CHAPTER XII.

SCARCITY IN THE CAMP--DEATH OF COLONEL FRY--PROMOTIONS--MACKAY AND HIS

INDEPENDENT COMPANY--MAJOR MUSE--INDIAN CEREMONIALS--PUBLIC PRAYERS IN

CAMP--ALARMS--INDEPENDENCE OF AN INDEPENDENT COMPANY--AFFAIRS AT THE GREAT

MEADOWS--DESERTION OF THE INDIAN ALLIES--CAPITULATION OF FORT NECESSITY--

VAN BRAAM AS AN INTERPRETER--INDIAN PLUNDERERS--RETURN TO WILLIAMSBURG--

VOTE OF THANKS OF THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES--SUBSEQUENT FORTUNES OF THE

HALF-KING--COMMENTS ON THE AFFAIR OF JUMONVILLE AND THE CONDUCT OF VAN

BRAAM.

Scarcity began to prevail in the camp. Contracts had been made with George

Croghan for flour, of which he had large quantities at his frontier

establishment; for he was now trading with the army as well as with the

Indians. None, however, made its appearance. There was mismanagement in the

commissariat. At one time the troops were six days without flour; and even

then had only a casual supply from an Ohio trader. In this time of scarcity

the half-king, his fellow sachem, Scarooyadi, and thirty or forty warriors,

arrived, bringing with them their wives and children--so many more hungry

mouths to be supplied. Washington wrote urgently to Croghan to send forward

all the flour he could furnish.

News came of the death of Colonel Fry at Wills' Creek, and that he was to

be succeeded in the command of the expedition by Colonel Innes of North

Carolina, who was actually at Winchester with three hundred and fifty North

Carolina troops. Washington, who felt the increasing responsibilities and

difficulties of his situation, rejoiced at the prospect of being under the

command of an experienced officer, who had served in company with his

brother Lawrence at the siege of Carthagena. The colonel, however, never

came to the camp, nor did the North Carolina troops render any service in

the campaign--the fortunes of which might otherwise have been very

different.

By the death of Fry, the command of the regiment devolved on Washington.

Finding a blank major's commission among Fry's papers, he gave it to

Captain Adam Stephen, who had conducted himself with spirit. As there would

necessarily be other changes, he wrote to Governor Dinwiddie in behalf of

Jacob Van Braam. "He has acted as captain ever since we left Alexandria. He

is an experienced officer, and worthy of the command he has enjoyed."

The palisaded fort was now completed, and was named Fort Necessity, from

the pinching famine that had prevailed during its construction. The scanty

force in camp was augmented to three hundred, by the arrival from Wills'

Creek of the men who had been under Colonel Fry. With them came the surgeon

of the regiment, Dr. James Craik, a Scotchman by birth, and one destined to

become a faithful and confidential friend of Washington for the remainder

of his life.

A letter from Governor Dinwiddie announced, however, that Captain Mackay

would soon arrive with an independent company of one hundred men, from

South Carolina.

The title of independent company had a sound ominous of trouble. Troops of

the kind, raised in the colonies, under direction of the governors, were

paid by the Crown, and the officers had king's commissions; such,

doubtless, had Captain Mackay. "I should have been particularly obliged,"

writes Washington to Governor Dinwiddie, "if you had declared whether he

was under my command, or independent of it. I hope he will have more sense

than to insist upon any unreasonable distinction, because he and his

officers have commissions from his majesty. Let him consider, though we are

greatly inferior in respect to advantages of profit, yet we have the same

spirit to serve our gracious king as they have, and are as ready and

willing to sacrifice our lives for our country's good. And here, once more,

and for the last time, I must say, that it will be a circumstance which

will act upon some officers of this regiment, above all measure, to be

obliged to serve upon such different terms, when their lives, their

fortunes, and their operations are equally, and, I dare say, as effectually

exposed as those of others, who are happy enough to have the king's

commission."

On the 9th arrived Washington's early instructor in military tactics,

Adjutant Muse, recently appointed a major in the regiment. He was

accompanied by Montour, the Indian interpreter, now a provincial captain,

and brought with him nine swivels, and a small supply of powder and ball.

Fifty or sixty horses were forthwith sent to Wills' Creek, to bring on

further supplies, and Mr. Gist was urged to hasten forward the artillery.

