CONTENTS—Cataraqui fort strengthened—Kente Indians seized and
carried captive to France—Massacre of Lachine—Commencing struggle
between New England and New France—Siege of Quebec by Sir Wm.
Phipps—Destruction of Fort Cataraqui—Its re-erection—Treaty of
Ryswick—Death of Frontenac—Iroquois in England—Another attempt to
capture Quebec—Decline of French power—Population of Canada and of
New England—Continuation of the contest for the fur trade—Taking
of Fort Louisburg—Col. Washington, dishonorable conduct—
Inconsistency of Dr. Franklin—Commencement of seven years’ war—
Close of first year—Montcalm—His presentiment—Taking of Fort
Oswego—Of Fort William Henry—Fearful massacre—The state of Canada—
Wolfe appears—Taking of Frontenac—Duquesne—Apathy of France—The
spring of 1759—Reduced state of Canada—The overthrow of French
power in America—The result—Union of elements—The capture of
Quebec—Wolfe—Death of Montcalm—Fort Niagara—Johnson—Effort to
retake Quebec—Wreck of the French army—Capitulation at Montreal—
Population—The first British Governor of Canada—The Canadians as
British subjects—The result of French enterprise—Rebellion.
In 1685 Marquis DeNonville became Governor, and brought with him to
Canada 600 regular troops. The Iroquois had become allies of the
English, with whom they preferred to trade. DeNonville ascended to
Cataraqui with two thousand men. Arrived at Cataraqui, he tried, by
gentle means at first, to obtain certain terms from them, but the
Iroquois were insolent, being supported by the English traders.
DeNonville wrote to Paris for more troops, and, in the mean time,
proceeded to accumulate stores at Cataraqui, and to strengthen the fort
at Niagara. The King sent to Canada, in 1687, 800 soldiers, to assist in
subduing the Iroquois. DeNonville becoming bold, and in his increased
strength, pursued a course of trickery which has been branded by all
writers as anti-Christian, and more savage than anything pertaining to
the savages (so-called) of America. Pére Lamberville, a missionary among
the Iroquois, caused a certain number of chiefs to congregate at Fort
Frontenac, to confer with the governor, and when they were within the
precincts of the fort they were seized and carried captive in chains,
even to France, and there sent to the galleys. Draper says that these
were Indians of the tribes called Ganneyouses and Kentes, and that about
40 or 50 men, and 80 women and children were seized, who were forwarded
to France. The attitude of the Indians under such trying circumstances,
towards the missionary among them, stands out in prominent contrast to
the vile conduct of the French governor. The missionary, summoned by the
chief, was thus addressed: “We have every right to treat thee as our
foe, but we have not the inclination to do so. We know thy nature too
well; thine heart has had no share in causing the wrong that has been
done to us. We are not so unjust as to punish thee for a crime that thou
abhorrest as much as we.” Then the aged chief informed him that the
young men of the tribe might not feel so lenient, and that he must
leave, at the same time causing him to be conducted by a safe path from
their midst.
For a time DeNonville somewhat curbed the Iroquois; but in the end he
failed completely to hold the ground which had previously been acquired.
For four years he continued to govern; matters continually growing
worse, until, in the spring of 1689, 1,400 Iroquois made an onslaught on
the island of Montreal. The inhabitants, in the depth of sleep, knew
nothing of their danger, until the fearful whoop and the bloody tomahawk
and scalping knife were already at work. The butchery was most fearful;
the cruelties to women and children most revolting. Besides those
instantly killed, 200 were burnt alive, and others died under prolonged
torture. This was called the massacre of Lachine. The governor was
paralyzed, and no step was taken to redress the great evil.
It was under such circumstances that he was recalled, and superseded by
De Frontenac, who had again been requested to become governor. Frontenac
landed at Quebec on the 18th October, 1689, and was received with every
demonstration of joy.
Frontenac entered upon his duties shortly before the renewal of
hostilities between England and France. All of Protestant Europe,
indeed, were enlisted in the war which had, to a great extent, arisen
from the cruel course pursued by France towards the Huguenots.
