audience with your Majesty I have frequently laid stress on
the importance of opening mines, building ships and providing
munitions of war; it is therefore known to your Majesty how
baseless is this charge. But since the negotiations which
followed the seizure of Kiaochao Bay, the transaction of the
Tsungli Yamên’s business has become increasingly difficult,
nor will our position be improved by this futile wrangling. I
would, therefore, humbly ask your Majesty to relieve me of my
duties at the Yamên, so that calumny may be hushed and that
I may cease to occupy a position for which I am eminently
unfitted. This is my humble prayer.”
The Emperor was greatly incensed at Hsü Ying-ku’ei’s outspoken
denunciation of K’ang Yu-wei, but could not as yet summon up courage to
offend the Empress Dowager by dismissing from office one who enjoyed her
favour and protection. Tzŭ Hsi perused both Memorials and was secretly
impressed by Hsü’s warning in regard to the revolutionary tendencies of
the reformers. From that day, though openly unopposed to reform, she
became suspicious of K’ang’s influence over the Emperor, but preferred
to bide her time, never doubting that, at a word from her, Kuang-Hsü
would dismiss him. She gave a special audience to Wang Wen-shao, who had
come from Tientsin after handing over the Chihli Viceroyalty to Jung Lu.
Wang stoutly supported Hsü Ying-ku’ei’s attitude of caution in regard to
several of the Emperor’s proposed measures. Following upon this audience,
the Emperor issued a Decree permitting Hsü to retain his posts, but
warning him to show more energy in future both at the Board of Rites and
at the Tsungli Yamên. Hsü regarded this as a decided triumph, due to
Tzŭ Hsi’s protection, and became more than ever opposed to innovations;
this attitude was strengthened when Huai Ta Pu, his Manchu colleague at
the Board of Rites and a first cousin of Tzŭ Hsi, came out as a strong
supporter of the ultra-Conservatives.
The Emperor’s next Decree provided for the reorganisation of the effete
Manchu troops of the Metropolitan Province and for the founding of
colleges and high schools in the provinces, to correspond to the Peking
University.
A reactionary Memorial by the Censor Wen T’i[53] charged his colleagues
Sung Po-lu and Yang Shen-hsiu with making their personal jealousy of Hsü
Ying-ku’ei an excuse for deluding the Emperor and setting him at variance
with the Empress Dowager. This greatly angered His Majesty, who promptly
had the offender dismissed from the Censorate for stirring up that very
party strife which his Memorial professed to denounce. Wen T’i, thus
rebuked, induced Huai Ta Pu to go out to the Summer Palace and endeavour
to enlist the Old Buddha’s sympathy in his behalf. She, however, declined
to move in the matter, having at the moment no specific ground of
complaint against the Emperor and preferring to give the Progressives all
the rope they wanted; but she caused Yü Lu, one of her old _protégés_, to
be appointed to the Grand Council, and this official kept her regularly
informed of everything that occurred in Peking. He belonged to the Kang
Yi faction of extremists and disapproved of reform with all the dogged
stupidity of his class. Later, in 1900, as Viceroy of Chihli, he rendered
no little assistance to Kang Yi’s schemes for massacring all foreigners,
and was a noted leader of the Boxer movement. With three reactionaries
on the Council of the stamp of Kang Yi, Wang Wen-shao and Yü Lu, there
was small chance of any genuine opportunity or honest purpose of reform,
whatever the Emperor might choose to decree, but before the Conservatives
could assume the offensive, they had to win over Tzŭ Hsi definitely and
openly to their side, and with her Jung Lu.
At about this time Kuang-Hsü reprimanded another Censor for a trifling
error in caligraphy, the incorrect writing of a character.[54]
Nevertheless, a week later, a Decree was issued, clearly showing the
influence of K’ang Yu-wei, in which it was ordered that caligraphy should
no longer form a special subject at the public examinations. “In certain
branches of the public service neat handwriting was no doubt of great
value, but it would in future be made the subject of special examinations
for the appointment of copyists.”
On the 8th day of the 6th Moon, a Decree ordered arrangements to be
made for the publication of official Gazettes all over the Empire,
and K’ang Yu-wei was placed in charge of the Head Office at Shanghai.