Major Muse was likewise the bearer of a belt of wampum and a speech, from

Governor Dinwiddie to the half-king; with medals for the chiefs, and goods

for presents among the friendly Indians, a measure which had been suggested

by Washington. They were distributed with that grand ceremonial so dear to

the red man. The chiefs assembled, painted and decorated in all their

savage finery; Washington wore a medal sent to him by the governor for such

occasions. The wampum and speech having been delivered, he advanced, and

with all due solemnity, decorated the chiefs and warriors with the medals,

which they were to wear in remembrance of their father the King of England.

Among the warriors thus decorated was a son of Queen Aliquippa, the savage

princess whose good graces Washington had secured in the preceding year, by

the present of an old watchcoat, and whose friendship was important, her

town being at no great distance from the French fort. She had requested

that her son might be admitted into the war councils of the camp, and

receive an English name. The name of Fairfax was accordingly given to him,

in the customary Indian form; the half-king being desirous of like

distinction, received the name of Dinwiddie. The sachems returned the

compliment in kind, by giving Washington the name of Connotaucarius; the

meaning of which is not explained.

William Fairfax, Washington's paternal adviser, had recently counselled him

by letter, to have public prayers in his camp; especially when there were

Indian families there; this was accordingly done at the encampment in the

Great Meadows, and it certainly was not one of the least striking pictures

presented in this wild campaign--the youthful commander, presiding with

calm seriousness over a motley assemblage of half-equipped soldiery,

leathern-clad hunters and woodsmen, and painted savages with their wives

and children, and uniting them all in solemn devotion by his own example

and demeanor.

On the 10th there was agitation in the camp. Scouts hurried in with word,

as Washington understood them, that a party of ninety Frenchmen were

approaching. He instantly ordered out a hundred and fifty of his best men;

put himself at their head, and leaving Major Muse with the rest, to man the

fort and mount the swivels, sallied forth "in the full hope" as he

afterwards wrote to Governor Dinwiddie, "of procuring him another present

of French prisoners."

It was another effervescence of his youthful military ardor, and doomed to

disappointment. The report of the scouts had been either exaggerated or

misunderstood. The ninety Frenchmen in military array dwindled down into

nine French deserters.

According to their account, the fort at the fork was completed, and named

Duquesne, in honor of the Governor of Canada, It was proof against all

attack, excepting with bombs, on the land side. The garrison did not exceed

five hundred, but two hundred more were hourly expected, and nine hundred

in the course of a fortnight.

Washington's suspicions with respect to La Force's party were justified by

the report of these deserters; they had been sent out as spies, and were to

show the summons if discovered or overpowered. The French commander, they

added, had been blamed for sending out so small a party.

On the same day Captain Mackay arrived, with his independent company of

South Carolinians. The cross-purposes which Washington had apprehended,

soon manifested themselves. The captain was civil and well disposed, but

full of formalities and points of etiquette. Holding a commission direct

from the king, he could not bring himself to acknowledge a provincial

officer as his superior. He encamped separately, kept separate guards,

would not agree that Washington should assign any rallying place for his

men in case of alarm, and objected to receive from him the parole and

countersign, though necessary for their common safety.

Washington conducted himself with circumspection, avoiding every thing that

might call up a question of command, and reasoning calmly whenever such

question occurred; but he urged the governor by letter, to prescribe their

relative rank and authority. "He thinks you have not a power to give

commissions that will command him. If so, I can very confidently say that

his absence would tend to the public advantage."

On the 11th of June, Washington resumed the laborious march for Redstone

Creek. As Captain Mackay could not oblige his men to work on the road

unless they were allowed a shilling sterling a day; and as Washington did

not choose to pay this, nor to suffer them to march at their ease while his

own faithful soldiers were laboriously employed; he left the captain and

his Independent company as a guard at Fort Necessity, and undertook to

complete the military road with his own men.

Accordingly, he and his Virginia troops toiled forward through the narrow

defiles of the mountains, working on the road as they went. Scouts were

sent out in all directions, to prevent surprise. While on the march he was

continually beset by sachems, with their tedious ceremonials and speeches,

all to very little purpose. Some of these chiefs were secretly in the

French interest; few rendered any real assistance, and all expected

presents.

At Gist's establishment, about thirteen miles from Fort Necessity,

Washington received certain intelligence that ample reinforcements had

arrived at Fort Duquesne, and a large force would instantly be detached

against him. Coming to a halt, he began to throw up intrenchments, calling

in two foraging parties, and sending word to Captain Mackay to join him

with all speed. The captain and his company arrived in the evening; the

foraging parties the next morning. A council of war was held, in which the

idea of awaiting the enemy at this place was unanimously abandoned.

