society is shown by the circumstance that the Duke of Sutherland wished
to take him into his household as mentor and tutor to his son. But the
young scholar declined this flattering offer, which was associated with
great material advantages, and wrote to Bunsen: “My one-sided talent in
the dissection of organic structures has never been united with any
readiness for presenting things broadly, as is necessary in teaching,
and especially in teaching the young. Besides, I am not qualified for an
instructor, because I perceive every day that I myself have not yet
passed the season of education.”
These words sound somewhat strange on the lips of so thoughtful and able
a young man; he was then twenty-nine years old. But at that time he was
still striving after the ideal of life which hovered before him, and
such expressions were partly dictated by modesty, partly by the
disinclination which he had previously expressed for the vocation of a
pedagogue, and partly also by a longing for Egypt. During his stay in
England (1839) this became stronger and stronger.
After he had declined the offer of the Duke of Sutherland, he took
serious council with himself as to how his future should be spent, and
wrote to Bunsen: “A decision as to my immediate future is constantly
becoming more imperative. But no matter in what direction I send forth
my thoughts, not one of them brings me back the olive branch. I cut
myself off from Italy,” (by giving up his situation in the Institute at
Rome, although he was still to work for it in Germany), “I cannot stay
in England.” Bunsen had been appointed Prussian Ambassador to Bern, and
while in England Lepsius’ affections had become engaged, although he
would not yield to the impulse of his heart, as his uncertain future did
not permit him to woo a maiden who was apparently as poor as himself. “I
have nothing to do in France, and it would be too soon for me to go to
Germany. So Egypt is all that remains to me, and that is still the
pole-star in all my deliberations. Some day or other Egypt must be
devoured; this is my time, there is no war there now, etc. An Egyptian
journey would be a great recommendation for me afterwards in Germany. In
any case this would be the most natural course for my affairs to take.
Ought it not be possible to attain this goal in some way? The first and
most agreeable thought always leads to Berlin. Therefore, I ask you if
an extraordinary effort might not be made there. An urgent application
from you to the Crown Prince would be the main thing. I would appeal
especially to Humboldt. Gerhard would certainly be willing to undertake
the personal conduct of the affair. If this course seems to you entirely
impracticable, or if it miscarries, I must try to start from here.... If
the worst comes to the worst, I will raise the necessary money somewhere
or other in Germany, and go to Cairo at my own risk.”
In this letter, he gives open expression to the desire of his heart for
the first time. Bunsen thought him right, promised his young friend to
do everything possible in the affair, and in conjunction with Humboldt
to interest the Crown Prince, (soon afterwards Frederick William IV.),
in his Nile journey. But he begged his protégé not to be over-hasty, and
represented to him how detrimental it would be to break up their common
enterprise, as well as the undertakings begun by Lepsius alone. His
Umbrian and Oscan inscriptions finished at Rome, as well as two
treatises, were still to be printed; and the edition of his “Book of the
Dead,” besides several other things, was not yet concluded. Yet more,
previous to his departure the Egyptian chronology and lists of kings,
for which Bunsen was impatiently waiting, must be set in order, and the
German translation of Gaily Knight’s “Development of Architecture,” also
awaited its completion. This had been prepared by Lepsius’ father, and
he had himself undertaken to revise and provide it with an introduction.
The impatient young Egyptologist yielded to these monitions of his
experienced and benevolent patron, and in November, 1839, we see him
again among his family at Naumburg. The ensuing months he spent partly
in his native town, partly in Berlin, working indefatigably, while
Bunsen (who had meanwhile arrived at Bern as Prussian Ambassador), and
A. v. Humboldt exerted themselves to promote his Egyptian journey. The
great influence of the latter had only increased, since the Crown Prince
of Prussia, on June seventh, 1840, had ascended the throne as Frederick
William IV. Lepsius was permitted to enter into closer relations with
the famous friend of the King, as he satisfied Humboldt’s desire to
possess a list of the stones and metals mentioned in the hieroglyphic
texts. This he did in a fashion which surprised the natural philosopher,
who was ever hungry for knowledge, and filled him with gratitude.
Instead of a catalogue, Lepsius presented to him a treatise, of which he
says himself that the style in which it was written gave him great
pleasure. “These researches concerning stones,” he writes, “have brought
to light many a jewel for myself, which I have deposited in my
hieroglyphic store-chamber.” All that he then acquired remained lying
there until, in 1871, it celebrated its resurrection in his model
dissertation on the metals in Egyptian inscriptions.
The proposition made to him at this time to enter the Foreign Office,
and devote himself to a diplomatic career, he declined positively and
without long consideration.
