Running over such varieties of character, we may ask whether it

is fair to set down the autobiographic impulse as in all cases a

manifestation of vanity. Or if we call it vanity, must we not stretch

the meaning of the word beyond all bearing? The old psychologists

used to maintain that every passion was a special form of self-love;

and, if we may take such a license, we may call every man vain who

takes an interest in his own affairs, and expects that others may be

interested. He may hold that opinion even whilst sincerely believing

that his success in the game of life was more due to the cards he held

than to his intrinsic skill. If that still imply the presence of some

latent vanity, some bias to our judgment lying below the region of

conscious reflection, it is certainly of a scarcely perceptible kind.

Vanity in this sense is but the inverse side of a man's philosophy of

life. It is the value which he sets upon certain qualities of mind

and character, which is, no doubt, apt to be more or less connected

with the trifling circumstance that he takes them to be his own. But

in some cases this latter consideration has so little prominence that

we almost overlook it. The autobiography takes so much the form of a

philosophical sermon on the true principles of conduct, that we quite

forget that the preacher is his own text. He treats himself with

apparent impartiality, as if he were merely a scientific specimen

whose excellent adaptation to the general scheme of things deserves

the notice of an impartial inquirer. It happens to be the case

nearest at hand, but is interesting only in the light of the general

impersonal principle.

It is curious to trace this in one of the most interesting of

modern autobiographies. J. S. Mill begins his recollections by

disavowing—with obvious sincerity—any egoistic motive. He wishes

to show the effect of a particular mode of education, to trace

the influence upon a receptive mind of various currents of modern

thought; and, above all, to show how large a debt he owed to certain

persons who, but for this avowal, would not receive their due meed

of recognition. He is to give a lecture upon his own career as

dispassionately as Professor Owen might lecture upon a creature which

died in the palæozoic era. In pursuing this end, Mill made more

revelations as to his own character than he perhaps knew himself.

The book is much else, but it is also an exposition of a definite

theory of life. Some readers were astonished to find that, as Mill

puts it, a Benthamite might be something more than a mere 'reasoning

machine.' That description, he admits, was applicable in some cases,

and even to himself at one period of his life. But nothing could be

clearer to readers of the autobiography—as, indeed, it was clear

enough to the observers of his later career—that, so far from being

a mere reasoning machine, Mill was a man of strong affections, and

even feminine sensibility. And in this, as some critics have said,

consists the peculiar pathos of the book. It was the story of a man

of strong feelings, who had been put into a kind of moral and logical

strait-waistcoat and kept there till it had become a part of himself.

The diagnosis of the case showed it, upon this understanding, to be

one of partial atrophy of the affections—or rather—for the affections

clearly survived—illustrated the effect of depriving them of their

natural sustenance. To Mill himself, it was rather a record of the

means by which the strait-waistcoat had been forced to yield. Like

Bunyan, he had been locked up by Giant Despair, and had escaped

from the dungeons, though by a different method. The account of the

crisis in his moral development which corresponds to a conversion in

the case of Bunyan, gives the real key to his story. He had been put

into the strait-waistcoat by that tremendous old gentleman, James

Mill, whose force of mind produced less effect through his books

than by his personal influence upon his immediate surroundings. His

doctrine repelled most readers till it had been made more sympathetic

by passing through the more sensitive and emotional nature of his

son. The ultimate effect was not to suppress J. S. Mill's affections,

but to confine them to certain narrow channels. The primary effect,

however, was to produce that 'reasoning machine' period in which the

son was a simple logic-mill grinding out the materials supplied by the

father and Bentham. Now old Mill was not simply a kind of personified

'categorical imperative'—a rigid external conscience imposing a fixed

rule upon his filial disciple, but his doctrine was certainly a trying

one. He held that the sole end of morality was to produce happiness,

and at the same time he did not believe in happiness. 'He thought

human life a poor thing at best after the freshness of youth and

unsatisfied curiosity had gone by.' He and his disciples denounced all

emotion as 'sentimentality,' and fully shared that English prejudice

which, as J. S. Mill declares, regards feeling, especially if it has

a touch of the romantic or exalted, to be something intrinsically

disgraceful. Here then was the uncomfortable dilemma into which

the younger Mill was driven, and which made him miserable. A rigid

sense of duty was the sole rule of life; duty meant the production

of happiness; and happiness was a mere illusion and unsubstantial

phantom. No wonder if a period followed during which the world seemed

to him weary, stale, flat, and unprofitable. To feel that all that

is left for one is to be a machine grinding out theorems in political

economy is certainly not an exhilarating state of things.

