CHAPTER XLII.

DEPARTURE FROM PHILADELPHIA--ANECDOTES OF GENERAL SCHUYLER--OF LEE--

TIDINGS OF BUNKER HILL--MILITARY COUNCILS--POPULATION OF NEW YORK--THE

JOHNSON FAMILY--GOVERNOR TRYON--ARRIVAL AT NEW YORK--MILITARY INSTRUCTIONS

TO SCHUYLER--ARRIVAL AT THE CAMP.

In a preceding chapter we left Washington preparing to depart from

Philadelphia for the army before Boston. He set out on horseback on the

21st of June, having for military companions of his journey Major-generals

Lee and Schuyler, and being accompanied for a distance by several private

friends. As an escort he had a "gentleman troop" of Philadelphia, commanded

by Captain Markoe; the whole formed a brilliant cavalcade.

General Schuyler was a man eminently calculated to sympathize with

Washington in all his patriotic views and feelings, and became one of his

most faithful coadjutors. Sprung from one of the earliest and most

respectable Dutch families which colonized New York, all his interests and

affections were identified with the country. He had received a good

education; applied himself at an early age to the exact sciences, and

became versed in finance, military engineering, and political economy. He

was one of those native born soldiers who had acquired experience in that

American school of arms, the old French war. When but twenty-two years of

age he commanded a company of New York levies under Sir William Johnson, of

Mohawk renown, which gave him an early opportunity of becoming acquainted

with the Indian tribes, their country and their policy. In 1758 he was in

Abercrombie's expedition against Ticonderoga, accompanying Lord Viscount

Howe as chief of the commissariat department; a post well qualified to give

him experience in the business part of war. When that gallant young

nobleman fell on the banks of Lake George, Schuyler conveyed his corpse

back to Albany and attended to his honorable obsequies. Since the close of

the French war he had served his country in various civil stations, and

been one of the most zealous and eloquent vindicators of colonial rights.

He was one of the "glorious minority" of the New York General Assembly;

George Clinton, Colonel Woodhull, Colonel Philip Livingston and others;

who, when that body was timid and wavering, battled nobly against British

influence and oppression. His last stand had been recently as a delegate to

Congress, where he had served with Washington on the committee to prepare

rules and regulations for the army, and where the latter had witnessed his

judgment, activity, practical science, and sincere devotion to the cause.

Many things concurred to produce perfect harmony of operation between these

distinguished men. They were nearly of the same age, Schuyler being one

year the youngest. Both were men of agricultural, as well as military

tastes. Both were men of property, living at their ease in little rural

paradises; Washington on the grove-clad heights of Mount Vernon, Schuyler

on the pastoral banks of the upper Hudson, where he had a noble estate at

Saratoga, inherited from an uncle; and the old family mansion, near the

city of Albany, half hid among ancestral trees. Yet both were exiling

themselves from these happy abodes, and putting life and fortune at hazard

in the service of their country.

Schuyler and Lee had early military recollections to draw them together.

Both had served under Abercrombie in the expedition against Ticonderoga.

There was some part of Lee's conduct in that expedition which both he and

Schuyler might deem it expedient at this moment to forget. Lee was at that

time a young captain, naturally presumptuous, and flushed with the

arrogance of military power. On his march along the banks of the Hudson, he

acted as if in a conquered country, impressing horses and oxen, and seizing

upon supplies, without exhibiting any proper warrant. It was enough for

him, "they were necessary for the service of his troops." Should any one

question his right, the reply was a volley of execrations.

Among those who experienced this unsoldierly treatment was Mrs. Schuyler,

the aunt of the general; a lady of aristocratical station, revered

throughout her neighborhood. Her cattle were impressed, herself insulted.

She had her revenge. After the unfortunate affair at Ticonderoga, a number

of the wounded were brought down along the Hudson to the Schuyler mansion.

Lee was among the number. The high-minded mistress of the house never

alluded to his past conduct. He was received like his brother officers with

the kindest sympathy. Sheets and tablecloths were torn up to serve as

bandages. Every thing was done to alleviate their sufferings. Lee's cynic

heart was conquered. "He swore in his vehement manner that he was sure

there would be a place reserved for Mrs. Schuyler in heaven, though no

other woman should be there, and that he should wish for nothing better

than to share her final destiny!" [Footnote: Memoirs of an American Lady

(Mrs. Grant, of Laggan), vol. ii., chap. ix.]

