TIMELY AID.
It appeared to me that Master Howell was trying to "lock his stable
door after the horse had been stolen," when he mourned the fact that
what we were doing in our own defense might be taken as open
rebellion.
To my mind the people had rebelled openly and with emphasis when the
Regulators rode, four hundred strong, to release Masters Husband and
Hunter.
We four who had visited Brunswick to lay before the governor a
petition couched in most respectful language, could not be accused of
aiding and abetting rebellion when we objected to being shot down or
taken prisoners by strangers who had no lawful warrant to deprive
honest citizens of their lives or liberty.
As the matter presented itself to my view, those on the outside were
the ones who acted in a rebellious manner, and there was no honest
judge in the country who would not rule that we had every right to
protect ourselves.
Something of this kind I said to Master Howell when he appeared to be
bowed down with grief because, as he declared, our people were making
a show of what might be called treason, and to my great surprise I
found that we who were fighting our way from Brunswick to Hillsborough
did not have any place in what it might please the governor to term
"open rebellion."
"We four are of no consequence in the outcome of this matter," Master
Howell said, condescending to explain to me the situation as it
appeared to him, "and yet through us, or, rather, through our
distress, will the king's officers most likely declare the upper
Carolina under military rule. If we could continue our journey to
Maddock's Mill without interruption, all would be well. Or, if we
fought for our lives from this moment until we were killed or come to
our journey's end, it would also be of no moment. That which
distresses me is, that young Payne will give the Regulators an
account of our troubles, and those gentlemen will ride in full force
to aid us. Then has come the time for Governor Tryon's minions to
declare that the colony is in revolt, and the fact that four hundred
armed men have banded together to regulate affairs outside their own
country is fair proof that the cry of treason has good foundation."
"Well, and what then?" I made bold to say.
"Then will the king's troops be sent to Hillsborough and the
surrounding towns. Fanning and Edwards can work their will on the
people, with an armed force at their backs, and when the Regulators
oppose the military it will be represented that the whole colony is in
revolt."
"That was much the condition of affairs when we left Maddock's Mill,"
I ventured to suggest.
"Aye, lad; but then we had not opposed ourselves to the king's forces.
Now it will be necessary to begin what can be called by no other name
than that of treason."
"It alarms you that such should be the case, Master Howell?" I said in
a questioning tone.
"Not for myself, lad, not for myself, nor for any of us who are
brought to a stand in this house. It is the women and small children
of whom I am thinking. We can fight to the bitter end; but they will
suffer an hundred deaths while the English soldiers overrun the
colony."
"Then would it have been better had we surrendered when we were first
besieged."
It was as if this remark stimulated the deputy. His eyes brightened,
he straightened himself suddenly, and said as if speaking to a vast
assembly, instead of one timorous lad:
"Not so, Clare. I was but considering the sufferings of our own
people, and that should not be reckoned as against the grand result.
This is indeed open rebellion, and the news of our oppression will
flash from province to province until the entire country is aroused.
Then, perhaps not until after we are dead, but at some time in the
near future, will the rule of the king come to an end in America. We
are the instruments selected to begin the way for freedom, and in
future ages we will be spoken of as those who brought into existence a
free country which shall be as a beacon light to those who are ground
beneath the heel of selfish kings!"
From, that instant it was as if Master Howell's entire nature had
changed. He appeared to be exulting in the danger which surrounded us,
and was eager for the fray.
We stood watch until daylight, and then it was possible to see that
Master Payne's dwelling was surrounded by fifteen or twenty men, some
wearing uniforms, and others clad only in the garb of planters.
The fact of there being soldiers among our besiegers told plainly that
Tryon himself planned the outrage, and when such was apparent I heard
Master Hunter say in a low tone to Master Howell:
"From this day the Regulation will remain under arms until all the
colonies are prepared to take up the struggle against the king's
minions! Instead of 'Regulators' we should call ourselves 'Sons of
Liberty.'"
And thus it was that the association known as Sons of Liberty sprang
into existence at the home of a planter in the Carolinas--that
association which was speedily to extend throughout all the colonies
as far east as Massachusetts, and south to the limits of the country.