The escape from this condition, as Mill represents, involved two

discoveries, which, like all such discoveries, are old enough in

the state of abstract theory, and new only in so far as they become

actual possessions and active principles of conduct. Happiness, he

discovered, was to be found by not aiming at happiness; by working

for some external end and not meditating upon your own feelings.

And, secondly, he discovered the importance of cultivating those

sympathies and sentiments which he had previously been inclined

to despise as mere encumbrances to his reasoning machinery. But

do not the two doctrines clash? Is not an æsthetic cultivation of

happiness a name for that introspective brooding of which Rousseau

is the great example, implying precisely that thirst for happiness

as an ultimate end and aim which his other principles showed to

be suicidal? Consciously to cultivate the emotions is to become a

sentimentalist—the very thing which he was anxious to renounce.

The apparent paradox was solved for him by the help of Wordsworth,

who taught him that the charm of tranquil contemplation might be

heightened instead of dulled by a vivid interest in the common

feelings and common destinies of human beings; and that æsthetic

delight in nature was perfectly compatible with scientific interest

in its laws. The famous ode proved to him that the first freshness

of youthful enjoyment could be replaced by a wider interest in our

fellows; and that the thoughts which gather round the setting sun

are not something distinct from, but really identical with, those

suggested by a watch over man's mortality. This teaching, he says,

dispersed for ever his youthful depression.

The problem seems a simple one when thus stated. How to cultivate

your feelings without becoming sentimental? Find your happiness in

the happiness of others; and regard even the grinding of that logical

mill as work done for the benefit of your kind. Problems, however,

which have to be worked out by modifying your own character take a

good deal more labour than is implied in putting together a couple

of syllogisms. And it is in this modification of character that the

peculiar interest of the autobiography consists. The aversion of

his mind from his own private interests, the intense devotion of

his mental energies to what he regarded as the great needs of his

fellow-men, the constant reference of his apparently most abstract

speculation to practical reforms, are obvious and most honourable

characteristics of Mill as a thinker. One may doubt whether women will

be as much improved by receiving votes as he anticipated; one cannot

doubt the generosity with which he revolted against their supposed

'subjection.' But there is another sense in which this theory of the

vast importance of 'extra-regarding' habits brings out some curious

results. We are all such adepts at self-deception that we need not

wonder if the very resolution not to think of oneself sometimes tends

to a more refined kind of self-consciousness. I have often fancied

that nobody can be so dogmatic as your thoroughly candid person. The

fact that he has listened to all sides gives him a kind of right in

his own opinion to speak with the authority of a judge. It has been

said that a tendency to be 'cock-sure' is a special characteristic of

Mill's school; and perhaps we may recognise it in their master not

the less because it is combined with a scrupulous desire to grant a

hearing to all antagonists. But another manifestation of character

is more interesting. No one could be more anxious than Mill to

arrogate nothing to himself. Nobody could state more explicitly that

his merit was less in original thought than in willingness to learn

from others, and thus that his true function was to mediate between

the public and the original thinkers. And therefore it is natural to

find him insisting with passionate eagerness upon the superlative

merits of the woman who was, according to him, the guide of his mature

years, as his father had been of his infancy and youth. Here was the

practical commentary on the text of cultivating the emotions. If he

withdrew from society and many social enjoyments, it was because his

whole emotional strength was concentrated upon a single object. We

listen with some mixture of feeling to his rather strained and exalted

eulogy. It may be true that Mrs. Mill was more of a poet than Carlyle,

and more of a thinker than Mill himself; that she was like Shelley,

but that Shelley was but a child to what she ultimately became;

that her wisdom was 'all but unrivalled,' and much more to the same

purpose. It may, I say, be true, for one cannot prove a negative in

regard to a person of whom the world knows so little. Yet it is a

weakness, though an amiable weakness, to attempt, by force of such

language, to overcome the inevitable decree of circumstances, and

to try to dictate to the world an opinion which it cannot receive

upon any single authority. It may be profoundly melancholy that such

exalted merit should vanish without leaving more tangible traces; but

it is useless to resent the fact, or to suppose that when such traces

are non-existent, the defect can be supplied by the most positive

assertions that they might have existed. And Mill would have seen

in any other case what was the inevitable suggestion to his readers.

He could not, he says, 'detect any mixture of errors' in the truths

which she struck out far in advance to him. What are the opinions in

which a man detects no mixture of error? Plainly his own. But these

were far in advance of him. That means that they were deductions from

his own. Is it possible, to speak it plainly, to resist a strong

impression that these extravagant expressions of admiration may have

been lavished upon a living echo—an echo, it is true, skilful enough

to anticipate as well as to repeat, but still essentially an echo?