These Gazettes were to be official newspapers, and their object was
the extension of general knowledge. They were to receive Government
subsidies; copies were to be regularly submitted for the Emperor’s
perusal; opinions were to be freely expressed, and all abuses fearlessly
exposed. K’ang Yu-wei was directed to draw up Press regulations in this
sense.
On the 23rd of the 6th Moon, another vigorous Decree exhorted the
official class to turn its attention seriously to reforms. Herein
the Emperor declared that the procrastination hitherto displayed was
most disheartening. “Stagnation,” said the Edict, “is the sign of
grave internal sickness; hopeless abuses are bred from this palsied
indifference. An earnest reformer like Ch’en Pao-chen, the Governor of
Hupei, becomes a target for the violent abuse of officials and gentry.
Henceforward I would have you all sympathise with my anxiety and work
earnestly together, so that we may profit by our past reverses and
provide for a brighter future.”
Another Decree ordered the institution of naval colleges as a step
preliminary to the reconstruction of China’s fleet. Railway and mining
bureaus were established in Peking, and the Cantonese reformer, Liang
Ch’i-Ch’ao, was given charge of a Translation Department, to publish
standard foreign works on political economy and natural science, a grant
of one thousand taels per mensem being allowed to cover his expenses.
But an innovation more startling than all these, broke upon the
upholders of the old _régime_ in a Decree issued in response to a
Memorial by Jung Lu, who was all in favour of reform in military matters.
It was therein announced that the Emperor would escort the Empress
Dowager by train to Tientsin on the 5th day of the 9th Moon, and there
hold a review of the troops. The Conservatives were aghast at the idea of
their Majesties travelling by train, but Tzŭ Hsi, who had always enjoyed
riding on the miniature railway in the Winter Palace, was delighted
at the prospect of so novel an excursion. But if Manchu propriety was
shocked at this proposal, a still heavier blow was dealt it by the next
Decree, which abolished a number of obsolete and useless Government
offices and sinecures, fat jobs which, for generations, had maintained
thousands of idlers in the enjoyment of lucrative squeezes, a burden on
the State.
This Decree was loudly denounced as contrary to the traditions of the
Manchu Dynasty, and from all sides came urgent appeals to the Old
Buddha to protect the privileges of the ruling class, and to order its
cancellation. Yet another bolt fell two days later, when all the high
officials of the Board of Rites, including Hsü Ying-ku’ei and the Empress
Dowager’s kinsman, Huai Ta Pu, were summarily cashiered for having
suppressed a Memorial by the Secretary, Wang Chao. In this document it
was suggested that the Emperor, in company with the Empress Dowager,
should travel abroad, beginning with Japan and concluding with a tour in
Europe. Realising that “the craft of Demetrius was in danger,” nearly all
the Conservatives holding high office proceeded in a body to the Summer
Palace and told the Empress Dowager that the only hope of saving the
country lay in her resumption of the supreme power. The Old Buddha bade
them wait—the sands were running out, but she was not yet ready to move.
K’ang Yu-wei, realising that there was danger ahead, took advantage of
what he mistook for indecision on the part of Tzŭ Hsi to induce the
Emperor to rebel against her authority. Once more he assured Kuang-Hsü
that her professed sympathy for reform was all a sham, and that, on
the contrary, it was she herself who was the chief obstacle to China’s
awakening, her influence being really the prime factor in the country’s
corruption and lethargy. Why should she be permitted to waste millions
of Government funds yearly in the upkeep of her lavish establishment at
the Summer Palace? He advised the Emperor by a _coup de main_ to surround
her residence, seize her person, and confine her for the rest of her
days on a certain small island in the Winter Palace lake. Thereafter he
should issue a Decree recounting her many misdeeds and proclaiming his
intention never again to permit her to have any part in the Government.
This conversation was held in a private apartment of the Palace, but
there is every reason to believe that it was reported to Tzŭ Hsi by
one of the eunuch spies employed by Li Lien-ying for that purpose.
The Emperor foolishly allowed himself to be led into approval of this
plot, but decided to await the Court’s proposed trip to Tientsin before
putting it into execution. He knew that to ensure success for the scheme
he must be able to command the services of the troops, and he realised
that so long as Jung Lu was in command of the foreign-drilled forces of
Chihli, he would never consent to their lifting a finger against his
lifelong benefactress. Herein, in the Emperor’s opinion, lay the main
obstacle that confronted him. The real danger, that lay in Tzŭ Hsi’s
enormous personal influence and fertility of resource, he appears to have
under-rated, mistaking her inaction for indecision.