In Naumburg was completed the printing of Gally Knight’s work,[39] and
of the introduction by Lepsius. This fills forty-six pages, and treats
of the extensive employment of the pointed arch in Germany as early as
the tenth and eleventh century. His observations begin with the Naumburg
cathedral, which his father had studied with special thoroughness, and
where he had actually found pointed arches of the eleventh century.
This introduction raised a great deal of dust, and when, thirteen years
afterwards, Lepsius wished to carry through an affair of importance with
the King, the royal adviser on art matters at that time, was not well
disposed towards him, because in the views of Lepsius on the early
application of the pointed arch in Germany, he saw an attack upon his
own opinions. For the rest, the note-books of the Egyptologist, full of
architectural drawings, and his letters to his father, show that in all
his subsequent journeys he paid the keenest attention to all the
edifices which he met, and when he was in a position to construct a
house for himself, he built it in the English-Gothic style, and placed
his beloved pointed arch over the doors and windows.
Meanwhile, he also published two smaller academical treatises.
In the winter of 1841, he undertook a new journey to Italy across the
Alps, which were covered with snow and ice. The exclusive object of this
was to complete the editing of the “Book of the Dead,” which had been
already prepared, and which was mentioned above on page 95. As a
well-known scholar and member of the board of directors of the
Archaeological Institute at Rome he was now received at Turin with
particular consideration, and had freely placed at his disposal a new
copy of the great Turin “Book of the Dead,” which had been brought
thither by Barucchi, the manager of the museum. But this was not
sufficient for him, and there was still much for him to do before his
own copy gained that accuracy which distinguishes it.
“I ought to leave here to-morrow in order to keep to the time fixed
upon,” he writes to Bunsen, on February 18, 1841; “but it is not
possible for me to finish yet. I need at least two days more to complete
all that is of most importance. I go to the museum at half-past eight;
they are not up there before that; I stay there the whole day, except
from four till quarter of five, my meal-time; from the table I go back
again and work until ten or half-past ten o’clock. I cannot work at the
great papyrus by candlelight, for fear of injuring something, but then,
I have the finest things to look over to select for copying, all of
which I had not found when I was here first.” Altogether, he now
perceived that during his former visit much had been intentionally
withheld from him; this time everything was entrusted to him, and he
made the most profitable use, for his chronological purposes especially,
of the large “Papyrus of the Kings.” He had busts cast in plaster, from
the finest images of the Pharaohs, for the Berlin museum, and amongst
the treasures of Turin the idea occurred to him of publishing the most
important records of the time of the Pharaohs as a separate work. This
accordingly appeared in 1842.[40]
He employed the draughtsmen Weidenbach before mentioned, on this work
and on the edition of the “Book of the Dead,” and he expressed to Bunsen
his delight over the great progress made by these artists on the path
which he had indicated to them.
On his way home he visited Bunsen in Bern, spent several happy days in
the circle of the ambassador’s family, and then tarried for some time in
Munich, where v. Zech was his “cicerone,” and where he established
relations with Cornelius and other men of celebrity. He enjoyed the most
frequent and agreeable intercourse with Schelling, of whom he says “his
nature is as great as it is lovely.” The latter had just accepted a call
to Berlin, (at first for one year only) and Lepsius says he was going
thither with great hopes of success and of exercising a salutary
influence. “He is convinced beforehand of the victory of his good cause,
since it is not a question of bare negation and opposition, such as he
reproaches Stahl with, (who only filched from him), but he has something
to advance which is new and positive, and will make a place for itself.
He must either be refuted, or he must convince and prevail. As,
according to his firm conviction, he cannot be refuted, the latter must
take place. Besides the foregoing alternatives, it is true that another
occurred to me, but about that I naturally kept silence. Good fortune to
him!”
Refreshed and satisfied with the results of this journey he devoted
himself at home with all his energy to the editing of the Umbrian and
Oscan inscriptions[41] which he had collected in Rome.
In the following year two more of the fruits of his Italian labors came
to maturity,[42] and were received with universal commendation.
One sees with what bee-like industry he made use of this time of
waiting. This was duly recognized, for before he set out on the Egyptian
journey, he was appointed Professor Extraordinary at the University of
Berlin, and thus the first chair of Egyptology was founded at that
university. There was already a similar one at Leipsic, but the improper
course adopted by Seyffarth, for whom it had been founded, gave little
encouragement to other universities to extend support to Egyptologic
studies. In this way it had happened that Lepsius’ proposition, that a
professorship in the Berlin University should be conferred upon him, had
been rejected; but Humboldt had recognized the qualifications of the
applicant, and in 1841, as soon as he returned home from a protracted
stay in Paris, he interested himself in the matter. As usual, he carried
through what he desired, and on the twenty-sixth of January, 1842,
Lepsius received the appointment as Professor Extraordinary of
Egyptology, and in addition, the grant of a small salary. It is true
that the newly appointed Professor could not begin to lecture; for the
completion and publication of the works mentioned above claimed much of
his time, and the preparations for the Egyptian journey still more.