We know, for Mill has told us, what he did alone, and we know what

he did in co-operation; and if the earlier work was not his best, it

certainly contained the whole sum and substance of his later teaching.

That his wife must have been a remarkable woman may be a fair

deduction from his admiration; that she was all that he then thought

her would be, to say the least of it, a very rash conjecture.

Happiness, says Mill, is to be found by aiming at something different

from happiness. And if we thus cheat ourselves into happiness, we

may attain to the vanity of self-esteem by a similar expedient. By

lavishing all our enthusiasm upon one who is but a second self,

we may deprive our appreciation of our own merits of its apparent

arrogance. This, indeed, is one of the many illusions which give a

peculiar interest to the unconscious confessions of autobiographers.

But neither is it to be roughly set down as an illusion, and still

less as an unworthy sentiment. It in no sort diminishes our interest

in discovering that this so-called reasoning machine was a man of the

most delicate fibre and most tender affections. It is easy to forgive

the illusions against which a thick cuirass of tough selfishness

is the only known safeguard of complete efficacy. Rather it helps

to convince us that Mill should be classed in some respects with

the unworldly enthusiasts of the Vicar of Wakefield type whose very

simplicity leads them to a harmless vanity which exaggerates their

own infallibility and importance to the world. He had the character,

though not the crotchets, of the life-long recluse. Though his

intellect was deeply interested in the great problems of contemporary

thought, and though he had been for many years in State affairs, there

was a wall of separation between himself and his contemporary society.

When he came into Parliament he came as re-entering the world from

a remote hermitage. Hermits, whether they come from deserts or from

the India Office, have a certain tendency to intolerance and contempt

for the social part of the species. They have lost some human feeling

and preach crusades with a reckless indifference to consequences. I

cannot determine how far Mill might be rightly accused of a want of

practical sense. But in any case he had nothing of the bitterness or

the harsh pedantry of the solitary theorist. Even his enemies could

see that his sympathies were fresh and generous, and that his impulses

were invariably generous. As a philanthropist, his philanthropy was

not of the merciless and inhuman variety. The discovery of the fact

was a surprise at the time to those who believed in the traditional

Benthamite and Malthusian. The autobiography, with its strange

bursts of emotion, perhaps reveals the true secret. If he naturally

exaggerated the merits of the partner of his hermitage, he did not

necessarily exaggerate her services to him. It is easily credible that

her company saved him from ossifying into a mere grinder of formulæ

and syllogisms. We shrink a little from certain over-strung phases,

but they reveal to us the pathos of the man's life. Admit that his

affection produced illusion, or that it covered and was combined with

a sort of vicarious self-conceit, yet at bottom it represents the

intense devotion which springs only out of simplicity and tenderness

of nature.

