothy, to rebuke publicly those whose transgressions were public, he

himself exemplified in his conduct to Peter. For when Peter committed a

public offence, he did not admonish him in private, but brought him

forward before all the Church.[1047] The legitimate course, then, will

be,—in correcting secret faults, to adopt the different steps directed

by Christ; and in the case of those which are notorious, to proceed at

once to the solemn correction of the Church, especially if they be

attended with public offence.

IV. It is also necessary to make another distinction between different

sins; some are smaller delinquencies, others are flagitious or enormous

crimes. For the correction of atrocious crimes, it is not sufficient to

employ admonition or reproof; recourse must be had to a severer remedy;

as Paul shows, when he does not content himself with censuring the

incestuous Corinthian, but pronounces sentence of excommunication

immediately on being certified of his crime. Now, then, we begin to have

a clearer perception how the spiritual jurisdiction of the Church, which

corrects sins according to the word of the Lord, is a most excellent

preservative of health, foundation of order, and bond of unity.

Therefore when the Church excludes from its society all who are known to

be guilty of adultery, fornication, theft, robbery, sedition, perjury,

false witness, and other similar crimes, together with obstinate

persons, who, after having been admonished even of smaller faults,

contemn God and his judgment,—it usurps no unreasonable authority, but

only exercises the jurisdiction which God has given it. And that no one

may despise this judgment of the Church, or consider it as of little

importance that he is condemned by the voice of the faithful, God has

testified that it is no other than a declaration of his sentence, and

that what they do on earth shall be ratified in heaven. For they have

the word of the Lord, to condemn the perverse; they have the word, to

receive the penitent into favour. Persons who believe that the Church

could not subsist without this bond of discipline, are mistaken in their

opinion, unless we could safely dispense with that remedy which the Lord

foresaw would be necessary for us; and how very necessary it is, will be

better discovered from its various use.

V. Now, there are three ends proposed by the Church in those

corrections, and in excommunication. The first is, that those who lead

scandalous and flagitious lives, may not, to the dishonour of God, be

numbered among Christians; as if his holy Church were a conspiracy of

wicked and abandoned men. For as the Church is the body of Christ, it

cannot be contaminated with such foul and putrid members without some

ignominy being reflected upon the Head. That nothing may exist in the

Church, therefore, from which any disgrace may be thrown upon his

venerable name, it is necessary to expel from his family all those from

whose turpitude infamy would redound to the profession of Christianity.

Here it is also necessary to have particular regard to the Lord’s

supper, that it may not be profaned by a promiscuous administration. For

it is certain that he who is intrusted with the dispensation of it, if

he knowingly and intentionally admit an unworthy person, whom he might

justly reject, is as guilty of sacrilege as if he were to give the

Lord’s body to dogs. Wherefore, Chrysostom severely inveighs against

priests, who, from a fear of the great and the powerful, did not dare to

reject any persons who presented themselves. “Blood,” says he, “shall be

required at your hands. If you fear man, he will deride you; if you fear

God, you will also be honoured among men. Let us not be afraid of

sceptres, or diadems, or imperial robes; we have here a great power. As

for myself, I will rather give up my body to death, and suffer my blood

to be shed, than I will be partaker of this pollution.” To guard this

most sacred mystery, therefore, from being reproached, there is need of

great discretion in the administration of it, and this requires the

jurisdiction of the Church. The second end is, that the good may not be

corrupted, as is often the case, by constant association with the

wicked. For, such is our propensity to error, nothing is more easy than

for evil examples to seduce us from rectitude of conduct. This use of

discipline was remarked by the apostle, when he directed the Corinthians

to expel from their society a person who had been guilty of incest. “A

little leaven,” says he, “leaveneth the whole lump.”[1048] And the

apostle perceived such great danger from this quarter, that he even

interdicted believers from all social intercourse with the wicked. “I

have written unto you, not to keep company, if any man that is called a

brother be a fornicator, or covetous, or an idolater, or a railer, or a

drunkard, or an extortioner; with such a one, no, not to eat.”[1049] The

third end is, that those who are censured or excommunicated, confounded

with the shame of their turpitude, may be led to repentance. Thus it is

even conducive to their own benefit for their iniquity to be punished,

that the stroke of the rod may arouse to a confession of their guilt,

those who would only be rendered more obstinate by indulgence. The

apostle intends the same when he says, “If any man obey not our word,

note that man, and have no company with him, that he may be

ashamed.”[1050] Again, when he says of the incestuous Corinthian, “I

have judged to deliver such a one unto Satan, that the spirit may be

saved in the day of the Lord;”[1051] that is, as I understand it, that

he had consigned him to a temporal condemnation, that the spirit might

be eternally saved. He therefore calls it _delivering to Satan_, because

the devil is _without_ the Church, as Christ is in the Church. For the

opinion of some persons, that it relates to a certain torment of the

body in the present life, inflicted by the agency of Satan, appears to

me extremely doubtful.

VI. Having stated these ends, it remains for us to examine how the

Church exercises this branch of discipline, which consists in

jurisdiction. In the first place, let us keep in view the distinction

before mentioned, that some sins are public, and others private, or more

concealed. Public sins are those which are not only known to one or two

witnesses, but are committed openly, and to the scandal of the whole

Church. By private sins, I mean, not such as are entirely unknown to

men, like those of hypocrites,—for these never come under the cognizance

of the Church,—but those of an intermediate class, which are not without

the knowledge of some witnesses, and yet are not public. The first sort

requires not the adoption of the gradual measures enumerated by Christ;