As when we made the last stand, there was no disposition on the part
of the enemy to make an attack. We had bettered our situation, and
increased the number of rebels, therefore Tryon's minions probably
believed it necessary to strengthen their ranks.
During this day we remained on guard and alert, while our enemies were
posted just beyond rifle range in such manner as to encircle us
completely.
By making a rush after dark, as had been done before, we might readily
have broken through the thin line; in fact such a move was suggested
by Sidney, but Master Howell said firmly as if he had finally
committed his life and fortune to that final result he foresaw:
"We will wait for the Regulators. Since Tryon wishes to force us into
open rebellion, he shall be gratified. Shoot down yonder villains if
it so be you can; but here we remain until overpowered, or rescued by
those who will speedily come to avenge the wrongs which are
perpetrated upon all the colony."
We had no opportunity to open fire on the enemy during the day; but
when night came, and they drew more closely the circle of guards, we
found a target now and then, thus reducing the number until I believe
of a verity we might have ventured out and beat them off in a
hand-to-hand fight.
It is not well that I spend too many words on the situation at the
Payne plantation, for the story is one of careful watch only, with now
and then the report of a rifle to tell that we were on the alert. The
enemy took turns at using us for targets; but, sheltered as we were
behind the walls, they did no injury, while I am confident we disabled
not less than four during the time of our arrival and noon of the
third day.
Then we saw a cloud of dust in the distance, heard the shouts of
horsemen, and soon saw a body of gentlemen full four hundred strong
ride down like a whirlwind upon fugitives who had lately been our
besiegers.
We sallied forth, and before the fray was come to an end our friends
had seven prisoners. None were killed outright so far as I could
learn; the remainder had taken the alarm in time to seek safety by
flight, and our road to Maddock's Mill lay open before us.
Young Payne had discharged his mission well; the Regulation was in
session considering an arrest which had been made for non-payment of
taxes, and, waiting only long enough to secure a supply of provisions,
had set off for our relief.
The entire party camped on the plantation that night, and before
morning came, their plans for the future were fully formed.
It was decided that the gentlemen composing the Regulation should
remain under arms until Governor Tryon fulfilled his promise, or
ignored it altogether, and during this time of waiting all efforts
should be directed toward protecting those who refused to pay the
unjust tax.
On this evening Sidney and I were regularly admitted to the ranks of
the Sons of Liberty, as if we were indeed men in age, and so wrought
up was I by Master Howell's words, that I persuaded myself the
colonies would speedily be freed from the rule of a master who had set
over us such men as Tryon, Edwards and Fanning.
We left Master Payne's plantation next morning at sunrise, and in due
time arrived at Maddock's Mill, where it had been decided the
Regulation would have its headquarters.
It was no slight task to provide food and shelter for such a number;
but once it was known that the governor evidently intended to play
fast and loose with the people of our section, every one, including
those who had not deemed it right to join the Regulation, set about
bringing in stores of food for both men and horses. Then the men began
building shelters, working in squads of five, three, or two, as was
mutually agreed upon, and soon the neighborhood of Maddock's Mill
resembled a military encampment.
The rebellion began to assume decided form.
As may be fancied, Sidney and I were camp-mates. We built for
ourselves a lean-to which would shelter us from the rain at least,
and in the rear of it made an enclosure into which the horses could be
brought at night.
It was not believed safe for us to go home, even for a few hours,
because Edwards and Fanning had men out in every direction picking up
a victim here and there, and we lads knew full well that Sandy Wells
would take full advantage of the opportunity in case he came upon us
where we could not defend ourselves.
The Regulators were waiting to learn whether Tryon would keep the word
given to the deputies, and a dull time of it we lads had meanwhile.
Since one day was passed much as another, with nothing by way of
excitement save when news came of this or that high-handed proceeding
on the part of the secretary and the attorney, I propose to set down
here simply an account of the general happenings in the neighborhood.
The Regulators had scouts out in every direction, and therefore it was
we learned, early in July, when we were heartily tired with lounging
around camp while it seemed necessary the most active measures should
be taken, that Governor Tryon, with an escort of an hundred and sixty
soldiers, had arrived in Hillsborough.