For the moment he continued to issue new Edicts, one ordering the making
of macadamised roads in Peking, another the enrolment of militia for
purposes of national defence, while a third authorised Manchus to leave
Peking, should they so wish, to earn their living in the provinces. On
the 27th of the 7th Moon, appeared the last of his important Reform
Decrees—a document pathetic in the light of subsequent events.
“In promoting reforms, we have adopted certain European
methods, because, while China and Europe are both alike in
holding that the first object of good government should be the
welfare of the people, Europe has travelled further on this
road than we have, so that, by the introduction of European
methods, we simply make good China’s deficiencies. But our
Statesmen and scholars are so ignorant of what lies beyond
our borders that they look upon Europe as possessing no
civilisation. They are all unaware of those numerous branches
of western knowledge whose object it is to enlighten the minds
and increase the material prosperity of the people. Physical
well-being and increased longevity of the race are thereby
secured for the masses.
“Is it possible that I, the Emperor, am to be regarded as a
mere follower after new and strange ideas because of my thirst
for reform? My love for the people, my children, springs from
the feeling that God has confided them to me and that to my
care they have been given in trust by my illustrious Ancestors.
I shall never feel that my duty as Sovereign is fulfilled until
I have raised them all to a condition of peaceful prosperity.
Moreover, do not the foreign Powers surround our Empire,
committing frequent acts of aggression? Unless we learn and
adopt the sources of their strength, our plight cannot be
remedied. The cause of my anxiety is not fully appreciated
by my people, because the reactionary element deliberately
misrepresents my objects, spreading the while baseless rumours
so as to disturb the minds of men. When I reflect how deep is
the ignorance of the masses of the dwellers in the innermost
parts of the Empire on the subject of my proposed reforms, my
heart is filled with care and grief. Therefore do I hereby
now proclaim my intentions, so that the whole Empire may know
and believe that their Sovereign is to be trusted and that
the people may co-operate with me in working for reform and
the strengthening of our country. This is my earnest hope.
I command that the whole of my Reform Decrees be printed on
Yellow paper and distributed for the information of all men.
The District Magistrates are henceforward privileged to
submit Memorials to me through the Provincial Viceroys, so
that I may learn the real needs of the people. Let this Decree
be exhibited in the front hall of every public office in the
Empire so that all men may see it.”
But the sands had run out. Tzŭ Hsi now emerged from “the profound
seclusion of her Palace” and Kuang-Hsü’s little hour was over.
XIV
THE _COUP D’ÉTAT_ OF 1898
In August 1898—at the end of the 7th Moon—the position of affairs in
the Palace (known only to a few) was that the Empress Dowager had been
won over to the reactionary party; she was postponing a decisive step,
however, until she and the Emperor made their proposed visit to Tientsin
in the 9th Moon. It was her intention there to confer with Jung Lu before
resuming the Regency, because of the unmistakable hostility towards her
then prevailing in the southern provinces, which she wished to allay,
as far as possible, by avoiding any overt measures of usurpation until
her preparations were made. On the 1st of the 8th Moon, the Emperor,
who was then in residence at the Summer Palace, received in audience
Yüan Shih-k’ai, the Judicial Commissioner of Chihli, and discussed with
him at great length the political needs of the Empire. Yüan (then in
his fortieth year) had owed his rapid advancement to the protection of
the great Viceroy Li Hung-chang; nevertheless, among his rivals and
enemies there were many who attributed the disastrous war with Japan
in 1894 to his arbitrary conduct of affairs as Imperial Resident in
Corea. There is no doubt that his reports and advice on the situation
at Seoul precipitated, if they did not cause, the crisis, leading the
Chinese Government to despatch troops into the country in the face of
Japan’s desire and readiness for war, and thus to the extinction of
China’s sovereignty in the Hermit Kingdom; but the fact had not impaired
Yüan’s personal prestige or his influence at Court. As a result of
this audience the Emperor was completely won over by Yüan’s professed
interest in the cause of reform, and was convinced that in him he had
secured a powerful supporter. His Majesty had already realised that he
must now reckon with the Old Buddha’s uncompromising opposition; quite
recently she had severely rebuked him for even noticing K’ang Yu-wei’s
suggestion that he should act more on his own authority. Jung Lu, he
knew, would always loyally support his Imperial mistress; and there
was not one prominent Manchu in the Empire, and, as far as Peking was