but it is the duty of the Church, on the occurrence of any notorious

scandal, immediately to summon the offender, and to punish him in

proportion to his crime. Sins of the second class, according to the rule

of Christ, are not to be brought before the Church, unless they are

attended with contumacy, in rejecting private admonition. When they are

submitted to the cognizance of the Church, then attention is to be paid

to the other distinction, between smaller delinquencies and more

atrocious crimes. For slighter offences require not the exertion of

extreme severity; it is sufficient to administer verbal castigation, and

that with paternal gentleness, not calculated to exasperate or confound

the offender, but to bring him to himself, that his correction may be an

occasion of joy rather than of sorrow. But it is proper that flagitious

crimes should receive severer punishment; for it is not enough for him

who has grievously offended the Church by the bad example of an

atrocious crime, merely to receive verbal castigation; he ought to be

deprived of the communion of the Lord’s supper for a time, till he shall

have given satisfactory evidence of repentance. For Paul not only

employs verbal reproof against the Corinthian transgressor, but excludes

him from the Church, and blames the Corinthians for having tolerated him

so long. This order was retained in the ancient and purer Church, while

any legitimate government continued. For if any one had perpetrated a

crime which was productive of offence, he was commanded, in the first

place, to abstain from the Lord’s supper, and, in the next place, to

humble himself before God, and to testify his repentance before the

Church. There were, likewise, certain solemn rites which it was

customary to enjoin upon those who had fallen, as signs of their

repentance. When the sinner had performed these for the satisfaction of

the Church, he was then, by imposition of hands, readmitted to the

communion. This readmission is frequently called _peace_ by Cyprian, who

briefly describes the ceremony. “They do penance,” he says, “for a

sufficient time; then they come to confession, and by the imposition of

the hands of the bishop and clergy, are restored to the privilege of

communion.” But though the bishop and clergy presided in the

reconciliation of offenders, yet they required the consent of the

people; as Cyprian elsewhere states.

VII. From this discipline none were exempted; so that princes and

plebeians yielded the same submission to it; and that with the greatest

propriety, since it is evidently the discipline of Christ, to whom it is

reasonable that all the sceptres and diadems of kings should be subject.

Thus Theodosius, when Ambrose excluded him from the privilege of

communion, on account of a massacre perpetrated at Thessalonica, laid

aside the ensigns of royalty with which he was invested, publicly in the

Church bewailed his sin, which the deceitful suggestions of others had

tempted him to commit, and implored pardon with groans and tears. For

great kings ought not to think it any dishonour to prostrate themselves

as suppliants before Christ the King of kings, nor ought they to be

displeased at being judged by the Church. As they hear scarcely any

thing in their courts but mere flatteries, it is the more highly

necessary for them to receive correction from the Lord by the mouth of

his _ministers_; they ought even to wish not to be spared by the

_pastors_, that they may be spared by the Lord. I forbear to mention

here by whom this jurisdiction is to be exercised, having spoken of this

in another place. I will only add, that the legitimate process in

excommunicating an offender, which is pointed out by Paul, requires it

to be done, not by the elders alone, but with the knowledge and

approbation of the Church: in such a manner, however, that the multitude

of the people may not direct the proceeding, but may watch over it as

witnesses and guardians, that nothing may be done by a few persons from

any improper motive. Beside the invocation of the name of God, the whole

of the proceeding ought to be conducted with a gravity declarative of

the presence of Christ, that there may be no doubt of his presiding over

the sentence.

VIII. But it ought not to be forgotten, that the severity becoming the

Church must be tempered with a spirit of gentleness. For there is

constant need of the greatest caution, according to the injunction of

Paul respecting a person who may have been censured, “lest perhaps such

a one should be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow;”[1052] for thus a

remedy would become a poison. But the rule of moderation may be better

deduced from the end intended to be accomplished; for as the design of

excommunication is, that the sinner may be brought to repentance, and

evil examples taken away, to prevent the name of Christ from being

blasphemed and other persons being tempted to imitation,—if we keep

these things in view, it will be easy to judge how far severity ought to

proceed, and where it ought to stop. Therefore, when the sinner gives

the Church a testimony of his repentance, and by this testimony, as far

as in him lies, obliterates the offence, he is by no means to be pressed

any further; and if he be pressed any further, the rigour is carried

beyond its proper limits. In this respect, it is impossible to excuse

the excessive austerity of the ancients, which was utterly at variance

with the directions of the Lord, and led to the most dangerous

consequences. For when they sentenced an offender to solemn repentance,

and exclusion from the holy communion, sometimes for three, sometimes

for four, sometimes for seven years, and sometimes for the remainder of

life,—what other consequence could result from it, but either great

hypocrisy or extreme despair? In like manner, when any one had fallen a

second time, the refusal to admit him to a second repentance, and his

exclusion from the Church to the end of his life, was neither useful nor

reasonable. Whoever considers the subject with sound judgment,

therefore, will discover their want of prudence in this instance. But I

would rather reprobate the general custom, than accuse all those who

practised it; among whom it is certain that some were not satisfied, but

they complied with it because it was not in their power to effect a

reformation. Cyprian declares that it was not from his own choice that

he was so rigorous. “Our patience,” he says, “and kindness and

tenderness, is ready for all who come. I wish all to return into the

Church: I wish all our fellow-soldiers to be assembled in the camp of

Christ, and all our brethren to be received into the house of God our

Father. I forgive every thing; I conceal much; from a zealous wish to

collect all the brotherhood together, even the sins committed against

God I examine not with rigid severity; and am scarcely free from fault

myself, in forgiving faults more easily than I ought. With ready and

entire affection I embrace those who return with penitence, confessing

their sin with humble and sincere satisfaction.” Chrysostom is rather

more severe; yet he expresses himself thus: “If God is so kind, why is

his priest determined to be so austere?” We know, likewise, what

kindness Augustine exercised towards the Donatists, so that he hesitated

not to receive into the bishoprics those who renounced their error; and

that immediately after their repentance. But because a contrary system

had prevailed, they were obliged to relinquish their own judgment, in

order to follow the established custom.