Frontenac, whose master foresaw the war, which was declared in the
following year, brought with him full instructions to prepare for a
vigorous warfare all along the frontier of New France, even to the
Hudson Bay territory. By this time the English settlements upon the
Atlantic coast had attained to no inconsiderable strength, and were
already engaging in trade by water, as well as with the Indians in
peltries; and already it had become a question of conquest by New
England or by New France. The present juncture seemed one favorable for
bold measures on the part of the Anglo-Americans. They had rapidly
advanced in material strength, while the French had rather declined,
owing to the want of immigration and to the frequent destructive
incursions of the Iroquois. The declaration of war between England and
France, in June, 1689, saw the colonists prepared to contest the ground
for supremacy, and monopoly of the fur trade. The French,
notwithstanding their limited numerical strength, hesitated not to enter
the field, and made up their want of numbers by superior and determined
bravery. Before De Frontenac had arrived, everything was going on badly
with the Canadians. M. DeNonville had, before his departure, instructed
Senor de Valreuve, commandant at Cataraqui, to blow up the fort, which
had been accordingly done; and the country abandoned to the Indians, who
now ranged the country, to the very entrance of Montreal. But Frontenac
determined to take bold and active measures to carry the war into the
enemies’ country, notwithstanding the odds against the French. Organized
plans of attack, at different points, were arranged, one of which, in
its carrying out, was quite as cruel and barbarous as the Lachine
massacre, which it was intended, as afterwards stated, it should
revenge. A party of French and Indians were led in the direction of
Albany. On their way, one night, about eleven o’clock, they attacked the
sleeping town of Schenectady, and put the defenceless inhabitants to the
sword. Those acts cannot be justified in Europeans, and show the fearful
spirit of barbarity which reigned in those early days of America. The
effect produced by the bands of raiders that swept over the British
colonies along the frontier, and here and there, into the very interior,
was salutary to the French interests, and the spring saw the French flag
much more respected by the Indians than it had lately been: yet the
Iroquois earnestly and boldly strove to carry death to the door of every
Canadian hamlet. The energetic measures adopted by Frontenac frustrated
all their attempts; yet it was unsafe for the husbandman to go to the
field, so that famine began to appear. The spring of 1691 saw, however,
instead of a repeated invasion of New England, extensive preparations in
the latter country to invade Canada. Sir William Phipps was preparing to
sail from Boston, with a squadron, to capture Quebec, and General
Winthrop, with forces from Connecticut and New York, was mustering his
militia, to invade by land. The latter marched to, and encamped upon,
the banks of Lake George, where he waited for the appearance of Phipps,
by the St. Lawrence; but, in the meantime, disease attacked his troops,
and he was obliged to retrace his steps to Albany. Scarcely had Winthrop
departed when the fleet under Phipps entered the waters of the St.
Lawrence, and ascended, to invest the City of Quebec, appearing in sight
on the 16th of October. Phipps demanded a surrender; but Frontenac,
although with an inferior garrison and but few troops, gave a spirited
refusal; and ultimately, before the close of the month, Phipps found it
expedient to retire. Thus terminated the first siege of Quebec.
The ensuing four years presented one continuous scene of border warfare.
While hostilities in Europe were exhausting the resources of France,
Canada, under Frontenac, was more than holding its own. The British
Americans vainly tried again to besiege Quebec, making an attack by
land; but each attempt was attended with disaster. Frontenac,
recognizing the importance of Cataraqui as a place of defence, sent 700
men to re-erect the fort. In this he was opposed by the Intendant, M. de
Champigny, and even by the home government; but he had the work
completed in 1695, before orders came to abstain from erecting it.
Frontenac had submitted a report giving the reasons why the fort should
exist, namely: in time of peace for trade, and to repair hatchets and
arms; and in time of war to afford a place of retreat, and to give
succor and provisions; also a place to organize expeditions against the
Iroquois, and to receive the sick and wounded on returning from
expeditions. On the other hand, De Champigny reported that the trade
would not be much in time of peace, as the Iroquois would prefer to deal
with the English, who would give more; that the Indian should carry the
beaver skin to the French, not the French go for it; that the fort was
out of the direct course of trade, some thirty or forty leagues; that
the force necessary to carry provisions would at any time be capable of
proceeding against the enemy. It would be better to take a more
southerly course from Montreal into the enemy’s country, while Cataraqui
is situated upon the opposite side of the lake; that it was an unfit
place for sick and wounded, being “very unhealthy, eighty-seven having
died there in one year, out of the hundred who composed the garrison.”
“The swamp poisons the garrison,” which is so situated that it affords
no protection except to the men within it, who might as well be in a
prison. He counselled that the fort should be abandoned, as it was
useless and expensive. Frontenac, however, having erected the fort,
garrisoned it with 48 soldiers. The expense of re-establishing the fort
and supplying the necessary provisions cost some £700. At this juncture
the French had entertained the idea of calling in the outposts along the
western lakes and upon the Mississippi, but it was represented that to
do so was to open the way for the exclusive trade of the Indians with
the English. But Frontenac advised no such measures. He, by his
determined bravery, succeeded in bringing the Iroquois to respect the
French name, and he often carried fire and death into their very
country. When the war terminated, the old boundaries of the Provinces
had been fully re-established, and honors were conferred upon the
governor by his royal master. In 1697 the war terminated by the treaty
of Ryswick, signed September 11, by which the French were to restore all
places taken from the British in America; and it was stipulated that a
commission should be appointed to determine the respective boundaries of
the Provinces.