It would be tempting here to draw the obvious parallel between Mill

and Carlyle, which must just now be in everyone's mind; for certainly

whatever may be said of the 'Reminiscences' just published, they

contain one of the most remarkable self-revelations ever given to

the world, and the relations of the two men to vigorous fathers

and passionately adored wives have singular points of contrast and

resemblance. But I must be content to close this ramble through some

famous autobiographies by touching upon one which often seems to me

to be the most delightful of its class. I know, as everybody knows,

what may be said against Gibbon: against his want of high enthusiasm,

his deficient sympathy with the great causes and their heroes, the

provoking self-sufficiency and apparent cold-bloodedness of the fat

composed little man. And yet, when reading his autobiography and

contrasting it with some of those we have considered, I find myself

constantly led to a conclusion not quite in accordance with the

proper rules of morality. After all, one cannot help asking, did not

Gibbon succeed in solving the problem of life more satisfactorily

than almost anybody one knows? Other autobiographies are for the most

part records of hard struggles with fate, plaintive lamentations over

the inability to obtain any solid satisfaction out of life, appeals

of disappointed vanity to the judgment of an indifferent posterity,

vain-glorious braggings over successes which should rather have been

the cause of shame, weak regrets for the vanishing pleasures of youth

and hopeless attempts to make the might-have-been pass muster with the

actual achievement. The more a man prides himself upon his successes,

the more we feel how good a case a rival's advocate could make on

the other side: and when he laments over his failures, the more we

are inclined to say that after all it served him right. But when in

imagination we take that famous turn with Gibbon upon that terrace at

Lausanne beneath the covered walk of acacias, gaze upon the serene

moon and the silent lake, and hear him soliloquise upon the conclusion

of the 'Decline and Fall,' we feel that we are in presence of a man

who has a right to his complacency. He has not aimed, perhaps, at the

highest mark, but he has hit the bull's-eye. Given his conception of

life, he has done his task to perfection. With singular felicity, he

has come at the exact moment and found the exact task to give full

play to his powers. Nobody had yet laid the keystone in the great

arch of history; and he laid it so well that his work can never be

superseded. Somebody defines a life to be _une pensée de jeunesse

exécutée par l'âge mûr_. It was Gibbon's singular good fortune to

illustrate that saying as few men have done. Though his plan ripened

slowly and with all deliberation, he acted as if he had foreseen the

end from the beginning. If he had been told in his boyhood, You shall

live so long a life, with such and such means at your disposal, he

could hardly have laid out his life differently. To mistake neither

one's powers nor one's opportunities is a felicity which happens

to few; and Gibbon had the additional good fortune that even his

distractions seem to have been useful. The interruption to his Oxford

education made him a cosmopolitan; his service with the volunteers

helped him to be a military historian; and even his parliamentary

career, which threatened to absorb him, only gave to the student the

tone of a practical politician. It seems as though everything had been

expressly combined to make the best of him.

What more could be desired by a man of Gibbon's temperament?

Undoubtedly to be a man of Gibbon's temperament is to have a moderate

capacity for certain forms of happiness. In the lives of most great

men the history of a conversion is a record of heart-rending struggle,

ending in hard-won peace. Gibbon merely changed his religion as

he changed his opinion upon some antiquarian controversy; it is a

question as to the weight of historical evidence, like the question

about the sixth Æneid, or a dispute about the genealogy of the house

of Brunswick. Whatever pangs and raptures may require religious

susceptibility were clearly not within his range of feeling. And in

another great department of feeling we need not inquire into the

character of the author of the inimitable sentence, 'I sighed as a

lover, I obeyed as a son.' One is tempted to put it beside a remark

which he makes on another occasion, 'I yielded to the authority of

a parent, and complied, like a pious son, with the wish of my own

heart.' Perhaps the heart which sanctioned his filial obedience in the

latter case was not so opposed to it in the other as he would have us

believe. It is better worth noting, however, that, in spite of the

very tepid disposition illustrated by these familiar passages, Gibbon

has affections as warm as are compatible with thorough comfort. He

was not a passionate lover; and we cannot say, for he was not tried,

that his friendship was of an heroic strain; but he had a very good

supply of such affections as are wanted for the ordinary wear and

tear of life—to provide a man with enough interests and sympathies to

make society pleasant, and his family life agreeable. Nay, he seems

to have been really generous and considerate beyond the ordinary

pitch, and to have been a faithful friend, and excellent in some very

delicate relationships. For a statesman, a religious teacher, or a

poet, much stronger equipment in this direction might be desirable.

But Gibbon had warmth enough to keep up a pleasant fireside, if not

enough to fire the hearts of a nation. He clearly had enough passion

for his historical vocation. A more passionate and imaginative person

would hardly have written it at all. It requires a certain moderation

of character to be satisfied with a history instead of a wife, and

Gibbon was so great an historian because he could accept such a

substitute. No one capable of being a partisan could have preserved

that stately march and equable development of the vast drama of

human affairs which gives a monumental dignity to his great book.

Even if you do not want to write another 'Decline and Fall,' is not

such a disposition the most enviable of gifts? If such a life has

less vivid passages, is there not something fascinating about that

calm, harmonious existence, disturbed by no spasmodic storms, and yet

devoted to one achievement grand enough to extort admiration even from

the least sympathetic? Surely it is a happy mean; enough genius to be

in the front rank, if not in the highest class, and yet that kind of

genius which has no affinity to madness or disease, and virtue enough

to keep up to the respectable level which justifies a comfortable

self-complacency without suggesting any awkward deviations in the

direction of martyrdom. That is surely the kind of composition which

a man might desire if he were to calculate what character would give

him the best chance of extracting the greatest possible amount of

enjoyment out of life. Luckily for the world, if not for its heroes,

men's characters cannot be fixed by such calculations; and a certain

number of perverse people are even glad to possess vehement emotions

and restless intellects, however conscious that the fiery soul will

wear out the pigmy body. We try to persuade ourselves that they are

not only choosing the noblest part, but acting most wisely for their

own interests. It may be so; for the problem is a complex one. But

it has not yet been proved that a man can always make the best of

both worlds, and that the sacrifices imposed by virtue are always

repaid in this life. Certainly it seems doubtful, when we have studied

the self-written records of remarkable men, whether experience will

confirm that pleasant theory; whether it is not more probable that for

simple employment it is not best to have one's nature pitched in a key

below the highest. Most of us would make a very fair compromise if we

should abandon our loftier claims on condition of being no worse than

Gibbon.

_CARLYLE'S ETHICS_

Hours in a Library, Volume 3 New Edition, with Additions · 第 19 / 28 段