IX. Now, as it is required of the whole body of the Church, in

chastising any one who has fallen, to manifest such gentleness and

clemency as not to proceed to the extremity of rigour, but rather,

according to the injunction of Paul, to “confirm their love toward

him,”[1053] so it is the duty of every individual to moderate himself to

the like tenderness and clemency. Such as are expelled from the Church,

therefore, it is not for us to expunge from the number of the elect, or

to despair of them as already lost. It is proper to consider them as

strangers to the Church, and consequently from Christ, but this only as

long as they remain in a state of exclusion. And even then, if they

exhibit more appearance of obstinacy than of humility, still let us

leave them to the judgment of God, hoping better things of them for the

future than we discover at present, and not ceasing to pray to God on

their behalf. And to comprehend all in a word, let us not condemn to

eternal death the person himself, who is in the hand and power of God

alone, but let us content ourselves with judging of the nature of his

works according to the law of the Lord. While we follow this rule, we

rather adhere to the judgment of God than pronounce our own. Let us not

arrogate to ourselves any greater latitude of judging, unless we would

limit the power and prescribe laws to the mercy of God; for, whenever it

seems good to him, the worst of men are changed into the best, strangers

are introduced, and foreigners are admitted into the Church. And this

the Lord does, to frustrate the opinion and repress the presumption of

men, which would usurp the most unwarrantable liberty of judging, if it

were left without any restraint.

X. When Christ promises that what his ministers bind on earth shall be

bound in heaven, he limits the power of binding to the censure of the

Church; by which those who are excommunicated are not cast into eternal

ruin and condemnation, but, by hearing their life and conduct condemned,

are also certified of their final condemnation, unless they repent. For

excommunication differs from anathema; the latter, which ought to be

very rarely or never resorted to, precluding all pardon, execrates a

person, and devotes him to eternal perdition; whereas excommunication

rather censures and punishes his conduct. And though it does, at the

same time, punish the person, yet it is in such a manner, that, by

warning him of his future condemnation, it recalls him to salvation. If

he obey, the Church is ready to re-admit him to its friendship, and to

restore him to its communion. Therefore, though the discipline of the

Church admits not of our friendly association and familiar intercourse

with excommunicated persons, yet we ought to exert all the means in our

power to promote their reformation, and their return to the society and

communion of the Church; as we are taught by the apostle, who says, “Yet

count him not as an enemy, but admonish him as a brother.”[1054] Unless

this tenderness be observed by the individual members, as well as by the

Church collectively, our discipline will be in danger of speedily

degenerating into cruelty.

XI. It is also particularly requisite to the moderation of discipline,

as Augustine observes in disputing with the Donatists, that private

persons, if they see faults corrected with too little diligence by the

council of elders, should not on that account immediately withdraw from

the Church; and that the pastors themselves, if they cannot succeed

according to the wishes of their hearts in reforming every thing that

needs correction, should not, in consequence of this, desert the

ministry, or disturb the whole Church with unaccustomed asperity. For

there is much truth in his observation, that “whoever either corrects

what he can by reproof; or what he cannot correct, excludes, without

breaking the bond of peace; or what he cannot exclude, without breaking

the bond of peace, censures with moderation and bears with firmness; he

is free from the curse, and chargeable with no blame.” In another

passage he assigns the reason; because “all the pious order and method

of ecclesiastical discipline ought constantly to regard the unity of the

Spirit in the bond of peace; which the apostle commands to be kept by

mutual forbearance; and without the preservation of which, the medicine

of chastisement is not only superfluous, but even becomes pernicious,

and consequently is no longer a medicine.” Again: “He who attentively

considers these things neither neglects severity of discipline for the

preservation of unity, nor breaks the bond of fellowship by an

intemperance of correction.” He acknowledges indeed that it is not only

the duty of the pastors to endeavour to purify the Church from every

fault, but that it is likewise incumbent on every individual to exert

all his influence for the same purpose; and he fully admits, that a

person who neglects to admonish, reprove, and correct the wicked, though

he neither favours them nor unites in their sins, is nevertheless

culpable in the sight of the Lord; but that he who sustains such an

office as to have power to exclude them from a participation of the

sacraments, and does it not, is chargeable, in that case, not with the

guilt of another, but with a sin of his own; he only recommends it to be

done with the prudence required by our Lord, “lest while” they “gather

up the tares,” they “root up also the wheat with them.”[1055] Hence he

concludes with Cyprian, “Let a man, therefore, in mercy correct what he

can; what he cannot, let him patiently bear and affectionately lament.”

XII. These remarks of Augustine were made in consequence of the rigour

of the Donatists, who, seeing vices in the Church, which the bishops

condemned by verbal reproofs, but did not punish with excommunication,

which they thought not adapted to produce any good effects, inveighed in

a most outrageous manner against the bishops, as betrayers of

discipline, and by an impious schism separated themselves from the flock

of Christ. The same conduct is pursued in the present day by the

Anabaptists, who, acknowledging no congregation to belong to Christ,

unless it be, in all respects, conspicuous for angelic perfection, under

the pretext of zeal, destroy all edification. “Such persons,” says

Augustine, “not actuated by hatred against the iniquity of others, but

stimulated by fondness for their own disputes, desire either wholly to

pervert, or at least to divide the weak multitude by insnaring them with

their boastful pretensions; inflated with pride, infuriated with

obstinacy, insidious with calumnies, turbulent with seditions, that

their destitution of the light of truth may not be detected, they

conceal themselves under the covert of a rigorous severity; and those

things which the Scripture commands to be done for the correction of the

faults of our brethren, without violating the sincerity of love, or

disturbing the unity of peace, but with the moderation of a remedial

process, they abuse, to an occasion of dissension and to the sacrilege

of schism. Thus Satan transforms himself into an angel of light, when

from just severity he takes occasion to persuade men to inhuman cruelty,

with no other object than to corrupt and break the bond of peace and

unity; by the preservation of which among Christians, all his power to

injure them is weakened, his insidious snares are broken, and his

schemes for their ruin come to nothing.”