In the year 1698, on the 28th November, Count de Frontenac died, aged
77, much beloved by the Canadians, after having raised New France from a
low condition to a high state of material advancement. But against him
was too truly said that he encouraged the dreadful traffic of liquor
among the Indians, in order that advantageous trading, in which the
governor allowed himself to meddle, might be carried on.
On 26th May, 1703, M. de Calliére, who had been the successor of
Frontenac, died, and the governor of Montreal, who was the Marquis de
Vaudreuil, was nominated as successor.
This appointment, made at the instance of the colonists, was conferred
with hesitancy, the reason being that his Countess was a native-born
Canadian! Not only in that day but in later days, and under other
circumstances, we have seen the belief obtaining that natives of Canada
must, from the nature of their birth-place, lack those qualifications
for distinguished positions with which those from home are supposed to
be so eminently endowed.
The British Colonists by this time began to entertain desires to conquer
Canada, and steps were taken to accomplish the taking of Quebec. Among
those who took an active part, by raising provincial troops, and in
visiting England to obtain assistance, was General Nicholson, whose
descendants to this day live in the vicinity of the Bay Quinté, and in
the Lower Provinces. In 1710 he visited England, in company with five
Iroquois chiefs, who were presented to Queen Anne, and who received
distinguished attention, being conveyed to the palace in royal coaches.
It was following this that the Queen presented those interesting pieces
of Communion plate to the five nations, part of which may be seen at
Tyendinagua, and part at the Grand River. A futile attempt was made by
Nicholson, with a fleet under Admiral Walker, in 1711, to take Quebec.
The whole enterprise not only failed but was attended with great
disaster. General Nicholson, with his army at Lake Champlain, had to
give up his desire to capture Montreal and Quebec.
On March 30, 1713, was signed the treaty of Utrecht. In this treaty
abridgement of French territory in America was effected. Acadia,
Hudson’s Bay territory and Newfoundland were ceded to Britain. French
power was on the decline both in America, and Europe. Vainly the French
tried to regain what they had lost in Newfoundland and Acadia, by
founding an establishment at Cape Breton, and in the foundation of the
historic fort of Louisburg.
In 1714 Governor Vaudreuil went to France, where he remained until
September, 1716. He then returned to Canada, and set about improving the
state of affairs generally. Quebec, at the present day such an
impregnable fortress, was not, in any respect, regularly fortified
before the beginning of this century. To the natural strength of the
place was first added artificial aid, in 1702. To this again were added,
in 1712, other defences, and in 1720, by the approval of the home
government, the fortification was systematically proceeded with. At this
time the colony was divided into three distinct governments, those of
Quebec, Three Rivers, and Montreal; and the whole was subdivided into
eighty-two parishes. The whole population was estimated at 25,000;
whilst at the same time the British colonies had 60,000 males able to
bear arms. The governor, aware of this, already began to fear a
successful invasion of Canada.
M. de Vaudreuil died October 10, 1725, having been governor twenty-one
years. He was succeeded by the Marquis de Beauharnois, who arrived at
Quebec in 1726. The contest for the supremacy of the fur trade
continued. The British seeing the advantage of the line of forts held by
the French determined to erect a fort also, and selected the mouth of
the Oswego for its site. As an offset to this aggression on the part of
the British, against which the French vainly protested, the French fort
at the mouth of the Niagara was erected, with defences; and orders were
given that a stone fort should replace the one originally constructed of
wood, at Cataraqui. In 1731, Fort Frederick was also erected, at Crown
Point, on Lake Champlain. This year, Varrennes, Sieur de la Vérendrye,
urged by the governor, set about to discover a route to the Pacific
ocean; but he only reached the foot of the Rocky Mountains, being the
first white man to discover them. About this time the fort at Toronto
(Lake) is, for the first time, referred to. For more than a decade the
strife for the peltry traffic continued to be waged, yet without any
actual warfare. It was seen by all that peace could not continue, and
New England and New France were all the time anticipating the conflict.
In 1745 war broke out in Europe, and immediately extended to America. It
will be remembered that the French were dispossessed of Acadia, but had
subsequently erected a fort upon Cape Breton, Louisburg. From this naval
stronghold they were able to send privateers and men-of-war. The
English, in the meantime, seeing this evil, and that this was a
protection to the only entrance to French territory, determined to
possess it promptly, if it were possible. To carry out this project,
which originated with Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, 4,000 militia,
levied in Mass., New Hampshire, Maine, and Connecticut, under Colonel
Pepperel, sailed from Boston in March. The attack upon this strong fort
was so well planned and carried out, that full success was the result.