concerned, hardly a Chinese, who would dare to oppose the Old Buddha,
if once she declared herself actively on the side of reaction. The only
two high officials in Peking on whom he could confidently reckon for
sympathy and support were the Cantonese Chang Yin-huan, and Li Tuan-fen,
a native of Kueichou. But if he could obtain control of the Northern
foreign-drilled army, the reactionary party might yet be overthrown. To
secure this end it was essential that Jung Lu, the Governor-General of
Chihli and Commander-in-Chief of the foreign-drilled forces, should be
put out of the way, and this before the Empress could be warned of the
plot. The Emperor therefore proposed to have Jung Lu put to death in his
Yamên at Tientsin, and then swiftly to bring a force of 10,000 of his
disciplined troops to the capital, who would confine the Empress Dowager
to the Summer Palace. At the same time the most prominent reactionaries
in Peking, _i.e._, Kang Yi, Yü Lu, Huai T’a Pu and Hsü Ying-ku’ei were
to be seized at their residences and hurried off to the prison of the
Board of Punishments. This was the scheme suggested by K’ang Yu-wei, the
Censor Yang Shen-hsiu, and the secretaries of the Grand Council, T’an
Ssu-t’ung, Lin-Hsü, Yang Jui, and Liu Kuang-ti. At this first audience
Yüan Shih-k’ai was informed of the Emperor’s determination to maintain
and enforce his reform policy, and was asked whether he would be loyal
to his sovereign if placed in command of a large force of troops. “Your
servant will endeavour to recompense the Imperial favour,” he replied,
“even though his merit be only as a drop of water in the ocean or a grain
of sand in the desert; he will faithfully perform the service of a dog or
a horse while there remains breath in his body.”
Completely reassured by Yüan’s words and earnest manner and his
apparently genuine zeal for reform, the Emperor straightway issued the
following Decree:—
“At the present time army reform is of all things most
essential, and the judicial commissioner of Chihli, Yüan
Shih-k’ai, is an energetic administrator and thoroughly earnest
in the matter of training our forces. We therefore accord him
the rank of Expectant Vice-President of a Board and place him
in special charge of the business of army reform. He is to
memorialise from time to time regarding any measures which
he may desire to introduce. Under the present conditions of
our Empire it is of the first importance that our defences
be strengthened, and it behoves Yüan Shih-k’ai therefore to
display all possible energy and zeal in the training of our
troops, so that an efficient army may be organised, and the
Throne’s determination to secure homogeneous forces be loyally
supported.”
At this first audience there had been no mention of the proposed removal
of Jung Lu. Scarcely had Yüan left the Jen Shou (Benevolent Old Age)
Palace Hall, than the Empress Dowager summoned him to her own apartments,
and closely questioned him as to what the Emperor had said. “By all means
let the army be reformed,” said the Old Buddha; “the Decree is sensible
enough, but His Majesty is in too great a hurry, and I suspect him of
cherishing some deep design. You will await a further audience with him,
and then receive my instructions.”
The Empress then sent for the Emperor, and informed him that he must
have K’ang Yu-wei placed under arrest for speaking disrespectfully of
her private life and morals. She refrained from informing him that she
knew of his design to deprive her of power, and she was so far unaware
of the extent of the plot against herself and Jung Lu. She reproached
him, however, in general terms for his evident and increasing lack of
filial duty towards herself. The Emperor meekly promised to comply with
her wishes as to K’ang Yu-wei’s arrest, but late that same evening, while
the Empress Dowager was entertaining herself at a water picnic on the
K’un Ming Lake, he despatched his confidential eunuch, Sung Yu-lien, into
Peking with the following Decree, drafted in His Majesty’s own unformed
and childish handwriting:—
“On a previous occasion we commanded the Secretary of the
Board of Works, K’ang Yu-wei, to take charge of the Government
Gazette Bureau at Shanghai. We learn with astonishment that
he has not yet left Peking. We are well aware of the crisis
through which the Empire is passing, and have been anxious
on this account to obtain the services of men well versed in
political economy, with whom to discuss improved methods of
government. We granted one audience to K’ang Yu-wei (_sic_: as
a matter of fact K’ang was received by His Majesty on several
occasions) because of his special knowledge, and we appointed
him to take charge of the Government Gazette Bureau for the
reason that newspapers are one of the most important factors in
national education and progress. His duties are evidently of no
light responsibility, and funds having been specially raised
for this enterprise, we command him now to betake himself with
all despatch to Shanghai; he shall on no account procrastinate
any longer.”