XIII. There is one thing which this father particularly recommends—that

if the contagion of any sin has infected a whole people, there is a

necessity for the severity and mercy which are combined in strict

discipline. “For schemes of separation,” he says, “are pernicious and

sacrilegious, because they proceed from pride and impiety, and disturb

the good who are weak, more than they correct the wicked who are bold.”

And what he here prescribes to others, he faithfully followed himself.

For writing to Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, he complained that

drunkenness, which is so severely condemned in the Scripture, prevailed

with impunity in Africa, and persuaded him to endeavour to remedy it by

calling a provincial council. He immediately adds, “I believe these

things are suppressed not by harshness, severity, or imperiousness, but

by teaching rather than commanding, by admonitions rather than by

menaces. For this is the conduct to be pursued with a multitude of

offenders; but severity is to be exercised against the sins of a few.”

Yet he does not mean that bishops should connive or be silent, because

they cannot inflict severe punishments for public crimes, as he

afterwards explains; but he means that the correction should be tempered

with such moderation, as to be salutary rather than injurious to the

body. And therefore he at length concludes in the following manner:

“Wherefore, also, that command of the apostle, to put away the

wicked,[1056] ought by no means to be neglected, when it can be done

without danger of disturbing the peace; for in this case alone did he

intend that it should be enforced; and we are also to observe his other

injunction, to forbear one another in love, endeavouring to keep the

unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.”[1057]

XIV. The remaining part of discipline, which is not strictly included in

the power of the keys, consists in this—that the pastors, according to

the necessity of the times, should exhort the people either to fastings

or solemn supplications, or to other exercises of humility, repentance,

and faith, of which the word of God prescribes neither the time, the

extent, nor the form, but leaves all this to the judgment of the Church.

The observation of these things, also, which are highly useful, was

always practised by the ancient Church from the days of the apostles;

though the apostles themselves were not the first authors of them, but

derived the example from the law and the prophets. For there we find,

that whenever any important business occurred, the people were

assembled, supplications commanded, and fasting enjoined. The apostles,

therefore, followed what was not new to the people of God, and what they

foresaw would be useful. The same reasoning is applicable to other

exercises by which the people may be excited to duty, or preserved in

obedience. Examples abound in the sacred history, which it is

unnecessary to enumerate. The conclusion to be deduced from the whole

is, that whenever a controversy arises respecting religion, which

requires to be decided by a council or ecclesiastical judgment; whenever

a minister is to be chosen; in short, whenever any thing of difficulty

or great importance is transacting; and also when any tokens of the

Divine wrath are discovered, such as famine, pestilence, or war;—it is a

pious custom, and beneficial in all ages, for the pastors to exhort the

people to public fasts and extraordinary prayers. If the testimonies

which may be adduced from the Old Testament be rejected, as inapplicable

to the Christian church, it is evident that the apostles practised the

same. Respecting prayers, however, I suppose scarcely a person will be

found disposed to raise any dispute. Therefore let us say something of

fasting; because many, for want of knowing its usefulness, undervalue

its necessity, and some reject it as altogether superfluous; while, on

the other hand, where the use of it is not well understood, it easily

degenerates into superstition.

XV. Holy and legitimate fasting is directed to three ends. For we

practise it, either as a restraint on the flesh, to preserve it from

licentiousness, or as a preparation for prayers and pious meditations,

or as a testimony of our humiliation in the presence of God, when we are

desirous of confessing our guilt before him. The first is not often

contemplated in public fasting, because all men have not the same

constitution or health of body; therefore it is rather more applicable

to private fasting. The second end is common to both, such preparation

for prayer being necessary to the whole Church, as well as to every one

of the faithful in particular. The same may be said of the third. For it

will sometimes happen that God will afflict a whole nation with war,

pestilence, or some other calamity; under such a common scourge, it

behoves all the people to make a confession of their guilt. When the

hand of the Lord chastises an individual, he ought to make a similar

confession, either alone or with his family. It is true that this

acknowledgment lies principally in the disposition of the heart; but

when the heart is affected as it ought to be, it can scarcely avoid

breaking out into the external expression, and most especially when it

promotes the general edification; in order that all, by a public

confession of their sin, may unitedly acknowledge the justice of God,

and may mutually animate each other by the influence of example.

XVI. Wherefore fasting, as it is a sign of humiliation, is of more

frequent use in public, than among individuals in private; though it is

common to both, as we have already observed. With regard to the

discipline, therefore, of which we are now treating, whenever

supplications are to be presented to God on any important occasion, it

would be right to enjoin the union of fasting with prayer. Thus when the

believers at Antioch “laid their hands on Paul and Barnabas,” the better

to recommend their very important ministry to God, they “fasted” as well

as “prayed.”[1058] So also when Paul and Barnabas afterwards “ordained

elders in every Church,” they used to “pray with fasting.”[1059] In this

kind of fasting, their only object was, that they might be more lively

and unembarrassed in prayer. And we find by experience, that after a

full meal, the mind does not aspire towards God so as to be able to

enter on prayer, and to continue in it with seriousness and ardour of

affection. So we are to understand what Luke says of Anna, that she

“served God with fastings and prayers.”[1060] For he does not place the

worship of God in fasting, but signifies that by such means that holy

woman habituated herself to a constancy in prayer. Such was the fasting

of Nehemiah, when he prayed to God with more than common fervour for the

deliverance of his people.[1061] For this cause Paul declares it to be

expedient for believers to practise a temporary abstinence from lawful

enjoyments, that they may be more at liberty to “give themselves to

fasting and prayer.”[1062] For by connecting fasting with prayer as an

assistance to it, he signifies that fasting is of no importance in

itself, any further than as it is directed to this end. Besides, from

the direction which he gives in that place to husbands and wives, to

“render to” each other “due benevolence,” it is clear that he is not

speaking of daily prayers, but of such as require peculiar earnestness

of attention.

