“As the dysentery grew more acute every day, with Dr. Liu’s

permission I tried Dr. Yang’s prescription. It was, however,

too late, and nothing could help her now. On the morning

of the 12th she was _in extremis_, and had lost the power

of swallowing; so we sent for Li, the tailor, to put a few

finishing touches on the burial robes, and to prepare the

‘cockcrow pillow’ and coverlets. At 11 P.M. she passed away,

abandoning her most undutiful son. Alas, there is no doubt that

her death lies at my door, because of my ignorance of medicine.

Smiting my body against the ground, I invoke Heaven, but ten

thousand separate deaths could not atone for my sins.

“We arrayed her, then, in her robes. First her handmaiden put

on the inner garments, a chemise of white silk, then a jacket

of grey silk, and outside that a wadded robe of blue satin.

Then were put on the robe and mantle of State, with the badge

of her official rank, the jade girdle and necklace of amber.

After the gold hair ornaments had been placed in position, the

Phœnix hat was set upon her head; red mattresses were laid upon

the couch, and we placed her in a comfortable position, with

her head reclining on the ‘cockcrow’ pillow of red satin. Not

a friend came near us, and every door in the neighbourhood was

closed. Next morning I lined the coffin with red satin, and

then padded it with straw to prevent it shaking, and at 3 P.M.

I invited my mother to ascend into her ‘long home.’

“The city was in a terrible tumult, and a friend came in to

advise me to bury my mother temporarily in a temple outside

the city. It would not be safe, he said, to inter her in the

courtyard of this house, for the barbarian is suspicious by

nature, and will assuredly search every house in Peking as soon

as the city is taken. It was impossible for me to consider

calmly what might happen if they were to find and to desecrate

my mother’s coffin. I remembered what has been told of their

doings in Canton under similar circumstances.

“On the 14th, the ‘Chang-yi’ gate was opened, and I found

a temple, suitably situated, which the priest was willing

to allow me to rent. I prepared therefore to watch over my

mother’s remains, sending my family in the meanwhile to live

with an old pupil of mine at Pa-chou. Only the two western

gates of the Chinese city were still open, and as the Hata Men

and the Ch’ien Men had been closed for four days, the stream of

traffic through the Shun-chih Men caused perpetual blocks in

that gateway. All the small pedlars, hawkers and barbers were

fleeing the city, but still the large business houses remained

open.

“On the 19th I conveyed my mother’s remains to the temple;

I found all quiet there, but my progress through the city

gate was very slow because of the crowd. On the 23rd there

were but few people abroad, and these clustering together in

small groups and speaking in low voices. Suddenly, a little

after mid-day, an immense blaze was seen to the north-west,

and speedily it was reported that the barbarians had seized

Hai-tien and the Summer Palace. Our army is said to number

half a million men, and yet it seems that not one of them dare

oppose the barbarians’ advance. They have about a thousand of

cavalry, yet they move about at will in our midst as if in an

uninhabited wilderness! ’Tis passing strange! The troops of

Prince Seng and General Sheng have retreated to the Te-sheng

gate.

“On the 24th all the shops were closed, and the higher the

price of vehicles, the greater the number of people to wish to

engage them. The poorer class were using wheelbarrows, on which

they packed their most valuable moveables for flight.

“Prince Kung sent an Envoy to the barbarians’ camp with a

despatch asking for an armistice. On arriving in the vicinity

of the camp, however, the messenger saw the barbarians pointing

rifles at him, so that he turned and fled.

“On the afternoon of the 24th, vast columns of smoke were seen

rising to the north-west, and it was ascertained that the

barbarians had entered the Summer Palace, and after plundering

the three main halls, leaving them absolutely bare, they had

set fire to the buildings. Their excuse for this abominable

behaviour is that their troops got out of hand, and had

committed the incendiarism. After this they issued notices,

placarded everywhere, in very bad Chinese, stating that unless

terms of peace had been arranged before mid-day on the 29th,

they would then bombard Peking, in which case all inhabitants

who did not wish to share the fate of the city had better

remove themselves to a safe distance.