Admiral Warren arrived with ships to give assistance, and captured a
French ship of 64 guns, with 560 soldiers and supplies. Already the
Anglo-Americans were beginning to display the energy (derived from an
energetic race) which was to overturn British domination in the Atlantic
States. But in the first place it was necessary that England should
extinguish French power. The brilliant nature of the attack and taking
of Fort Louisburg was recognized by the granting of baronetcies to
Governor Shirley and Colonel Pepperel. This success hastened the
determination to conquer Canada—a desire already existing in the hearts
of the Anglo-Americans; and Governor Shirley applied to the British
government for regulars and a fleet for that purpose. Meanwhile, a
fleet, with several thousand troops, sailed from France, with a view of
re-taking Cape Breton and Acadia; but tempest and disease destroyed the
force, until it was no longer able to invade.
From the year 1745 border warfare continually blazed along the frontier.
The French, with their savage allies, carried the scalping-knife and the
torch into the British settlements, captured Fort Massachusetts and Fort
Bridgman, and gained other victories, and the luckless settlers had to
seek safety in the more largely-settled parts of the country.
Again came temporary peace to the colonists. In 1748, upon the 7th of
October, the treaty was signed at Aix-la-Chapelles, by the terms of
which Cape Breton reverted to the French. This treaty was, however, but
a lull in the struggle in America, which was destined to end in
conquest.
The French continued to strengthen their outposts. Detroit was
garrisoned, and forts of stone were built at Green Bay, Toronto, and La
Présentation. In 1756, Fort Duquesne, at Pittsburgh, was established. It
was in this year that Washington first came before the public as an
actor. He led a considerable force to the west, with the view of
destroying Fort Duquesne, and encountered a small body of French. The
man who subsequently became a hero by concurring events, as well as by
his own energy, did not, on this occasion—if we may credit history—act a
very honorable part. Informed of the camping ground of the enemy, he
marched all night, to attack them in the morning. Junonville, the
commander, when aware of the proximity of Washington, made known to him
by a trumpeter that he had a letter to deliver, and when Junonville had
begun to read his letter firing was suddenly re-commenced. The painters
of Washington’s character have tried to cover this stain; but unbiassed
recorders think he was by no means blameless. But Washington’s
humiliation rapidly followed this unmanly procedure. The main force of
the French, hearing of the massacre by Washington, advanced to revenge
it; and, attacking him in his own chosen position, succeeded, after ten
hours’ fighting with muskets alone, against cannon, in driving
Washington from his position, and compelled him to make an inglorious
retreat.
At the beginning of 1755, England sent out additional soldiers and means
of war, and appointed General Braddock, who had distinguished himself as
a soldier, to act as military chief.
At this time, “Dr. Franklin estimated the whole English provincials at a
total of 1,200,000; whilst the whole number of people in Canada, Cape
Breton, Louisiana, &c., was under 80,000 souls.”—(_Garneau._) At the
same time France was weak, by the presence of an indolent King, who
allowed himself and kingdom to be governed by a courtesan, Madame de
Pompadour. Religious dissensions and stagnation of trade, all
contributed to place France in but a poor position to engage in war.
Great Britain, on the contrary, was in all respects prosperous. At such
a favorable time it was that the Anglo-Americans urged the mother
country to carry on, with the utmost rigor, a war for the subjugation of
Canada. Franklin, as astute a politician as clever in science, was their
principal mouthpiece. He who, twenty-five years thereafter, repaired to
Paris, to arouse the public feeling of France and entire Europe against
Britain; the same who came to Canada to revolutionize it in 1776, was,
in 1754, the greatest promoter of the coming invasion of the French
possessions in North America. “There need never be permanent repose
expected for our thirteen colonies,” urged he, “so long as the French
are masters of Canada.” Thus was inaugurated what is known as the seven
years’ war.
The respective combatants marshalled their forces for the conflict. The
French, nothing daunted, took energetic measures to repel the foe, and
strike blows here and there, as opportunity afforded. A force was sent
to take Fort Oswego from the English, while Johnson, a name to be
mentioned hereafter, was despatched to attack Fort Frederick. The first
great battle was fought in the Ohio valley, by General Braddock. Here
the French gained a signal victory, with but a few men, and utterly put
to rout their enemy. At Fort Edward, the French, under General Dieskau,
were less successful in an encounter with Johnson, the French commander
being taken prisoner.