Seventeen years had since elapsed, and Lee and the nephew of Mrs. Schuyler

were again allied in military service, but under a different banner; and

recollections of past times must have given peculiar interest to their

present intercourse. In fact, the journey of Washington with his associate

generals, experienced like him in the wild expeditions of the old French

war, was a revival of early campaigning feelings.

They had scarcely proceeded twenty miles from Philadelphia when they were

met by a courier, spurring with all speed, bearing despatches from the army

to Congress, communicating tidings of the battle of Bunker's Hill.

Washington eagerly inquired particulars; above all, how acted the militia?

When told that they stood their ground bravely; sustained the enemy's

fire--reserved their own until at close quarters, and then delivered it

with deadly effect; it seemed as if a weight of doubt and solicitude were

lifted from his heart. "The liberties of the country are safe!" exclaimed

he.

The news of the battle of Bunker's Hill had startled the whole country; and

this clattering cavalcade, escorting the commander-in-chief to the army,

was the gaze and wonder of every town and village.

The journey may be said to have been a continual council of war between

Washington and the two generals. Even the contrast in character of the two

latter made them regard questions from different points of view. Schuyler,

a warm-hearted patriot, with every thing staked on the cause; Lee, a

soldier of fortune, indifferent to the ties of home and country, drawing

his sword without enthusiasm; more through resentment against a government

which had disappointed him, than zeal for liberty or for colonial rights.

One of the most frequent subjects of conversation was the province of New

York. Its power and position rendered it the great link of the confederacy;

what measures were necessary for its defence, and most calculated to secure

its adherence to the cause? A lingering attachment to the crown, kept up by

the influence of British merchants, and military and civil functionaries in

royal pay, had rendered it slow in coming into the colonial compact; and it

was only on the contemptuous dismissal of their statement of grievances,

unheard, that its people had thrown off their allegiance, as much in sorrow

as in anger.

No person was better fitted to give an account of the interior of New York

than General Schuyler; and the hawk-eyed Lee during a recent sojourn had

made its capital somewhat of a study; but there was much yet for both of

them to learn.

The population of New York was more varied in its elements than that of

almost any other of the provinces, and had to be cautiously studied. The

New Yorkers were of a mixed origin, and stamped with the peculiarities of

their respective ancestors. The descendants of the old Dutch and Huguenot

families, the earliest settlers, were still among the soundest and best of

the population. They inherited the love of liberty, civil and religious, of

their forefathers, and were those who stood foremost in the present

struggle for popular rights. Such were the Jays, the Bensons, the Beekmans,

the Hoffmans, the Van Hornes, the Roosevelts, the Duyckinks, the Pintards,

the Yateses, and others whose names figure in the patriotic documents of

the day. Some of them, doubtless, cherished a remembrance of the time when

their forefathers were lords of the land, and felt an innate propensity to

join in resistance to the government by which their supremacy had been

overturned. A great proportion of the more modern families, dating from the

downfall of the Dutch government in 1664, were English and Scotch, and

among these were many loyal adherents to the crown. Then there was a

mixture of the whole, produced by the intermarriages of upwards of a

century, which partook of every shade of character and sentiment. The

operations of foreign commerce, and the regular communications with the

mother country through packets and ships of war, kept these elements in

constant action, and contributed to produce that mercurial temperament,

that fondness for excitement, and proneness to pleasure, which

distinguished them from their neighbors on either side--the austere

Puritans of New England, and the quiet "Friends" of Pennsylvania.

There was a power, too, of a formidable kind within the interior of the

province, which was an object of much solicitude. This was the "Johnson

Family." We have repeatedly had occasion to speak of Sir William Johnson,

his majesty's general agent for Indian affairs, of his great wealth, and

his almost sovereign sway over the Six Nations. He had originally received

that appointment through the influence of the Schuyler family. Both

Generals Schuyler and Lee, when young men, had campaigned with him; and it

was among the Mohawk warriors, who rallied under his standard, that Lee had

beheld his vaunted models of good-breeding.

In the recent difficulties between the crown and colonies, Sir William had

naturally been in favor of the government which had enriched and honored

him, but he had viewed with deep concern the acts of Parliament which were

goading the colonists to armed resistance. In the height of his solicitude,

he received despatches ordering him, in case of hostilities, to enlist the

Indians in the cause of government. To the agitation of feelings produced

by these orders many have attributed a stroke of apoplexy, of which he

died, on the 11th of July, 1774, about a year before the time of which we

are treating.