XVII. In like manner, when war, pestilence, or famine begins to rage, or

when any other calamity appears to threaten a country and people, then

also it is the duty of pastors to exhort the Church to fasting, that

with humble supplications they may deprecate the wrath of the Lord; for

when he causes danger to appear, he announces himself as prepared and

armed for vengeance. Therefore, as it was anciently the custom for

criminals to appear with long beards, dishevelled hair, and mourning

apparel, in order to excite the pity of the judge; so when we stand as

criminals before the tribunal of God, it is conducive to his glory and

the general edification, as well as expedient and salutary for

ourselves, to deprecate his severity by external demonstrations of

sorrow. That this was customary among the people of Israel, it is easy

to infer from the language of Joel; for when he commands to “blow the

trumpet, sanctify a fast, and call a solemn assembly,”[1063] and

proceeds to give other directions, he speaks as of things commonly

practised. He had just before said that inquisition was made respecting

the crimes of the people, had announced that the day of the Lord was at

hand, and had cited them, as criminals, to appear and answer for

themselves; afterwards, he warns them to have recourse to sackcloth and

ashes, to weeping and fasting, that is, to prostrate themselves before

the Lord with external demonstrations of humility. Sackcloth and ashes,

perhaps, were more suitable to those times; but there is no doubt that

assembling, and weeping, and fastings, and similar acts, are equally

proper for us in the present age, whenever the state of our affairs

requires them. For as it is a holy exercise, adapted both to humble men

and to confess their humility, why should it be less used by us than by

the ancients in similar necessities? We read that fasting in token of

sorrow was not only practised by the Israelitish Church, which was

formed and regulated by the word of God, but also by the inhabitants of

Nineveh, who had no instruction except the preaching of Jonah.[1064]

What cause, then, is there, why we should not practise the same? But, it

will be said, it is an external ceremony, which, with all the rest,

terminated in Christ. I reply, that even at this day it is, as it always

has been, a most excellent assistance and useful admonition to believers

to stimulate them, and guard them against further provocations of God by

their carelessness and inattention, when they are chastised by his

scourges. Therefore, when Christ excuses his apostles for not fasting,

he does not say that fasting is abolished, but appoints it for seasons

of calamity, and connects it with sorrow. “The days will come,” says he,

“when the bridegroom shall be taken away from them.”[1065]

XVIII. That there may be no mistake respecting the term, let us define

what fasting is. For we do not understand it to denote mere temperance

and abstinence in eating and drinking, but something more. The life of

believers, indeed, ought to be so regulated by frugality and sobriety,

as to exhibit, as far as possible, the appearance of a perpetual fast.

But beside this, there is another temporary fast, when we retrench any

thing from our customary mode of living, either for a day or for any

certain time, and prescribe to ourselves a more than commonly rigid and

severe abstinence in food. This restriction consists in three things,—in

time, in quality, and in quantity of food. By time, I mean that we

should perform, while fasting, those exercises on account of which fasts

are instituted. As, for example, if any one fast for solemn prayer, he

should not break his fast till he has attended to it. The quality

consists in an entire abstinence from dainties, and contentment with

simpler and humbler fare, that our appetite may not be stimulated by

delicacies. The rule of quantity is, that we eat more sparingly and

slightly than usual, only for necessity, and not for pleasure.

XIX. But it is necessary for us, above all things, to be particularly on

our guard against the approaches of superstition, which has heretofore

been a source of great injury to the Church. For it were far better that

fasting should be entirely disused, than that the practice should be

diligently observed, and at the same time corrupted with false and

pernicious opinions, into which the world is continually falling, unless

it be prevented by the greatest fidelity and prudence of the pastors.

The first caution necessary, and which they should be constantly urging,

is that suggested by Joel: “Rend your heart, and not your

garments;”[1066] that is, they should admonish the people, that God sets

no value on fasting, unless it be accompanied with a correspondent

disposition of heart, a real displeasure against sin, sincere

self-abhorrence, true humiliation, and unfeigned grief arising from a

fear of God; and that fasting is of no use on any other account than as

an additional and subordinate assistance to these things. For nothing is

more abominable to God, than when men attempt to impose upon him by the

presentation of signs and external appearances instead of purity of

heart. Therefore he severely reprobates this hypocrisy in the Jews, who

imagined they had satisfied God merely by having fasted, while they

cherished impious and impure thoughts in their hearts. “Is it such a

fast, saith the Lord, that I have chosen?”[1067] The fasting of

hypocrites, therefore, is not only superfluous and useless fatigue, but

the greatest abomination. Allied to this is another evil, which requires

the most vigilant caution, lest it be considered as a meritorious act,

or a species of divine service. For as it is a thing indifferent in

itself, and possesses no other value than it derives from those ends to

which it ought to be directed, it is most pernicious superstition to

confound it with works commanded by God, and necessary in themselves,

without reference to any ulterior object. Such was formerly the folly of

the Manichæans, in the refutation of whom Augustine most clearly shows,

that fasting is to be held in no other estimation than on account of

those ends which I here mention, and that it receives no approbation

from God, unless it be practised for their sake. The third error is not

so impious, indeed, yet it is pregnant with danger, to enforce it with

extreme rigour as one of the principal duties, and to extol it with

extravagant encomiums, so that men imagine themselves to have performed

a work of peculiar excellence when they have fasted. In this respect, I

dare not wholly excuse the ancient fathers from having sown some seeds

of superstition, and given occasion to the tyranny which afterwards

arose. Their writings contain some sound and judicious sentiments on the

subject of fasting; but they also contain extravagant praises, which

elevate it to a rank among the principal virtues.