The close of the first year saw Forts Frederick, Niagara and Duquesne,
still in the hands of the French, while bands of savages and Canadians
traversed the British settlements, massacring and burning all before
them.
The ensuing year witnessed more elaborate arrangements to continue the
war. France sent to Canada soldiers, provisions, war material and money;
and, also, the Marquis de Montcalm was selected to take charge of the
army. Montcalm had seen service, and with him came other officers
likewise experienced.
Proceeding to Montreal, he conferred with the Governor, and it was
determined to form two principal camps, one at Ticonderoga, the other at
Frontenac, and a battalion was despatched to Niagara.
The British, at the same time, made extensive preparations, both in the
colonies and at home, and the Earl of London was appointed
generalissimo.
It is a remarkable fact that Montcalm had from the first a fatal
presentiment as to the issue of the war; yet he, all the same, took
every step that prudence and energy directed, to secure the success of
his army. There was also a coolness between him and the Governor, who
manifested a determination and energy worthy of him. It was determined
that fresh attempts should be made to possess Fort Oswego, and General
Montcalm arrived at Frontenac for that purpose on the 29th of July. Upon
the 11th August they reached Oswego and invested the Fort, which was
obliged to surrender on the 14th, the commander, Colonel Mercer, having
been killed. The Fort was razed to the ground. The Canadians then
withdrew to their homes carrying the prisoners of war, and the guns of
the Fort, and provisions with them. This was the principal event of this
year. The winter saw the Canadians suffer from famine and small-pox.
During the winter 1757–8, there was continued hostility, and in the
following year Montcalm succeeded in taking Fort William Henry, after a
siege of four days. Colonel Munroe commanded the Fort, and he trusted
for support to General Webb, who failed to afford it, but instead sent a
message to Munroe to retire, which note fell into the hands of Montcalm.
Munroe on the morning of the 9th, displayed his flag of truce. The
events of this capitulation have ever been held in remembrance, because
of the fearful massacre which the Indians made of the English, who had
surrendered, and who marched out without their arms, in full confidence
in the integrity of the victorious besiegers. Stern history has cast no
little blame upon Montcalm, for at least remissness of duty; and the pen
of historic fiction has found it a fruitful theme with which to weave a
story, and record thrilling events.
The ensuing winter was one of great privation to the Canadians, the
harvest had failed; and everything began to look dark indeed for the
devoted French; yet four years of war had given all the advantage to
their arms. The continued ill-success of the British, caused them to
raise increased numbers of men, so that by numerical force they might
overwhelm the French. In the spring of 1758, 80,000 British combatants
were ready to march. While such was the condition and war-like spirit
which obtained upon the British side, a far different state of affairs
existed with the French. Success had so far attended the gallant feats
undertaken by them. All along the lengthened border the foe had been
defeated, or had gained but scant victory. Again, the Iroquois nation,
impressed with the success thus obtained by the French, and gratified to
have the Fort of Oswego, always unpleasant to them, destroyed, seemed
inclined to take sides with them, certainly did not favor the English.
But, when so much has been said the extent of French power in America
has been stated. Canada was no longer receiving support from France. The
colonists had been weakened by continual warfare and repeated
crop-failures.
But undeterred by the dark clouds that continued to thicken, the
Canadians buckled on their armor to fight till the very last. Says
Montcalm to the Minister at home, “We shall fight and we shall bury
ourselves, if need be, under the ruins of the colony.” Again the tide of
war ebbed and flowed with fearful power. Carillon was made red with
British blood, as vain endeavors were made to capture that French strong
hold. Against Louisburg, Cape Breton, Carillon, Lake Champlain, and
Duquesne in the Ohio Valley, the English arrayed their fleets and
armies. In the attack now made upon Louisburg, for the first time
appears the name of Wolfe, who distinguished himself by scaling a rock,
with a hundred men, which had hitherto been regarded unaccessible. After
a spirited defence, the French surrendered the Fort, a perfect wreck,
July 26. About this time Cape Breton passed into British hands, and thus
was opened to the English, the Fort of Quebec.
In the mean time the attack upon Fort Carillon by General Abercromby,
with a strong army, had proved a complete failure. The French, although
few, desperately met the repeated assaults made during half a day, and
Abercromby, cut up and ashamed, was forced to relinquish the matter.