“On this day it was reported that The Sacred Chariot had

reached Jehol in safety, but His Majesty had been greatly

alarmed, and had issued a Decree expressing regret for his

failure to commit suicide on the approach of the invaders. The

Emperor is reported to be ill, and it is said that the Princes

Tsai Yüan and Tuan Hua are trying to get themselves appointed

to the Grand Council. Should the Emperor die (_lit._ ‘when

ten thousand years have passed’) the Yi concubine will be

made Empress Dowager, but at present she is reported to be at

variance with the Princes, who are endeavouring to prejudice

the Emperor against her.

“I learnt that all was quiet at the temple where my mother’s

coffin rests. Troops were passing there daily, but, so far,

none had occupied it. On the 29th, my servant-boy, Yung ’Erh,

came to tell me that troops from Tientsin in the pay of the

barbarians had occupied the temple, but on proceeding thither I

found them to be General Sheng’s men. Prince Seng’s troops were

also near at hand, so that, if a bombardment had taken place,

what could have prevented the destruction of the temple, and

what would then have become of my mother’s remains? I therefore

decided to engage wheelbarrows and handcarts, at six taels

apiece, to take my family to Pao-ting fu, and I arranged with

the undertakers to hire bearers for the coffin.

“At 11 A.M. of the same day the barbarians entered the

city by the Anting gate, occupying its tower and the wall

adjoining. One large cannon and four small ones were placed

in position on the wall, and a five-coloured flag hoisted

there. With the exception of the officials entrusted with the

duty of negotiating, not one remained in the city. Two days

ago the prisoner Parkes, and his companions, were sent back

to the enemy with every mark of courtesy. Scarcely had they

reached their camp when a special Decree, post-haste from

Jehol, ordered Prince Kung to decapitate them all forthwith

as a warning to the bandits who had dared to invade the

sacred precincts of the Palace. As the Yi concubine had urged

their execution from the very first, it would seem as if her

influence were again in the ascendant.

“On the 1st of the 9th Moon, the ‘Chang-yi’ gate was closed,

but I managed to leave the city by the Hsi-pien Men, where I

was nearly crushed to death in the enormous crowd. Upon my

arrival at the temple, I had a nice wadded cover made to put

over the coffin, and then hurried back to the city to arrange

for the cortège leaving next morning. The President of the

Board of Finance, Liang Hai-lou, was hiding in the temple

precincts with his family and chief concubine, all wearing

common clothes and unshaven. This is a good example of the

condition to which the very highest had been reduced.

“Next morning, on reaching the temple, I found the

coffin-bearers and transport coolies on the spot. But,

unfortunately, in my hurry, I failed to notice that the

undertakers had supplied the frame, on which the coffin is

carried, of a size smaller than had been agreed upon, so that

instead of sixteen bearers there were but eight. We started,

however, and the procession’s appearance of panic-stricken

fugitives was most distressing to contemplate. But what could

I do? The first and only object in my mind was to protect

my mother’s coffin. I have omitted to state that my small

servant-boy, Yung ’Erh, had started to accompany the coffin

on foot. But, after they had started, it occurred to me that

the lad could never stand so long a journey, and that should

my mother be aware of it, she would be extremely anxious about

him. Therefore, I quickly engaged another wheelbarrow for Yung

’Erh, and bade the coolies hurry after the procession.

“On returning home I felt uneasy about the jolting which my

mother’s coffin must have experienced on the undersized frame.

I went, therefore, to the undertakers and expostulated with

them for having cheated me. After much altercation they agreed

to change the frame, but I was to pay two taels more for

the larger size. I subsequently learned that they failed to

keep their promise, but there was no good to be got by suing

them for breach of faith. They are sordid tricksters. Yung

’Erh wrote, however, to assure me that the party had reached

Pao-ting fu in safety, and that the coffin had not been jolted

in the least. On removing the wrappings the lacquer was found

to be undamaged.