A rapid and toilsome retreat ensued. There was a deficiency of horses.

Washington gave up his own to aid in transporting the military munitions,

leaving his baggage to be brought on by soldiers, whom he paid liberally.

The other officers followed his example. The weather was sultry; the roads

were rough; provisions were scanty, and the men dispirited by hunger. The

Virginian soldiers took turns to drag the swivels, but felt almost insulted

by the conduct of the South Carolinians, who, piquing themselves upon their

assumed privileges as "king's soldiers," sauntered along at their ease;

refusing to act as pioneers, or participate in the extra labors incident to

a hurried retreat.

On the 1st of July they reached the Great Meadows. Here the Virginians,

exhausted by fatigue, hunger, and vexation, declared they would carry the

baggage and drag the swivels no further. Contrary to his original

intentions, therefore, Washington determined to halt here for the present,

and fortify, sending off expresses to hasten supplies and reinforcements

from Wills' Creek, where he had reason to believe that two independent

companies from New York, were by this time arrived.

The retreat to the Great Meadows had not been in the least too precipitate.

Captain de Villiers, a brother-in-law of Jumonville, had actually sallied

forth from Fort Duquesne at the head of upwards of five hundred French, and

several hundred Indians, eager to avenge the death of his relative.

Arriving about dawn of day at Gist's plantation, he surrounded the works

which Washington had hastily thrown up there, and fired into them. Finding

them deserted, he concluded that those of whom he came in search had made

good their retreat to the settlements, and it was too late to pursue them.

He was on the point of returning to Fort Duquesne, when a deserter arrived,

who gave word that Washington had come to a halt in the Great Meadows,

where his troops were in a starving condition; for his own part, he added,

hearing that the French were coming, he had deserted to them to escape

starvation.

De Villiers ordered the fellow into confinement; to be rewarded if his

words proved true, otherwise to be hanged. He then pushed forward for the

Great Meadows. [Footnote: Hazard's Register of Pennsylvania, vol. iv., p.

22.]

In the mean time Washington had exerted himself to enlarge and strengthen

Fort Necessity, nothing of which had been done by Captain Mackay and his

men, while encamped there. The fort was about a hundred feet square,

protected by trenches and palisades. It stood on the margin of a small

stream, nearly in the centre of the Great Meadows, which is a grassy plain,

perfectly level, surrounded by wooded hills of a moderate height, and at

that place about two hundred and fifty yards wide. Washington asked no

assistance from the South Carolina troops, but set to work with his

Virginians, animating them by word and example; sharing in the labor of

felling trees, hewing off the branches, and rolling up the trunks to form a

breastwork.

At this critical juncture he was deserted by his Indian allies. They were

disheartened at the scanty preparations for defence against a superior

force, and offended at being subjected to military command. The half-king

thought he had not been sufficiently consulted, and that his advice had not

been sufficiently followed; such, at least, were some of the reasons which

he subsequently gave for abandoning the youthful commander on the approach

of danger. The true reason was a desire to put his wife and children in a

place of safety. Most of his warriors followed his example; very few, and

those probably who had no families at risk, remained in the camp.

Early in the morning of the 3d, while Washington and his men were working

on the fort, a sentinel came in wounded and bleeding, having been fired

upon. Scouts brought word shortly afterwards that the French were in force,

about four miles off. Washington drew up his men on level ground outside of

the works, to await their attack. About 11 o'clock there was a firing of

musketry from among trees on rising ground, but so distant as to do no

harm; suspecting this to be a stratagem designed to draw his men into the

woods, he ordered them to keep quiet, and refrain from firing until the foe

should show themselves, and draw near.

The firing was kept up, but still under cover. He now fell back with his

men into the trenches, ordering them to fire whenever they could get sight

of an enemy. In this way there was skirmishing throughout the day; the

French and Indians advancing as near as the covert of the woods would

permit, which in the nearest place was sixty yards, but never into open

sight. In the meanwhile the rain fell in torrents; the harassed and jaded

troops were half drowned in their trenches, and many of their muskets were

rendered unfit for use.

About eight at night the French requested a parley. Washington hesitated.

It might be a stratagem to gain admittance for a spy into the fort. The

request was repeated, with the addition that an officer might be sent to

treat with them, under their parole for his safety. Unfortunately the

Chevalier de Peyrouney, engineer of the regiment, and the only one who

could speak French correctly, was wounded and disabled. Washington had to

send, therefore, his ancient swordsman and interpreter, Jacob Van Braam.