This battle was fought July 8th, in which 3,600 men struggled
successfully for six hours against 15,000 picked soldiers. (_Garneau._)
De Lévis, who had been in command at Fort Frontenac, was called by
Montcalm to take part in the defence of Carillon. This left Fort
Frontenac comparatively weak, and Abercromby, having learned the fact,
despatched Colonel Bradstreet, who had taken an active part in the
battle, to capture the Fort. Bradstreet set out with 3,000 men, 11 guns
and mortars. The invading force reached its destination August 25. The
Fort had been left with 70 men under the command of M. de Noyan,
notwithstanding, the Fort was bravely defended for a time. “The victors
captured many cannons, quantities of small arms, boats of provisions and
nine newly armed barques,—part of the trophies brought from Oswego when
captured. After loading his barges to the waters-edge, Bradstreet
released his prisoners on parole, burnt the Fort, also seven of the
barks, and returned to his country.” (_Garneau._) This was a severe blow
to the struggling Canadians. The Governor had ordered the farmers from
the field, and all the savages he could command, to march to the
assistance of Fort Frontenac; but when the party reached Fort
Présentation, (Ogdensburg), it was learned that Frontenac was already
destroyed. To add to the misfortune of the French, the same autumn,
General Forbes, notwithstanding a part of his force had been previously
defeated, secured the destruction of Fort Duquesne on the Ohio. This
closed the engagements for the year 1748, and everything looked for the
French, most discouraging. The winter was spent by the English in
preparing for a still more determined continuation of the war; while the
French wasted their energies in domestic dissention. The Governor M. de
Vaudreuil and Montcalm ceased not to quarrel, and to charge each other
with incompetency, and even crimes. At the same time the means of the
country was absorbed by unpatriotic merchants, who availed themselves of
the circumstances of the country to amass fortunes by illegal traffic in
furs with the Indians.
The Government at home, although informed by Montcalm that Canada would
be conquered if help were not sent, took no step to assist the devoted
Colonists, who, although disheartened were not disposed to surrender
allegiance to their native country, even when all but forsaken. The
spring of 1759 beheld them standing to their arms with calm
determination, awaiting the onset of the foe. The British as in previous
years prepared to invade Canada simultaneously at three different
points. There was no fortress in the Lower St. Lawrence to obstruct
their advance by water, so Quebec was the point at which, to the east,
the attack would be made. A corps of 10,000 men commanded by General
Wolfe, who we have seen, distinguished himself at the taking of
Louisburg, prepared to ascend the St. Lawrence to invest the capital.
Another force 12,000 strong under General Amherst, a name we shall have
to speak of hereafter, was to pass by Lake Champlain to descend the
Richeleu and to join Wolfe at Quebec. And a third force, under General
Prideaux, with savages under Sir William Johnson, were to possess Fort
Niagara, and then descend to the capture of Montreal. Opposed to the
numerous and well appointed armies of invasion, there was, according to
Garneau, all in all of Frenchmen, between the ages of 16 and 60, capable
of bearing arms, but a little over 15,000. In the early spring, one M.
de Corbiere, ascended with the view of rebuilding Fort Frontenac. 300
men were also sent to repair and defend Niagara. But it soon was deemed
expedient to recall them and to concentrate their forces. Every man from
even the more remote parts, presented himself to the nearest place of
rendezvous. In the latter part of May, word came that the enemies’ ships
were coming.
The events connected with the overthrow of French supremacy in Canada
cannot fail to impress the student of Canadian history.
The capture of Quebec, and, as an inevitable result, the conquest of
Canada are events of great interest; but the space cannot be allowed
here to more than refer to the thrilling scenes of valor displayed by
the victors and the vanquished. As Canadians of British origin we
recognize the event as one not to be deplored, however Franco-Canadians
may regard the question. The conquest of Canada, was to add a new
element to that of the British American which was destined to grow, and
to act no mean part in respect to British interests in America, and we
believe, ultimately to completely amalgamate with a portion of the older
elements, and thus to beget a race, under Confederation, none the less
noble, none the less stable, and none the less glorious, than that race
(a prototype of this)—the Original Anglo-Saxon derived from the Norman,
who came to England with William the Conqueror, as well as the Saxon
elements.
More than a hundred years have passed away since the fall of Quebec. The
centenary anniversary of the event has been celebrated with an amount of
enthusiasm which probably Quebec never witnessed before. Since the
American Revolution, when the French Canadians fought by the side of the
American Loyalist to defend Quebec, the former have ceased to be a
conquered people—Sequestrated from France, they have escaped all the
horrors which have since swept over that people, while they have
retained their language, religion, and laws. A hundred years has
eradicated or rather changed all the feelings which burned so fervently
in the French Canadian heart, except their love of Canada; and they have
joined heartily with the Anglo-Saxon to erect a joint monument which
commemorates at once the heroism of Wolfe, and the gallantry of
Montcalm.