XX. And the superstitious observance of Lent had at that time generally

prevailed, because the common people considered themselves as performing

an eminent act of obedience to God, and the pastors commended it as a

holy imitation of Christ; whereas it is plain that Christ fasted, not to

set an example to others, but in order that by such an introduction to

the preaching of the gospel, he might prove the doctrine not to be a

human invention, but a revelation from heaven. And it is surprising that

men of acute discernment could ever entertain such a gross error, which

is disproved by such numerous and satisfactory arguments. For Christ did

not fast often, which it was necessary for him to do, if he intended to

establish a law for anniversary fasts, but only once, while he was

preparing to enter on the promulgation of the gospel. Nor did he fast in

the manner of men, as it behoved him to do, if he intended to stimulate

men to an imitation of him: on the contrary, he exhibited an example

calculated to attract the admiration of all, rather than to excite them

to a desire of emulating his example. In short, there was no other

reason for his fasting than for that of Moses, when he received the law

from the hand of the Lord. For as that miracle was exhibited in Moses,

to establish the authority of the law, it was necessary that it should

not be omitted in Christ, lest the gospel should seem to be inferior to

the law. But from that time, it never entered into any man’s mind to

introduce such a form of fasting among the people of Israel, under the

pretext of imitating Moses; nor was it followed by any of the holy

prophets and fathers, notwithstanding their inclination and zeal for all

pious exercises. For the account of Elijah, that he lived forty days

without meat and drink, was only intended to teach the people that he

was raised up to be the restorer of the law, from which almost all

Israel had departed. It was nothing but a vain and superstitious

affectation, therefore, to dignify the fasting of Lent with the title

and pretext of an imitation of Christ. In the manner of fasting,

however, there was at that time a great diversity, as Cassiodorus

relates from Socrates, in the ninth book of his history. “For the

Romans,” he says, “had no more than three weeks; but during these there

was a continual fast, except on the Sunday and Saturday. The Illyrians

and Greeks had six weeks, and others had seven; but they fasted at

intervals. Nor did they differ less as to the nature of their food. Some

made use of nothing but bread and water; others added vegetables to

fish; some did not abstain from fowl; others made no distinction at all

between any kinds of food.” This diversity is also mentioned by

Augustine, in his second epistle to Januarius.

XXI. The times which followed were still worse; to the preposterous zeal

of the multitude was added the ignorance and stupidity of the bishops,

with their lust of dominion and tyrannical rigour. Impious laws were

enacted to bind men’s consciences with fatal chains. The eating of

animal food was interdicted, as though it would contaminate them.

Sacrilegious opinions were added one after another, till they arrived at

an ocean of errors. And that no corruption might be omitted, they have

begun to trifle with God by the most ridiculous pretensions to

abstinence. For in the midst of all the most exquisite delicacies, they

seek the praise of fasting; no dainties are then sufficient; they never

have food in greater plenty, or variety, or deliciousness. Such splendid

provision they call fasting, and imagine it to be the legitimate service

of God. I say nothing of the base gluttony practised at that season,

more than at any other time, by those who wish to pass for the greatest

saints. In short they esteem it the highest worship of God to abstain

from animal food, and with this exception, to indulge themselves in

every kind of dainties. On the other hand, to taste the least morsel of

bacon or salted meat and brown bread, they deem an act of the vilest

impiety, and deserving of worse than death. Jerome relates, that there

were some persons, even in his time, who trifled with God by such

fooleries; who, to avoid making use of oil, procured the most delicate

kinds of food to be brought from every country; and who, to do violence

to nature, abstained from drinking water, but procured delicious and

costly liquors to be made for them, which they drank, not from a cup,

but from a shell. What was then the vice of a few, is now become common

among all wealthy persons; they fast for no other purpose than to feast

with more than common sumptuousness and delicacy. But I have no

inclination to waste many words on a thing so notorious. I only assert,

that neither in their fastings, nor in any other parts of their

discipline, have the Papists any thing so correct, sincere, or well

regulated, as to have the least occasion to pride themselves upon any

thing being left among them worthy of praise.

XXII. There remains the second part of the discipline of the Church,

which particularly relates to the clergy. It is contained in the canons

which the ancient bishops imposed on themselves and their order; such as

these: That no ecclesiastic should employ his time in hunting, gambling,

or feasting; that no one should engage in usury or commerce; that no one

should be present at dissolute dances; and other similar injunctions.

Penalties were likewise annexed, to confirm the authority of the canons,

and to prevent their being violated with impunity. For this end, to

every bishop was committed the government of his clergy, to rule them

according to the canons, and to oblige them to do their duty. For this

purpose were instituted annual visitations and synods, that if any one

were negligent in his duty, he might be admonished, and that any one who

committed a fault might be corrected according to his offence. The

bishops also had their provincial councils, once every year, and

anciently even twice a year, by which they were judged, if they had

committed any breach of their duty. For if a bishop was too severe or

violent against his clergy, there was a right of appeal to the

provincial councils, even though there was only a single complainant.

The severest punishment was the deposition of the offender from his

office, and his exclusion for a time from the communion. And because

this was a perpetual regulation, they never used to dissolve a

provincial council without appointing a time and place for the next.