The captain returned twice with separate terms, in which the garrison was

required to surrender; both were rejected. He returned a third time, with

written articles of capitulation. They were in French. As no implements for

writing were at hand, Van Braam undertook to translate them by word of

mouth. A candle was brought, and held close to the paper while he read.

The rain fell in torrents; it was difficult to keep the light from being

extinguished. The captain rendered the capitulation, article by article, in

mongrel English, while Washington and his officers stood listening,

endeavoring to disentangle the meaning. One article stipulated that on

surrendering the fort they should leave all their military stores,

munitions, and artillery in possession of the French. This was objected to,

and was readily modified.

The main articles, as Washington and his officers understood them, were,

that they should be allowed to return to the settlements without

molestation from French or Indians. That they should march out of the fort

with the honors of war, drums beating and colors flying, and with all their

effects and military stores excepting the artillery, which should be

destroyed. That they should be allowed to deposit their effects in some

secret place, and leave a guard to protect them until they could send

horses to bring them away; their horses having been nearly all killed or

lost during the action. That they should give their word of honor not to

attempt any buildings or improvements on the lands of his most Christian

Majesty, for the space of a year. That the prisoners taken in the skirmish

of Jumonville should be restored, and until their delivery Captain Van

Braam and Captain Stobo should remain with the French as hostages.

[Footnote: Horace Walpole, in a flippant notice of this capitulation, says:

"The French have tied up the hands of an excellent _fanfaron_, a Major

Washington, whom they took and engaged not to serve for one year."

(Correspondence, vol. iii., p. 73.) Walpole, at this early date, seems to

have considered Washington a perfect fire-eater.]

The next morning accordingly, Washington and his men marched out of their

forlorn fortress with the honors of war, bearing with them their regimental

colors, but leaving behind a large flag, too cumbrous to be transported.

Scarcely had they begun their march, however, when, in defiance of the

terms of capitulation, they were beset by a large body of Indians, allies

of the French, who began plundering the baggage, and committing other

irregularities. Seeing that the French did not, or could not, prevent them,

and that all the baggage which could not be transported on the shoulders of

his troops would fall into the hands of these savages, Washington ordered

it to be destroyed, as well as the artillery, gunpowder, and other military

stores. All this detained him until ten o'clock, when he set out on his

melancholy march. He had not proceeded above a mile when two or three of

the wounded men were reported to be missing. He immediately detached a few

men back in quest of them, and continued on until three miles from Fort

Necessity, where he encamped for the night, and was rejoined by the

stragglers.

In this affair, out of the Virginia regiment, consisting of three hundred

and five men, officers included, twelve had been killed, and forty-three

wounded. The number killed and wounded in Captain Mackay's company is not

known. The loss of the French and Indians is supposed to have been much

greater.

In the following days' march the troops seemed jaded and disheartened; they

were encumbered and delayed by the wounded; provisions were scanty, and

they had seventy weary miles to accomplish before they could meet with

supplies. Washington, however, encouraged them by his own steadfast and

cheerful demeanor, and by sharing all their toils and privations; and at

length conducted them in safety to Wills' Creek, where they found ample

provisions in the military magazines. Leaving them here to recover their

strength, he proceeded with Captain Mackay to Williamsburg, to make his

military report to the governor.

A copy of the capitulation was subsequently laid before the Virginia House

of Burgesses, with explanations. Notwithstanding the unfortunate result of

the campaign, the conduct of Washington and his officers was properly

appreciated, and they received a vote of thanks for their bravery, and

gallant defence of their country. Three hundred pistoles (nearly eleven

hundred dollars) also were voted to be distributed among the privates who

had been in action.

From the vote of thanks, two officers were excepted; Major Stobo, who was

charged with cowardice, and Washington's unfortunate master of fence and

blundering interpreter, Jacob Van Braam, who was accused of treachery, in

purposely misinterpreting the articles of capitulation.

In concluding this chapter, we will anticipate dates to record the fortunes

of the half-king after his withdrawal from the camp. He and several of his

warriors, with their wives and children, retreated to Aughquick, in the

back part of Pennsylvania, where George Croghan had an agency, and was

allowed money from time to time for the maintenance Of Indian allies. By

the by, Washington, in his letter to William Fairfax, expressed himself

much disappointed in Croghan and Montour, who proved, he said, to be great

pretenders, and by vainly boasting of their interest with the Indians,

involved the country in great calamity, causing dependence to be placed

where there was none. [Footnote: Letter to W. Fairfax, Aug. 11th, 1754.]