“The barbarians were now in full possession of the city, and

rumours were rife on all sides. Everyone in Peking—there

were still a good many people—was terrified, and the Manchus

were sending their families from the Tartar to the southern

(Chinese) city to save their women from being outraged by the

barbarian bandits. The condition of the people was indeed

deplorable in the extreme. One of the Censors had sent a

Memorial to Jehol, reproaching the Emperor for the pass to

which he had brought his people, and for the neglect of

ancestral worship caused by his absence. He blamed His Majesty

for listening to evil advisers, and besought him to return to

his capital.

“The minds of the people were becoming more than ever

disturbed, because it was now reported that the negotiations

for peace had so far failed, either because Prince Kung would

not entertain the barbarians’ conditions, or because the latter

were too utterly preposterous.

“On the 6th, a despatch arrived from the British barbarians,

accusing China of having violated all civilised usage in

torturing to death their fellow-countrymen. For this they

demanded an indemnity of 500,000 taels. At the same time came

a despatch from the Russian barbarians, saying that they had

heard that England was demanding this indemnity, but they (the

Russians) were prepared to use their influence and good offices

to persuade the British to abate their claims. Prince Kung was

of opinion that, even if they should be successful in this

proposed mediation, China would only save some 100,000 taels,

and for this she would place herself under heavy obligations

to Russia. So he replied, declining the offer on the ground

that the British claim had already been accepted by China, and

that further discussion of the matter was therefore impossible.

Thereupon the Russians wrote again, saying that if China had

definitely accepted the British terms there was, of course,

nothing more to be said, but they asked Prince Kung to note

that they had induced England to forgo half of the indemnity of

two million taels originally asked, as a set-off to China for

the destruction of the Summer Palace. On the 9th, Prince Kung

forwarded the 500,000 taels to the British barbarians.

“The whole sixteen articles of the barbarians’ demands have

finally been accepted without modification. The only thing

that our negotiators asked was the immediate withdrawal of the

invading army, and to obtain this they were prepared to yield

everything. Therefore, the barbarians openly flout China for

her lack of men. Woe is me; a pitiful tale, and one hard to

tell! When the Yi concubine heard of Prince Kung’s complete

surrender to the barbarians she reproached the Emperor for

allowing his brother to negotiate, and she implored him to

re-open hostilities. But His Majesty was dangerously ill, and

refused to leave Jehol, so that our revenge must be postponed

for the time being.”

[Illustration: H.I.H. P’U JU, COUSIN OF THE PRESENT EMPEROR, SON OF THE

BOXER PRINCE TSAI-YING, AND GRANDSON OF PRINCE KUNG.]

Bearing in mind the frequent allusions made by the Hanlin diarist to the

Emperor’s indecision of purpose at the time of the advance of the British

and French armies on Peking, it is reasonable to assume that Yehonala

prompted, if she did not write, the following vigorous Edict, which

appeared on the 3rd day of the 8th Moon in the 10th year of Hsien-Feng

(6th September 1860):—

“Swaying the wide world, we are nevertheless animated by one

and the same instinct of benevolence to all. We have never

forbidden England and France to trade with China, and for long

years there has been peace between them and us. But three years

ago the English, for no good cause, invaded our city of Canton,

and carried off our officials into captivity. We refrained at

that time from taking any retaliatory measures, because we

were compelled to recognise that the obstinacy of the Viceroy

Yeh had been in some measure a cause of the hostilities. Two

years ago the barbarian Commander Elgin came north, and we then

commanded the Viceroy of Chihli, T’an Ting-hsiang, to look into

matters preparatory to negotiations. But the barbarian took

advantage of our unreadiness, attacking the Taku forts and

pressing on to Tientsin. Being anxious to spare our people the

horrors of war, we again refrained from retaliation and ordered

Kuei Liang to discuss terms of peace. Notwithstanding the

outrageous nature of the barbarians’ demands, we subsequently

ordered Kuei Liang to proceed to Shanghai in connection with

the proposed Treaty of Commerce, and even permitted its

ratification as earnest of our good faith.