For, to summon a universal council, was the exclusive prerogative of the

emperor, as all the ancient records testify. As long as this severity

continued, the clergy required nothing more from the people than they

exemplified in their own conduct. Indeed, they were far more severe to

themselves than to the laity; and it is reasonable that the people

should be ruled with a milder and less rigid discipline; and that the

clergy should inflict heavier censures, and exercise far less indulgence

to themselves than to other persons. How all this has become obsolete,

it is unnecessary to relate, when nothing can be imagined more

licentious and dissolute than this order of men in the present day; and

their profligacy has gone to such a length, that the whole world is

exclaiming against them. That all antiquity may not appear to have been

entirely forgotten by them, I confess, they deceive the eyes of the

simple with certain shadows, but these bear no more resemblance to the

ancient usages, than the mimicry of an ape to the rational and

considerate conduct of men. There is a remarkable passage in Xenophon,

where he states how shamefully the Persians had degenerated from the

virtues of their ancestors, and, from an austere course of life, had

sunk into delicacy and effeminacy, but that, to conceal their shame,

they sedulously observed the ancient forms. For whereas, in the time of

Cyrus, sobriety and temperance were carried so far, that it was

unnecessary, and was even considered as a disgrace for any one to blow

his nose, their posterity continued scrupulously to refrain from this

act; but to absorb the mucus, and retain the fetid humours produced by

their gluttony, even till they almost putrefied, was held quite

allowable. So, according to the ancient rule, it was unlawful to bring

cups to the table; but they had no objection to drink wine till they

were obliged to be carried away drunk. It had been an established custom

to eat only one meal a day; these good successors had not abolished this

custom, but they had continued their banquets from noon to midnight.

Because their ancient law enjoined men to finish their day’s journey

fasting, it continued to be a permanent custom among them; but they were

at liberty, and it was the general practice, for the sake of avoiding

fatigue, to contract the journey to two hours. Whenever the Papists

bring forward their degenerate rules, for the purpose of showing their

resemblance to the holy fathers, this example will sufficiently expose

their ridiculous imitation, of which no painter could draw a more

striking likeness.

XXIII. In one instance, they are too rigorous and inflexible, that is,

in not permitting priests to marry. With what impunity fornication rages

among them, it is unnecessary to remark; imboldened by their polluted

celibacy, they have become hardened to every crime. Yet this prohibition

clearly shows how pestilent are all their traditions; since it has not

only deprived the Church of upright and able pastors, but has formed a

horrible gulf of enormities, and precipitated many souls into the abyss

of despair. The interdiction of marriage to priests was certainly an act

of impious tyranny, not only contrary to the word of God, but at

variance with every principle of justice. In the first place, it was on

no account lawful for men to prohibit that which the Lord had left free.

Secondly, that God had expressly provided in his word that this liberty

should not be infringed, is too clear to require much proof. I say

nothing of the direction, repeatedly given by Paul, that a bishop should

be “the husband of one wife;”[1068] but what could be expressed with

greater force, than where he announces a revelation from the Holy

Spirit, “that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith,

forbidding to marry,” and represents these not only as impostors, but as

disseminating “doctrines of devils.”[1069] This, therefore, was a

prophecy, a sacred oracle of the Holy Spirit, by which he intended from

the beginning to forearm the Church against dangers—that the prohibition

of marriage is a doctrine of devils. But our adversaries imagine

themselves to have admirably evaded this charge, when they misapply it

to Montanus, the Tatianists, Encratites, and other ancient heretics. It

refers, say they, to those who have condemned marriage altogether; we by

no means condemn it; we merely prohibit it to the clergy, from an

opinion that it is not proper for them. As if, though this prophecy had

once been accomplished in those ancient heretics, it might not also be

applicable to them; or as if this puerile cavil, that they do not

prohibit marriage, because they do not prohibit it to all, were

deserving of the least attention. This is just as if a tyrant should

contend that there can be no injustice in a law, the injustice of which

only oppresses one part of a nation.

XXIV. They object, that there ought to be some mark to distinguish the

clergy from the laity. As though the Lord did not foresee what are the

true ornaments in which priests ought to excel. By this plea, they

charge the apostle with disturbing the order and violating the decorum

of the Church, who, in delineating the perfect model of a good bishop,

among the other virtues which he required in him, dared to mention

marriage. I know that they interpret this to mean, that no one is chosen

a bishop who shall have had a second wife. And I grant that this

interpretation is not new; but that it is erroneous, is evident from the

context itself; because he immediately after prescribes what characters

the wives of bishops and deacons ought to possess. Paul places marriage

among the virtues of a bishop; these men teach that it is a vice not to

be tolerated in the clergy; and not content with this general censure,

they call it carnal pollution and impurity, which is the language of

Syricius, one of the pontiffs, recited in their canons. Let every man

reflect from what source these things can have proceeded. Christ has

been pleased to put such honour upon marriage, as to make it an image of

his sacred union with the Church. What could be said more, in

commendation of the dignity of marriage? With what face can that be

called impure and polluted, which exhibits a similitude of the spiritual

grace of Christ?

XXV. Now, though their prohibition is so clearly repugnant to the word

of God, yet they find something in the Scriptures to urge in its

defence. The Levitical priests, whenever it came to their turn to

minister at the altar, were required not to cohabit with their wives,

that they might be pure and immaculate to perform the sacrifices; it

would therefore be exceedingly unbecoming for our sacraments, which are

far more excellent and of daily recurrence, to be administered by

married men. As though the evangelical ministry and the Levitical

priesthood were one and the same office. On the contrary, the Levitical

priests were antitypes, representing Christ, who, as the Mediator

between God and man, was to reconcile the Father to us by his perfect

purity. Now, as it was impossible for sinners to exhibit in every

respect a type of his sanctity, yet in order to display some faint

shadows of it, they were commanded to purify themselves in a manner

beyond what is common among men, whenever they approached the sanctuary;

because on those occasions they properly represented Christ, in

appearing at the tabernacle, which was a type of the heavenly tribunal,

as mediators to reconcile the people to God. As the pastors of the

Church now sustain no such office, the comparison is nothing to the

purpose. Wherefore the apostle, without any exception, confidently

pronounces, that “marriage is honourable in all; but whoremongers and

adulterers God will judge.”[1070] And the apostles themselves have

proved by their own example that marriage is not unbecoming the sanctity

of any office, however excellent; for Paul testifies that they not only

retained their wives, but took them about with them.[1071]