For, with all their boast, they never could induce above thirty fighting

men to join the camp, and not more than half of those rendered any service.

As to the half-king, he expressed himself perfectly disgusted with the

white man's mode of warfare. The French, he said, were cowards; the

English, fools. Washington was a good man, but wanted experience: he would

not take advice of the Indians and was always driving them to fight

according to his own notions. For this reason he (the half-king) had

carried off his wife and children to a place of safety.

After a time the chieftain fell dangerously ill, and a conjurer or

"medicine man" was summoned to inquire into the cause or nature of his

malady. He gave it as his opinion that the French had bewitched him, in

revenge for the great blow he had struck them in the affair of Jumonville;

for the Indians gave him the whole credit of that success, he having sent

round the French scalps as trophies. In the opinion of the conjurer all the

friends of the chieftain concurred, and on his death, which took place

shortly afterwards, there was great lamentation, mingled with threats of

immediate vengeance. The foregoing particulars are gathered from a letter

written by John Harris, an Indian trader, to the Governor of Pennsylvania,

at the request of the half-king's friend and fellow sachem, Monacatoocha,

otherwise called Scarooyadi. "I humbly presume," concludes John Harris,

"that his death is a very great loss, especially at this critical time."

[Footnote: Pennsylvania Archives, vol. ii., p. 178.]

NOTE.

We have been thus particular in tracing the affair of the Great Meadows,

step by step, guided by the statements of Washington himself and of one of

his officers, present in the engagement, because it is another of the

events in the early stage of his military career, before the justice and

magnanimity of his character were sufficiently established which have been

subject to misrepresentation. When the articles of capitulation came to be

correctly translated and published, there were passages in them derogatory

to the honor of Washington and his troops, and, which, it would seem, had

purposely been inserted for their humiliation by the French commander; but

which, they protested, had never been rightly translated by Van Braam. For

instance, in the written articles, they were made to stipulate that for the

space of a year, they would not work on any establishment beyond the

mountains; whereas it had been translated by Van Braam "on any

establishment _on the lands of the King of France_" which was quite

another thing, as most of the land beyond the mountains was considered by

them as belonging to the British crown. There were other points, of minor

importance, relative to the disposition of the artillery; but the most

startling and objectionable one was that concerning the previous skirmish

in the Great Meadows. This was mentioned in the written articles as

_l'assassinat du Sieur de Jumonville_, that is to say, the

_murder_ of De Jumonville; an expression from which Washington and his

officers would have revolted with scorn and indignation; and which, if

truly translated, would in all probability have caused the capitulation to

be sent back instantly to the French commander. On the contrary, they

declared it had been translated to them by Van Braam the _death_ of De

Jumonville.

M. de Villiers, in his account of this transaction to the French

government, avails himself of these passages in the capitulation to cast a

slur on the conduct of Washington. He says, "We made the English consent to

sign that they had assassinated my brother in his camp."--"We caused them

to abandon the lands belonging to the king.--We obliged them to leave their

cannon, which consisted of nine pieces, &c." He further adds: "The English,

struck with panic, took to flight, and left their flag and one of their

colors." We have shown that the flag left was the unwieldy one belonging to

the fort; too cumbrous to be transported by troops who could not carry

their own necessary baggage. The regimental colors, as honorable symbols,

were scrupulously carried off by Washington, and retained by him in after

years.

M. de Villiers adds another incident intended to degrade his enemy. He

says, "One of my Indians took ten Englishmen, whom he brought to me, and

whom I sent back by another." These, doubtless, were the men detached by

Washington in quest of the wounded loiterers; and who, understanding

neither French nor Indian, found a difficulty in explaining their peaceful

errand. That they were captured by the Indian seems too much of a

gasconade.

The public opinion at the time was that Van Braam had been suborned by De

Villiers to soften the offensive articles of the capitulation in

translating them, so that they should not wound the pride nor awaken the

scruples of Washington and his officers, yet should stand on record against

them. It is not probable that a French officer of De Villiers' rank would

practise such a base perfidy, nor does the subsequent treatment experienced

by Van Braam from the French corroborate the charge. It is more than

probable the inaccuracy of translation originated in his ignorance of the

precise weight and value of words in the two languages, neither of which

was native to him, and between which he was the blundering agent of

exchange.

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