His son and heir, Sir John Johnson, and his sons-in-law, Colonel Guy

Johnson and Colonel Claus, felt none of the reluctance of Sir William to

use harsh measures in support of royalty. They lived in a degree of rude

feudal style in stone mansions capable of defence, situated on the Mohawk

River and in its vicinity; they had many Scottish Highlanders for tenants;

and among their adherents were violent men, such as the Butlers of Tryon

County, and Brant, the Mohawk sachem, since famous in Indian warfare. They

had recently gone about with armed retainers, overawing and breaking up

patriotic assemblages, and it was known they could at any time bring a

force of warriors in the field.

Recent accounts stated that Sir John was fortifying the old family hall at

Johnstown with swivels, and had a hundred and fifty Roman Catholic

Highlanders quartered in and about it, all armed and ready to obey his

orders.

Colonel Guy Johnson, however, was the most active and zealous of the

family. Pretending to apprehend a design on the part of the New England

people to surprise and carry him off, he fortified his stone mansion on the

Mohawk, called Guy's Park, and assembled there a part of his militia

regiment, and other of his adherents, to the number of five hundred. He

held a great Indian council there, likewise, in which the chiefs of the Six

Nations recalled the friendship and good deeds of the late Sir William

Johnson, and avowed their determination to stand by and defend every branch

of his family.

As yet it was uncertain whether Colonel Guy really intended to take an open

part in the appeal to arms. Should he do so, he would carry with him a

great force of the native tribes, and might almost domineer over the

frontier.

Tryon, the governor of New York, was at present absent in England, having

been called home by the ministry to give an account of the affairs of the

province, and to receive instructions for its management. He was a tory in

heart, and had been a zealous opponent of all colonial movements, and his

talents and address gave him great influence over an important part of the

community. Should he return with hostile instructions, and should he and

the Johnsons co-operate, the one controlling the bay and harbor of New York

and the waters of the Hudson by means of ships and land forces; the others

overrunning the valley of the Mohawk and the regions beyond Albany with

savage hordes, this great central province might be wrested from the

confederacy, and all intercourse broken off between the eastern and

southern colonies.

All these circumstances and considerations, many of which came under

discussion in the course of this military journey, rendered the command of

New York a post of especial trust and importance, and determined Washington

to confide it to General Schuyler. He was peculiarly fitted for it by his

military talents, his intimate knowledge of the province and its concerns,

especially what related to the upper parts of it, and his experience in

Indian affairs.

At Newark, in the Jerseys, Washington was met on the 25th by a committee of

the provincial Congress, sent to conduct him to the city. The Congress was

in a perplexity. It had in a manner usurped and exercised the powers of

Governor Tryon during his absence, while at the same time it professed

allegiance to the crown which had appointed him. He was now in the harbor,

just arrived from England, and hourly expected to land. Washington, too,

was approaching. How were these double claims to ceremonious respect

happening at the same time to be managed?

In this dilemma a regiment of militia was turned out, and the colonel

instructed to pay military honors to whichever of the distinguished

functionaries should first arrive. Washington was earlier than the governor

by several hours, and received those honors. Peter Van Burgh Livingston,

president of the New York Congress, next delivered a congratulatory

address, the latter part of which evinces the cautious reserve with which,

in these revolutionary times, military power was intrusted to an

individual:--

"Confiding in you, sir, and in the worthy generals immediately under your

command, we have the most flattering hopes of success in the glorious

struggle for American liberty, and the fullest assurances that _whenever

this important contest shall be decided by that fondest wish of each

American soul, an accommodation with our mother country, you will

cheerfully resign the important deposit committed into your hands, and

reassume the character of our worthiest citizen_."

The following was Washington's reply, in behalf of himself and his

generals, to this part of the address.

"As to the fatal, but necessary operations of war, when we assumed the

soldier, we did not lay aside the citizen; and we shall most sincerely

rejoice with you in that happy hour, when the establishment of American

liberty on the most firm and solid foundations, shall enable us to return

to our private stations, in the bosom of a free, peaceful, and happy

country."

The landing of Governor Tryon took place about eight o'clock in the

evening. The military honors were repeated; he was received with great

respect by the mayor and common council, and transports of loyalty by those

devoted to the crown. It was unknown what instructions he had received from

the ministry, but it was rumored that a large force would soon arrive from

England, subject to his directions. At this very moment a ship of war, the

Asia, lay anchored opposite the city; its grim batteries bearing upon it,

greatly to the disquiet of the faint-hearted among its inhabitants.