This was in accordance with his promise, and those who hoped the
colony would not be forced to resist the king's laws were filled with
joy, particularly when the governor issued a proclamation declaring
that he had come to right the wrongs complained of in the petition
delivered to him at Brunswick.
Not a word in his official note to the people was said regarding the
Regulators; but the citizens were requested to keep the peace until
such time as the several complaints could be acted upon by the courts
of law, and it was promised that if they remained quiet all should be
done in accordance with the wishes of the majority.
When this proclamation was sent out over the colony there were many
who urged that the Regulation be dissolved, lest the fact of so many
armed men remaining together might be construed by the governor as
outright treason.
As a matter of fact an hundred or more did leave the encampment,
returning to their homes, and but for the earnest entreaties of
General Hamilton, the deputies, my father, and several others, the
Sons of Liberty would have dispersed simply because Tryon and his crew
wished it so.
Before one week had passed after the issuance of the proclamation, it
could readily be seen that our burdens were to be increased instead of
lightened. Twenty or more of those who had left the Regulation and
returned home were arrested for non-payment of the poll tax levied to
build Tryon's palace.
Edwards and Fanning no longer spoke of pacifying, but of subduing, the
people, and warrants were sworn out daily for the purpose of putting
into prison those who were absolutely unable to pay the amount
demanded.
Fanning's fees were increased until they amounted to ten times as much
as the law allowed for court services, and the poor wretch with money
or lands who fell into his hands was unmercifully shorn of all his
possessions before being set free.
The wickedness was increased twenty-fold, and no man could say at
what moment the prison-doors might open to receive him, save we who
remained banded together in the encampment at Maddock's Mill.
Then Governor Tryon proceeded to frighten the wretched people by
marching with his soldiers from Hillsborough to Mecklenburg, and there
coaxing or scaring twenty or more timorous souls to enlist in the army
he said should be raised to subdue "the rebellion in upper Carolina."
Then he marched to Salisbury and back to Hillsborough, enlisting
recruits wherever men or lads could be cajoled or frightened, and,
with an army of an hundred and sixty trained soldiers and about fifty
feeble-minded colonists, he proceeded to play the part of king; but
with rather poor success.
By this time such of the Sons of Liberty as had returned to their
homes and were yet at liberty came back to Maddock's Mill prepared to
remain until matters were of a different complexion, and once more the
defenders of the colony presented a formidable front to the tyrant.
We numbered upwards of three hundred and eighty, and by advice of
General Hamilton our camp was moved nearer Hillsborough in order that
we might protect the country roundabout.
In answer to what he was pleased to term a "threat," on our part,
Tryon called out the militia of the colony, threatening direst
vengeance upon those who dare disregard the call. By such means he
added twenty or more to his army, and once again were the sheriffs
sent to collect taxes, each officer guarded by a squad of ten
soldiers.
Now was come the time when the Regulation believed something more
should be done than remaining idly in camp.
We were told off into squads of twenty-five, and day after day we rode
here or there as our scouts reported the movements of the sheriff,
driving back the officials and their guards as if they had been so
many sheep.
When the guard of the tax-collectors were increased in numbers, our
detachments were added to, and in every case we sent back the scurvy
rascals. Sometimes they plucked up courage to exchange shots with us,
when we always managed to disable one or more; but as a rule they beat
a hasty retreat whenever we came in sight.
We had orders not to shoot unless we were attacked, and it was hard at
times to obey, particularly when, in the course of our forays, Sidney
and I saw Sandy Wells at the head of a dozen soldiers destroying the
household goods of a widow with one son of seventeen, who could not
pay the money demanded.
Before the middle of August, however, we made the governor and his
crew understand that we were masters of that section of country, and
instead of sending out sheriffs on fruitless errands, Tryon set about
strengthening his position as if fearing we might attempt to capture
Hillsborough.
That town was a fortified camp, and none of the royalists dared ride
three miles in either direction.
It goes without saying that neither Edwards, Fanning, nor any member
of the sheriff's posse trusted himself outside the town. General
Hamilton had given orders that we were to capture any of Tryon's
officers which we might come across, and keen were all for such game.