K’ang Yu-wei received the Decree, realised its significance, and left
Peking by the first train next morning, arriving safely at Tongku, where
he boarded a coasting steamer for Shanghai.[55] When the Empress heard
of his departure she was furious, and telegraphed to Jung Lu to arrest
K’ang, but for some unexplained reason (the instructions reached him
before K’ang could have arrived at Tientsin) Jung Lu took no steps to
do so. At this time he was unaware of the plot against his life, or he
would hardly have shown such magnanimity. K’ang Yu-wei never gave him
any credit for it and has always denounced Jung Lu as second only in
villainy to the Empress Dowager, an arch enemy of reform and reformers.
As a matter of fact Jung Lu was one of the high officials who originally
recommended K’ang to the notice of the Emperor, and till the day of his
death he always alluded to himself jocularly as one of the _K’ang T’ang_,
or K’ang Yu-wei party, to the great amusement of the Old Buddha, who
would jokingly ask him what news he had of his friend K’ang, the traitor
and rebel. That morning, the 2nd of the Moon, audience was given to the
reformer Lin Hsü and to Yüan Shih-k’ai, who again assured the Emperor
of his complete devotion. His Majesty then left for the Forbidden City,
intending to carry out his plans against the Empress from there rather
than from the Summer Palace, where nearly every eunuch was a spy in her
service.
It is evident that, so far, the Emperor by no means despaired of his
chances of success, as two Decrees were issued next morning, one ordering
the teaching of European languages in the public schools, and the other
requiring purer administration on the part of district magistrates.
On the morning of the 5th, Yüan Shih-k’ai had a final audience, before
leaving for Tientsin. His Majesty received him in the Palace of Heavenly
Purity (Ch’ien Ch’ing Kung) of the Forbidden City. Every precaution was
taken to prevent the conversation being overheard. Seated for the last
time on the great lacquered Dragon Throne, so soon to be reoccupied by
the Empress Dowager, in the gloomy throne room which the morning light
could scarcely penetrate, His Majesty told Yüan Shih-k’ai the details of
the commission with which he had decided to entrust him. He was to put
Jung Lu to death and then, returning immediately to the capital with the
troops under his command, to seize and imprison the Empress Dowager. The
Emperor gave him a small arrow, the symbol of his authority to carry out
the Imperial orders, and bade him proceed with all haste to Tientsin,
there to arrest Jung Lu in his Yamên and see to his instant decapitation.
Kuang Hsü also handed him a Decree whereby, upon completion of his
mission, he was appointed Viceroy of Chihli _ad interim_, and ordered to
Peking for further audience.
Yüan promised faithful obedience, and, without speaking to anyone, left
Peking by the first train. Meantime the Old Buddha was due to come in
from the I-ho Yüan to the Winter Palace that morning at 8 o’clock, to
perform sacrifice at the altar to the God of Silkworms, and the Emperor
dutifully repaired to the Ying Hsiu Gate of the Western Park, where
the Lake Palace is situated, to receive Her Majesty as she entered the
precincts.
Yüan reached Tientsin before noon, and proceeded at once to Jung Lu’s
Yamên. He asked Jung Lu whether he regarded him as a faithful blood
brother. (The two men had taken the oath of brotherhood several years
before.) “Of course I do,” replied the Viceroy. “You well may, for the
Emperor has sent me to kill you, and instead, I now betray his scheme,
because of my loyalty to the Empress Dowager and of my affection for
you.” Jung Lu, apparently unaffected by the message, merely expressed
surprise that the Old Buddha could have been kept in ignorance of all
these things, and added that he would go at once to the capital and see
the Empress Dowager that same evening. Yüan handed him the Emperor’s
Decree, and Jung Lu, travelling by special train, reached Peking soon
after 5 P.M.