“In spite of all this the barbarian leader Bruce again

displayed intractability of the most unreasonable kind and

once more appeared off Taku with a squadron of warships in the

8th Moon. Seng Ko Lin Ch’in thereupon attacked him fiercely and

compelled him to make a hasty retreat. From all these facts it

is clear that China has committed no breach of faith and that

the barbarians have been in the wrong. During the present year

the barbarian leaders Elgin and Gros have again appeared off

our coasts, but China, unwilling to resort to extreme measures,

agreed to their landing and permitted them to come to Peking

for the ratification of the Treaty.

“Who could have believed that all this time these barbarians

have been darkly plotting and that they had brought with them

an army of soldiers and artillery, with which they attacked the

Taku forts from the rear, and, having driven out our forces,

advanced upon Tientsin! Once more we ordered Kuei Liang to go

to Tientsin and endeavour to reason with them, in the hope that

they might not be lost to all sense of propriety, and with the

full intention that their demands, if not utterly unreasonable,

should be conceded. To our utter astonishment, Elgin and his

colleague had the audacity to demand an indemnity from China;

they asked, too, that more Treaty ports should be opened, and

that they should be allowed to occupy our capital with their

army. To such lengths did their brutality and cunning lead

them! But we then commanded Prince Yi and Mu Yin, the President

of the Board of War, to endeavour to induce in them a more

reasonable spirit and to come to some satisfactory arrangement.

But these treacherous barbarians dared to advance their savage

soldiery towards Tungchow and to announce their intention of

compelling us to receive them in audience.

“Any further forbearance on our part would be a dereliction

of our duty to the Empire, so that we have now commanded our

armies to attack them with all possible energy and we have

directed the local gentry to organise train-bands, and with

them either to join in the attack or to block the barbarians’

advance. Hereby we make offer of the following rewards:—For

the head of a black barbarian, 50 taels, and for the head of

a white barbarian, 100 taels. For the capture of a barbarian

leader, alive or dead, 500 taels, and for the seizure or

destruction of a barbarian vessel, 5,000 taels. The inhabitants

of Tientsin are reputed brave. Let them now come forward and

rid us of these pestilential savages, either by open attack or

by artifice. We are no lovers of war, but all our people must

admit that this has been forced upon us.

“As to the barbarians’ seizure of portions of our territory in

Kuangtung and Fukhien, all our subjects are alike our children

and we will issue large rewards to any of them in the south who

shall present us with the head of a barbarian chief.

“These barbarians live in the remote parts of the earth, whence

they come to China for purposes of trade. Their outrageous

proceedings have, we understand, been encouraged by abominable

traitors among our own subjects. We now command that all the

Treaty ports be closed and all trade with England and France

stopped. Subjects of other submissive States are not to be

molested, and whensoever the British and French repent them of

their evil ways and return to their allegiance, we shall be

pleased to permit them to trade again, as of old, so that our

clemency may be made manifest. But should they persist in their

wicked violation of every right principle, our armies must

mightily smite them, and pledge themselves solemnly to destroy

utterly these evil-doers. May they repent while yet there is

time!”

Three days later Yehonala was present at the morning audience, when the

Emperor made the following statement:—

“We learn that the barbarians continue to press upon our

capital. Their demands were all complied with, yet they insist

upon presenting to us in person their barbarous documents

of credentials, and demand that Prince Seng shall withdraw

his troops from Chang-Chia wan. Such insolence as this makes

further parley impossible. Prince Seng has gained one great

victory already, and now his forces are holding the enemy in

check at Palich’iao.”

Orders were issued that the landing of troops from the warships which

had appeared off Kinchou should be stoutly resisted.

On the 7th of the Moon His Majesty sacrificed at the Temple of Confucius,

but on the next morning he was afraid to come into the city from the

Summer Palace, although he wished to sacrifice to the tutelary deities

and inform them of his intended departure. Early on the following day

Prince Kung was appointed Plenipotentiary in the place of Prince Yi (Tsai

Yüan) and the Emperor, despite the brave wording of his Decree, fled from

the capital, after making obeisance to the God of War in a small temple

of the Palace grounds. In the Decree announcing his departure, the flight

was described as an “autumn tour of inspection.”[3]

The Court started in utter confusion, but proceeded only some eighteen

miles on the road northwards from Peking, stopping for the first night in

a small temple. Here a Decree was issued calling upon all the Manchurian

troops to hasten to Jehol for the protection of the Court. On the evening

of the following day a Memorial was received from Prince Kung, reporting

on the latest doings of the barbarians, but His Majesty ordered him,

in reply, to take whatever steps he might think fit to deal with the

situation. It was out of the question, said the Rescript, for the Emperor

to decide on any course of action at a distance: in other words, the

Throne divested itself of further responsibility.