Although the forces invading under Wolfe, exceeded in number those who
defended the citadel, yet, the greatest heroism was displayed in its
taking. The British fleet of “20 ships of the line with frigates and
smaller war vessels,” and transports, reached the Isle of Orleans, June
25, where the land force disembarked and proceeded deliberately to
invest the stronghold, finding a more difficult task than had been
expected. Repeated attempts and assaults were made with the result of
showing Wolfe how strong was the position his youthful ardor would fain
secure. Not alone was he baffled thus, but a severe illness prostrated
him to death’s door, whose portals were so soon to be opened to him, by
another means. In his moments of discouragement he had written home in a
spirit not calculated to afford hope. The plan which resulted in
success, it is said was suggested by his three faithful Generals,
Monkton, Townshend and Murray.
The night before the 13th of September, 1759, the day upon which Wolfe
was to win imperishable laurels, and to lay down his life, he felt a
presentiment that his end was near, and carefully arranged all his
worldly affairs. On the evening of the 12th he invited Captain John
Davis (afterwards Admiral, Earl St. Vincent), of the _Porcupine_ sloop
of war, to spend an hour or two on board the _Sutherland_. “Wolfe, in
the course of their conversation, said that he knew he should not
survive the morrow; and when they were about to separate, he took from
his bosom the picture of Louther and delivered it into the hands of his
friend, whom he requested, should his foreboding be fulfilled, to
restore the pledge to the lady on his arrival in England.”
Having previously made disposition of his forces to prepare the way for
the final attack, and, as well in some instances, to deceive the enemy
as to his intentions, Wolfe finally, at one o’clock, upon the morning of
the 13th September, set out in flat bottomed boats to make his landing
at Fuller’s Cove, thereafter to be called after himself. The night was
dark, and other circumstances being favorable the landing was safely
effected, the heights ascended, and at the break of day Montcalm learned
with the utmost astonishment that the enemy was upon the heights of
Abraham in battle array. Montcalm hastened to drive away the venturesome
foe, but this was not to be accomplished; a few hours brought a
realization of his early presentiment. After a spirited struggle the
French were to be seen running, the announcement of which made Wolfe die
happy; and, Montcalm was wounded unto death. He died on the 14th. The
defeat of Montcalm secured the capture of Quebec, yet it was not until
the 18th September that the city surrendered, and French writers would
make it appear that even then it were not necessary.
The command of the French army after the death of Montcalm devolved upon
Gen. de Lévis, who had been absent up the St. Lawrence. He returned to
Montreal only in time to hear of Montcalm’s defeat. He hastened to the
rescue of the beleaguered city, but he reached the vicinity, not until
Quebec had passed into the hands of the British.
During the time these exciting scenes had been transpiring at Quebec,
Gen. Amherst had been confronting Boulamaque, upon the shores of Lake
Champlain; whom he had compelled to return, and to destroy Fort
Frederick and to retire to Isle Aux Nois. In the west, at Niagara Gen.
Prideaux and Sir Wm. Johnson had been successful in taking the Fort from
Pouchot. By this, Lake Ontario with its northern shore, as well as the
region of the Bay of Quinté came into the possession of the British.
The expedition to capture Fort Niagara, taken at the urgent request of
the Governor of New York, was under the command of General Prideaux. The
attacking party landed at Four Mile Creek almost four miles east of the
Fort, on the 6th July, 1759. Fort Niagara was garrisoned by 486 men
according to Pouchot, the French commander, but according to English
statements 600. General Prideaux forces numbered, according to Capt. de
Lancy, 1,200, and 1,000 Indians, as said by Sir William Johnson. Pouchot
discovered their approach the following day. He despatched couriers to
Presque Isle, to Fort Machault, at the mouth of French Creek, Pa., and
to the commander of the Fort at the “Carrying Place” for assistance.
Reinforcements were sent, numbering about 600 French, and 100 Indians.
They resembled when passing down the rapids, “a floating island, so
black was the river with batteaux and canoes.” They landed a few miles
above the falls and proceeded to Lewiston and thence to relieve Pouchot.
In the mean time the siege had been pressed with vigor. Prideaux, the
English General, had been killed and the command had devolved on Sir W.
Johnson. The English learned of the approach of the reinforcements, and
Captain James de Lancy was despatched to a position in ambuscade above
the present site of Youngstown. The French discovering the English in
ambush, made an impetuous attack upon them, but the English withstood
the assault, and eventually turned the tide against the enemy, who were
put to flight, 200 being killed, and 100 taken prisoners. Pouchot
learned of the disaster about two o’clock; and, two hours after Sir W.