Frederick William IV., of Prussia, was a monarch whose unpractical,
romantic disposition took the greatest delight, not only in the
luxuriant, many-colored, fragrant bloom of Indian civilization, but also
in the mysterious and immemorial magic of the Egyptian. He had given
willing audience to Humboldt and to Bunsen. The ambassador had been
exchanged from Bern to London in 1841, especially in order that he might
carry out the wishes of his master regarding the evangelical episcopate
in Jerusalem. Both these men were in particularly close relation with
the king, and on this account they were more likely than any others to
succeed in winning the monarch over to Lepsius’ project of travelling.
Already, as Crown Prince, the King had acquired the Passalacqua
collection of Egyptian antiquities, as well as negotiated for the
purchase of other similar collections.[43] He had taken pains to place
this treasure in the Monbijou palace at Berlin, and entrusted the care
of it to Passalacqua. In his youth the scientific event of the
deciphering of hieroglyphics had excited his special attention, and
Bunsen, who had long been in close relations with him, both as a man and
as his most eminent statesman, had been assiduous in preserving his
interest in Egyptian antiquity. He had kept the monarch informed as to
the progress of Egyptology, before his own protégé had even thought of
undertaking a voyage on the Nile.
Humboldt now joined with Bunsen to induce the king to bestow his
powerful support upon the young Prussian, who, even at that time, might
be considered the most worthy of Champollion’s successors.
Lepsius had his plans to make; Humboldt talked over each separate point
with him in the most careful manner, and thus there ripened in them both
the wish, to transform the journey of a single scholar into a scientific
expedition. Lepsius must of course keep the leadership, and there was
also committed to him the choice of those persons to be especially
employed in carrying out his own purposes. But he had to consult with
Humboldt on the greater or less fitness and necessity for the
appointment of the corps of assistants who were to be taken, as well as
on the capabilities of each single member of the expedition. He had to
submit to him exact estimates, both in writing and by word of mouth, in
regard to the prospective expenses and the time to be consumed, as well
as of all that he hoped to gain, and the collections which he expected
to make on the way, before Humboldt would undertake to present to the
king the “memorial” which had been drawn up for the purpose, and to
influence him to the final decision.
Lepsius had designated, as one of the principal objects of his journey,
the collection of beautiful and interesting monuments of the time of the
Pharaohs, to be added as a new embellishment to the Egyptian museum in
the palace of Monbijou at Berlin. This purpose of the expedition, which
Humboldt knew how to dilate upon, won the entire approbation of the
King, and accordingly he approved the contents of the “memorial” which
had been presented to him, endowed the expedition with abundant
pecuniary resources, and commended it, and especially its leader, by
means of a warm autograph letter, to the great Muhamed ‘Ali, who at that
time ruled over the valley of the Nile with a strong hand. He also
bestowed upon the travellers superb vases, from the porcelain
manufactory at Berlin, as a gift for Muhamed ‘Ali, in order to lay the
viceroy himself under an obligation and to secure for the expedition the
favor of that monarch.
Everything was now ready for the departure, but before Lepsius started
he had to set his affairs in order. Several undertakings had been
brought to a successful issue, and all the most important preparatory
work was finished for the book which he and Bunsen were to publish in
concert. Yet it was this very enterprise which filled him with the
greatest solicitude. Frankly and honorably he disclosed to his revered
patron everything that disturbed him, in the admirable letter in which
he tried to induce Bunsen, to absolve him from co-operation in the work
which they had planned. The differences of opinion between them had
become more and more sharply defined, and the elder scholar had been as
little able to convince the younger, as the younger to convince him. It
seemed to Lepsius impossible to present side by side two different
opinions in a work which must yet pretend to unity of thought. He justly
attributed to Bunsen the most magnificent ability for the handling of
great historical problems; but considering his wide command of this
field, and that in chronology also he was able to pursue his way
independently, Lepsius regarded his own intervention as a mistake, both
practically and essentially. He was indeed most disturbed by the
circumstance that no one would be in a position to distinguish between
his and Bunsen’s work, whence they must both be subjected to erroneous
criticisms. He, Lepsius, wished to reserve his manuscript till the
completion of his travels; Bunsen would soon be able to send his work to
press. He besought the latter not to wait till his own return from the
journey, but to proceed independently without delay, and to use as
entirely his own, all the material regarding which they had come to an
agreement. To put it off would only be to renew the old doubts, and to
begin afresh the conflict which had been once waged without result. He
would be ready and glad (and this promise he fulfilled), to make an
abstract for him of all the names of kings written in hieroglyphics, and
prepare them for the press.