In this situation of affairs Washington was happy to leave such an

efficient person as General Schuyler in command of the place. According to

his instructions, the latter was to make returns once a month, and oftener,

should circumstances require it, to Washington, as commander-in-chief, and

to the Continental Congress, of the forces under him, and the state of his

supplies; and to send the earliest advices of all events of importance. He

was to keep a wary eye on Colonel Guy Johnson, and to counteract any

prejudicial influence he might exercise over the Indians. With respect to

Governor Tryon, Washington hinted at a bold and decided line of conduct.

"If forcible measures are judged necessary respecting the person of the

governor, I should have no difficulty in ordering them, if the Continental

Congress were not sitting; but as that is the case, _and the seizing of a

governor quite a new thing_, I must refer you to that body for

direction."

Had Congress thought proper to direct such a measure, Schuyler certainly

would have been the man to execute it.

At New York, Washington had learned all the details of the battle of

Bunker's Hill; they quickened his impatience to arrive at the camp. He

departed, therefore, on the 26th, accompanied by General Lee, and escorted

as far as Kingsbridge, the termination of New York Island, by Markoe's

Philadelphia light horse, and several companies of militia.

In the mean time the provincial Congress of Massachusetts, then in session

at Watertown, had made arrangements for the expected arrival of Washington.

According to a resolve of that body, the president's house in Cambridge,

excepting one room reserved by the president for his own use, was to be

taken, cleared, prepared, and furnished for the reception of the

Commander-in-Chief and General Lee. The Congress had likewise sent on a

deputation which met Washington at Springfield, on the frontiers of the

province, and provided escorts and accommodations for him along the road.

Thus honorably attended from town to town, and escorted by volunteer

companies and cavalcades of gentlemen, he arrived at Watertown on the 2d of

July, where he was greeted by Congress with a congratulatory address, in

which, however, was frankly stated the undisciplined state of the army he

was summoned to command. An address of cordial welcome was likewise made to

General Lee.

The ceremony over, Washington was again in the saddle; and, escorted by a

troop of light horse and a cavalcade of citizens, proceeded to the

head-quarters provided for him at Cambridge, three miles distant. As he

entered the confines of the camp the shouts of the multitude and the

thundering of artillery gave note to the enemy beleaguered in Boston of his

arrival.

His military reputation had preceded him and excited great expectations.

They were not disappointed. His personal appearance, notwithstanding the

dust of travel, was calculated to captivate the public eye. As he rode

through the camp, amidst a throng of officers, he was the admiration of the

soldiery and of a curious throng collected from the surrounding country.

Happy was the countryman who could get a full view of him to carry home an

account of it to his neighbors. "I have been much gratified this day with a

view of General Washington," writes a contemporary chronicler, "His

excellency was on horseback, in company with several military gentlemen. It

was not difficult to distinguish him from all others. He is tall and

well-proportioned, and his personal appearance truly noble and majestic."

[Footnote: Thacher.--Military Journal.]

The fair sex were still more enthusiastic in their admiration, if we may

judge from the following passage of a letter written by the intelligent and

accomplished wife of John Adams to her husband: "Dignity, ease, and

complacency, the gentleman and the soldier, look agreeably blended in him.

Modesty marks every line and feature of his face. Those lines of Dryden

instantly occurred to me:

'Mark his majestic fabric! He's a temple

Sacred by birth, and built by hands divine;

His soul's the deity that lodges there;

Nor is the pile unworthy of the God.'"

With Washington, modest at all times, there was no false excitement on the

present occasion; nothing to call forth emotions of self-glorification. The

honors and congratulations with which he was received, the acclamations of

the public, the cheerings of the army, only told him how much was expected

from him; and when he looked round upon the raw and rustic levies he was to

command, "a mixed multitude of people, under very little discipline, order,

or government," scattered in rough encampments about hill and dale,

beleaguering a city garrisoned by veteran troops, with ships of war

anchored about its harbor, and strong outposts guarding it, he felt the

awful responsibility of his situation, and the complicated and stupendous

task before him. He spoke of it, however, not despondingly nor boastfully

and with defiance; but with that solemn and sedate resolution, and that

hopeful reliance on Supreme Goodness, which belonged to his magnanimous

nature. The cause of his country, he observed, had called him to an active

and dangerous duty, but _he trusted that Divine Providence, which wisely

orders the affairs of men, would enable him to discharge it with fidelity

and success_. [Footnote: Letter to Governor Trumbull.--Sparks, iii.,

31.]

END OF VOL. I.

Life of George Washington, volume 1 of 5 · 第 42 / 42 章