XXVI. It has also betrayed egregious impudence, to insist on this

appearance of chastity as a necessary thing, to the great disgrace of

the ancient Church, which abounded with such peculiar Divine knowledge,

but was still more eminent for sanctity. For if they pay no regard to

the apostles, whom they often have the hardihood to treat with contempt,

what will they say of all the ancient fathers, who, it is certain, not

only tolerated marriage in bishops, but likewise approved of it? It

would follow that they must have practised a foul profanation of sacred

things, since, according to the notion we are opposing, they did not

celebrate the mysteries of the Lord with the requisite purity. The

injunction of celibacy was agitated in the council of Nice; for there

are never wanting little minds, absorbed in superstition, who endeavour

to make themselves admired by the invention of some novelty. But what

was the decision? The council coincided in the opinion of Paphnutius,

who pronounced that “a man’s cohabitation with his own wife is

chastity.” Therefore marriage continued to be held sacred among them,

nor was it esteemed any disgrace to them, or considered as casting any

blemish on the ministry.

XXVII. Afterwards followed times distinguished by a too superstitious

admiration of celibacy. Hence those frequent and extravagant encomiums

on virginity, with which scarcely any other virtue was in general deemed

worthy to be compared. And though marriage was not condemned as impure,

yet its dignity was so diminished, and its sanctity obscured, that he

who did not refrain from it was not considered as aspiring to perfection

with sufficient fortitude of mind. Hence those canons, which prohibited

the contraction of marriage by those who had already entered on the

office of priests; and succeeding ones, which prohibited the admission

to that office of any but those who had never been married, or who had

abjured all cohabitation with their wives. Because these things seemed

to add respectability to the priesthood, they were received, I confess,

even in early times, with great applause. But our adversaries object

antiquity against us. I answer, In the first place, in the days of the

apostles, and for several ages after, the bishops were at liberty to

marry; and the apostles themselves, as well as other pastors of the

highest reputation who succeeded them, made use of this liberty without

any difficulty. The example of the primitive Church we ought to hold in

higher estimation than to deem that unlawful or unbecoming which was

then received and practised with approbation. Secondly; even that age,

which, from a superstitious attachment to virginity, began to be more

unfavourable to marriage, did not impose the law of celibacy upon the

priests as if it were absolutely necessary, but because they preferred

celibacy to marriage. Lastly; this law did not require the compulsion of

continence in those who were not able to keep it; for while the severest

punishments were denounced on priests who were guilty of fornication,

those who married were merely dismissed from their office.

XXVIII. Therefore, whenever the advocates of this modern tyranny attempt

to defend their celibacy with the pretext of antiquity, we shall not

fail to reply, that they ought to restore the ancient chastity in their

priests, to remove all adulterers and fornicators, not to suffer those,

whom they forbid the virtuous and chaste society of a wife, to abandon

themselves with impunity to every kind of debauchery, to revive the

obsolete discipline by which all indecencies may be repressed, to

deliver the Church from this flagitious turpitude, by which it has been

so long deformed. When they shall have granted this, it will still be

necessary to admonish them not to impose that as necessary, which, being

free in itself, depends on the convenience of the Church. Yet I have not

made these observations from an opinion that we ought on any condition

to admit those canons which impose the obligation of celibacy on the

clergy, but to enable the more judicious to perceive the effrontery of

our adversaries in alleging the authority of antiquity to bring disgrace

on holy marriage in priests. With respect to the fathers, whose writings

are extant, with the exception of Jerome, they have not so malignantly

detracted from the virtue of marriage, when they have been expressing

their own sentiments. We shall content ourselves with one testimony of

Chrysostom, because he, who was a principal admirer of virginity, cannot

be supposed to have been more lavish than others in commendation of

marriage. He says, “The first degree of chastity is pure virginity; the

second is faithful marriage. Therefore the second species of virginity

is the chaste love of matrimony.”

Footnote 1043:

Acts xx. 20, 26, 31.

Footnote 1044:

Matt. xviii. 15-17.

Footnote 1045:

Matt. xviii. 15.

Footnote 1046:

1 Tim. v. 20.

Footnote 1047:

Gal. ii. 11, 14.

Footnote 1048:

1 Cor. v. 6.

Footnote 1049:

1 Cor. v. 11.

Footnote 1050:

2 Thess. iii. 14.

Footnote 1051:

1 Cor. v. 3, 5.

Footnote 1052:

2 Cor. ii. 7.

Footnote 1053:

2 Cor. ii. 8.

Footnote 1054:

2 Thess. iii. 15.

Footnote 1055:

Matt. xiii. 29.

Footnote 1056:

1 Cor. v. 13.

Footnote 1057:

Eph. iv. 2, 3.

Footnote 1058:

Acts xiii. 2, 3.

Footnote 1059:

Acts xiv. 23.

Footnote 1060:

Luke ii. 37.

Footnote 1061:

Neh. i. 4.

Footnote 1062:

1 Cor. vii. 5.

Footnote 1063:

Joel ii. 15.

Footnote 1064:

Jonah iii. 5.

Footnote 1065:

Matt. ix. 15. Luke v. 34, 35.

Footnote 1066:

Joel ii. 13.

Footnote 1067:

Isaiah lviii. 5.

Footnote 1068:

1 Tim. iii. 2. Titus i. 6.

Footnote 1069:

1 Tim. iv. 1, 3.

Footnote 1070:

Heb. xiii. 4.

Footnote 1071:

1 Cor. ix. 5.

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