Johnson demanded a surrender. That same evening, or on the following
morning he complied; but he has stated that he would not have done so
had it not been for the mutiny of the Germans who formed a part of the
garrison. On the 26th the garrison left the fort to be transported to
New York. Thus was the power of the French broken in the west, and the
English became masters of the key to the Northwest.
The following spring Gen. de Lévis determined to make an effort to
retake Quebec, and upon the 28th of April, the plains of Abraham were
again red with blood, and the British, under Gen. Murray, were compelled
to seek safety within the walls of the city, where they were besieged
until the 9th, when a British frigate arrived and gave succor.
On the 14th July Gen. Murray, with a large sailing force, commenced the
ascent of the St. Lawrence. At the same time Gen. Amherst, with a
considerable force was commencing a descent from Oswego. The two were
thus advancing toward Montreal, each subduing on the way such forts and
garrisons as were deemed of sufficient importance. By the first of
September, the city of the Royal Mountain, containing the wreck of the
French army was encompassed on either hand. The Governor, upon the night
of the 6th, held a council of war, at which it was determined to
capitulate. The celebrated act was signed on the 8th September, 1760,
and the same day the English took possession of the city. Thus Canada
passed into the possession of the British. The terms of capitulation
were more favorable to the French than they had any reason to expect,
and those terms have ever been fulfilled.
The Governor, Gen. de Lévis, the officers, and a large number of men,
women and children returned to France. At the time of the taking of
Montreal, there remained at Detroit some three or four hundred families.
This Fort and others around the lakes yet held by the French were
surrendered to Major Rogers, a person again to be spoken of. The
population according to the Governor, left of French origin, was 70,000.
The Canadians who did not return to France repaired to their homes and
renewed their peaceful avocations.
The first British Governor, Sir Jeffry Amherst, entered upon his
functions 1763.
We have now very cursorily indeed, noticed the history of the French
Canadians up to the time they became British subjects. We have seen they
did not willingly become such; yet scarcely fifteen years were to pass
away before their loyalty to the British flag was to be tested; not
indeed to decide whether they should again become a part of France,
rather than remain British, but whether their condition as British
subjects was so intolerable that they should seek other protection of a
foreign origin.
We shall see that although promises were held out of great political
advantage they preferred to remain as they were. There remained in the
hearts of the Canadian French, not so much a dislike to England as a
detestation to the New Englander. Hence it was that when the rebel
banner was unfurled in 1776, with the declaration of American
Independence upon it, no Canadian rallied around it. Although
commissioners from the rebel congress visited them with honied words and
fair promises, they received no friendly welcome. The Canadians regarded
their old enemies as enemies still, and they turned their backs upon the
revolting provinces and their faces toward old England for protection.
The commissioners to the Canadians, composed of Dr. Benj. Franklin,
Samuel Chase and Charles Carrol, with his brother, a Jesuit Priest were
appointed to this mission, on the 15th February, 1776. The same Franklin
who now offered the French “freedom,” had urged upon the British in 1753
the expediency of reducing Canada!!
For a century and a half France endeavored in vain to erect a power in
America; but shall we say that it was all in vain?
The monument although broken, so far as France is concerned yet stands a
lasting memorial of French energy, of religious fervor, stern
determination, and indomitable valor. And, when the wave of revolution
passed over the thirteen British Colonies, the column was conspicuous
enough to be seen by refugees; the protection Canada offered was
sufficient for the homeless families of U. E. Loyalists. Canada was a
sacred spot, although French. It constituted a nucleus, around which
collected those who preferred order to rebellion. Those who had fought
as opponents at Duquesne, at Niagara, at Frontenac, at Tyconderoga, and
upon the Plains of Abraham, were joined together. The heel, which had
assisted to crush the Canadian French, now sought and found a resting
place among those who had been overcome. Thus was to be laid the
foundation of the Dominion of Canada, whose future is to be great.
Stretching from seaboard to seaboard, it is destined to become, ere it
has reached the present age of the United States, the Russia of America,
with the purest principles of government the world has ever known.
We now approach the period of time when another element of discord was
to appear among the races which inhabited America. Bloody Indian wars
had in the past swept back and forth across the woody land. Rival
colonizers had resorted to strife, to extend territorial power. European
weapons had been transported to wage wars of extermination. Conquest and
subjugation of Indians and rivals had been witnessed; but now Rebellion,
a term that has received fresh significance in the late civil war in the
United States, was to be initiated. The British blood and money which
had been lavishly spent for the Anglo-Americans, had only prepared those
colonists to seek other advantages. The Indians held in subjection, the
French conquered, the mother country itself must now be coerced to give
full rein to the spoiled and wayward offspring.
DIVISION I.
THE REBELLION OF 1776—THE THIRTEEN COLONIES.