On the 11th, the Court lay at the Imperial hunting lodge north of Mi-Yun

hsien. The Chinese chronicler records that the Emperor was too sick to

receive the Grand Council, and delegated his duties to Yehonala, who

thereupon issued the following Decree:—

“We are informed that the pestilent barbarians are pressing

upon our capital, and our Ministers have asked us to summon

reinforcements from the provinces. Now the highest form

of military art is to effect sudden surprises, carefully

pre-arranged. The barbarians’ superiority lies in their

firearms, but if we can only bring them to a hand-to-hand

engagement they will be unable to bring their artillery to

bear, and thus shall our victory be assured. The Mongol and

Manchu horsemen are quite useless for this kind of warfare,

but the men of Hupei and Ssŭ-ch’uan are as agile as monkeys

and adepts at the use of cover in secret approaches. Let them

but surprise these bandits once, and their rout is inevitable.

Therefore let Tseng Kuo-fan, the Viceroy of Hukuang, send up

at least three thousand of his best troops to Peking, and let

as many be despatched from Ssŭ-ch’uan. Prince Seng’s troops

have been defeated again and again, and the capital is in great

danger. At such a crisis as this, there must be no delay; it

is our earnest hope that a sufficient force will speedily be

collected, so that we may be rid of this poisonous fever-cloud.

For bravery and good service, there will be great rewards. A

most important Decree.”

At the Court’s halting place at Pa-Ko shih, close to the Great Wall,

a Memorial came in from Prince Seng Ko Lin Ch’in, stating that

small scouting parties of the barbarian troops had been seen in the

neighbourhood of Peking, but that as yet there had been no general

bombardment. A Rescript was issued as follows:—

“Inasmuch as it would appear that the pertinacity of these

barbarians will only increase with opposition, it seems

desirable to come to terms with them as soon as possible.

With reference to the French barbarian Gros’s petition to be

permitted to discuss matters with Prince Kung in person, at

Peking, we command the Prince to receive him. But should the

bandits attempt to approach the city in force, Prince Seng

should take them in the rear and cut off their retreat. If

by any chance, however, Peking should be already taken, let

the Mongol regiments be sent up to the Great Wall for the

protection of our person.”

After a leisurely journey, the Court reached Jehol on the 18th. On the

20th, the opinion of the advisers of the Emperor seemed to be in favour

of continuing the war at all costs. A Decree was issued, referring to the

fact that the foreign troops had dared to encamp near the Summer Palace,

and forbidding Prince Kung to spare the lives of any captured barbarians

upon any pretext whatsoever. To this Prince Kung replied stating that the

prisoners had already been released and that the Anting gate had been

surrendered to the foreigners. Prince Kung, in fact, was statesman enough

to realise that the only chance for China lay in submission; he therefore

ignored the Imperial Decrees. Before long the Emperor was persuaded to

allow negotiations to be resumed, and on the 15th of the 9th Moon he

confirmed the Treaty, which had been signed in Peking, in the following

Edict:—

“Prince Kung, duly appointed by us to be Plenipotentiary,

concluded, on the 11th and 12th days of this Moon, Treaties

of Peace with the British and the French. Hereafter amity is

to exist between our nations in perpetuity, and the various

conditions of the Treaty are to be strictly observed by all.”

III

THE TSAI YÜAN CONSPIRACY

It was originally intended that the Emperor Hsien-Feng should return

from Jehol to Peking in the spring of 1861, and a Decree was issued to

that effect. In January, however, his illness had become so serious that

travelling was out of the question, and this Decree was rescinded.

China under the Empress Dowager · 第 2 / 44 段