I would willingly have given my horse and rifle, all the property I
owned, for the privilege of bringing into camp as my prisoner the
attorney Fanning. Although we were under strict orders not to shed
blood, save in defense of our own, I question if that black-hearted
lawyer's life would have been worth a moment's purchase once he was in
our power.
Among Tryon's many proclamations at this time was one which stated
that on the twenty-second of September would be begun the trials of
those who were confined in jail for any offense, and without question
the case of Masters Husband and William Hunter would then be called.
It also pleased the representative of the king to declare that "since
charges had been preferred against Edmund Fanning, attorney, he would
be called upon to render an account of his doings."
No one among the Sons of Liberty believed the wretch who had caused so
much misery would be regularly tried; but all were curious to see how
Tryon might save his minion when so many and such serious charges
could, and would, be made against him.
I have tried to set down here an outline of what Sidney and I did
during all that long summer while we waited for the royal governor to
do us justice, which had been so long withheld. And by telling it in
the fewest possible words, we are now come to three days before the
time set for the trials, or, in other words, to the nineteenth of
September, in the year of grace 1768.
The Sons of Liberty were resolved that there should be ample evidence
against Fanning, whatever the cost, therefore from among the members
of the association eight were selected who could swear truthfully that
the attorney had defrauded them of several considerable sums of money.
It was believed that, unless protected in some manner, these witnesses
would be arrested immediately they showed themselves in Hillsborough,
therefore the officers of the Regulation prepared a paper stating that
in case these men, whose names were set down therein, should be
interfered with in any manner while they were in town to serve as
witnesses, the Regulators would immediately make an assault. It was
further stated that the lives of the governor and his associates
depended entirely upon the manner in which our people were treated,
for it would be the duty of every Son of Liberty to seek out the
principal officials during the assault, for the purpose of shooting
them down.
This was open rebellion, and no mistake; but in order to prevent Tryon
from declaring that we had intimidated the courts of justice, there
was added to the document the agreement that no member of the
association would interfere in any manner whatsoever with the judges
or the officials of the court, while the cases were being conducted in
a way agreeably with the laws of the king.
This document was sent to the governor by one of our scouts who, going
into town, secretly gave it to a royalist for transmission, and,
before it could be delivered the venturesome man had rejoined us.
Nor was this all the association did in order to secure fair and
impartial trials for Fanning as well our friends.
It was decided by the association in council, that while we remained
at such a distance from Hillsborough Tryon might take upon himself the
risk of conducting matters without regard to our just demands;
therefore the camp was moved once more, and this time to a small hill
overlooking the town, and hardly more than half a mile from the
court-house.
Here we felled trees to serve as breastworks, and otherwise guarded
against an attack, for many of us believed that as soon as the Sons of
Liberty showed themselves, the so-called king's forces would make a
desperate attack, alleging as the reason therefor that they were in
fear we might attempt to take possession of the town.
It was on the morning of the twentieth of September when we rode up
the hill in full view of Governor Tryon's forces; but no demonstration
was made against us. The people could see that we were preparing to
resist an attack; but they remained as if paralyzed with
astonishment.
Near nightfall came a mounted soldier bearing a white flag, who
demanded in the governor's name the reason for our display of force,
and General Hamilton replied to the question.
"This is no display of force," he said. "We have come as citizens of
upper Carolina to safeguard several witnesses, and have no mind to
interfere in any way with the proceedings. Say to Governor Tryon that
we shall remain until the close of the session, and that never a man
of us will ride into town while the people are given the rights
accorded to them by the king and parliament. If, however, there should
be an attempt to deprive a witness of his liberty, we shall ride down
like a whirlwind, carrying out to the utmost the plan which we have
already had the honor to submit to the governor."
The man rode back, and before night came we could see that Tryon's
residence was guarded by three-score men, a fact which caused Master
Howell to say scornfully:
"I wonder if the coward thinks to save himself from our vengeance,
with sixty recruits? We will overturn them, if there be any act of
treachery, before William Tryon can sign his name!"
After that we waited in anxious suspense, but constantly on the alert,
for the day when law and order would be established in upper Carolina,
or it might be known beyond a peradventure that we must depend upon
ourselves entirely for liberty and the opportunity to live upon our
own lands.