Thus, in the work entitled “Egypt’s Place in Universal History,” the
first volume of which was published in 1845, before Lepsius’ return from
Egypt, the whole historical statement, which takes the loftiest point of
view and is rich in novel and suggestive ideas, is entirely Bunsen’s own
work. His young friend only placed at his disposal much historical and
chronological information, which he had happened upon in the course of
his researches among the monuments.
It is unquestionable that if the fellow-laborers had adhered to their
original plan, and had not separated, Bunsen’s work would have gained a
more stable foundation and assumed a much calmer and more succinct shape
than it actually had. The stream of Bunsen’s eloquence, which was often
too glittering and too diffuse, would have been confined within bounds
by the conciseness and severity of Lepsius. His aspirations after
grandeur and breath, would have been kept down to earth by Lepsius’
fidelity and care for the smallest detail.
The candor of the letter in which Lepsius abandons the enterprise, and
the manner in which Bunsen took the withdrawal of his protégé, do them
both the highest honor, and this incident never in the least disturbed
the friendly relation between them.[44] Lepsius, when he could finally
leave Berlin, went by way of London, was received there in the most
affectionate manner by Bunsen, and accompanied by him to Southampton,
where on the first of September, 1842, the young Egyptologist embarked
for Alexandria. Together they had thoroughly talked over all that might
be attained and all that might be gained, before the steamship weighed
anchor.
THE PRUSSIAN EXPEDITION TO EGYPT, UNDER THE DIRECTION OF LEPSIUS.
On the eighteenth of September, 1842, after a stormy passage through the
Bay of Biscay and a short stay in Gibraltar and Malta, Lepsius, who was
proof against sea-sickness, and had been perfectly well throughout the
voyage, first set his foot upon Egyptian soil at Alexandria.
The choice of his companions had been fortunate, and answered perfectly
to the needs of the expedition. We will first mention Erbkam, an
excellently trained young architect, distantly related to Lepsius, who
was to make surveys, and draw maps and sketches. He showed himself so
entirely equal to the task that the architectural and topographical
drawings executed by him under the direction of Lepsius have long been
acknowledged to be model productions and faultlessly correct.[45] We
have already said all that is necessary of Lepsius’ Naumberg
fellow-countrymen, the brothers Weidenbach, and their work as
hierogrammatists. Lepsius had made the acquaintance of the painter Frey,
from Basle, when in Rome. In the book on monuments, which will be
described hereafter, many of the beautiful colored landscapes and
architectural pictures from lower Egypt are by him; others are by the
Dresden painter, George, a jovial and talented artist, who joined the
expedition after Frey had become seriously ill, and been sent home.
The moulder, Franke, at first rendered excellent service by making casts
of such monuments as could not be brought away, and by preparing the
many thousands of paper impressions which it was necessary to take of
the inscriptions and bas reliefs. But subsequently he had to be
dismissed and sent home on account of inadmissible conduct.
The expedition was also accompanied by H. Abeken of Osnabrück, who had
been with Bunsen, first at Rome and then at London, as chaplain of the
Prussian Embassy. He had made the acquaintance of the leader of the
expedition on the Tiber, and was closely associated with him during the
remainder of his life. Under the guidance of Lepsius he occupied himself
with Egyptological studies, even after he had relinquished theology and
entered the diplomatic service. This is the same Abeken, diplomatic
Privy Counsellor and Acting Counsellor, who afterwards accompanied
Prince Bismarck to France during the war of 1870-1, and proved of great
service there. On the tenth of December, 1842, he joined the expedition
in which he served incidentally as chaplain. He was the most agreeable
companion to Lepsius, “with his invariably cheerful temper,” and his
“witty and learned conversation.”[46]
With these Germans were associated two Englishmen. The first was the
sculptor Bonomi, who at that time had already won celebrity as a
traveler in Egypt and Ethiopia, and of whom Lepsius himself said: “he is
not only full of practical knowledge about the life there, but he is
also a connoisseur in Egyptian art, and a master of Egyptian
drawing.”[47] The second was the young and “genial” architect Wild, who
was of great assistance to Erbkam.
The leader of the expedition had himself scarcely passed his
thirty-first year, and was so young and vigorous, that when he desired
to hire a kavass, that is, a Turkish constable, to superintend the
servants, the intercourse with the authorities, etc., he wrote home: “In
Europe I should have felt more than sufficient confidence in my own
ability to manage the entire practical conduct of the expedition.” He
had, besides, sovereign command of the most thorough scholarship in all
those departments wherein the expedition was intended to add to existing
knowledge.
He had garnered the whole harvest to be reaped in Europe from every
field of Egyptian archaeology, and all that could be gathered anew from
the banks of the Nile only needed to be stored in the receptacles which,
already set apart and half-filled, stood ready for the expected gains.
The conditions under which he traveled, and studied the localities of
the monuments, were such as to fill us later investigators with envy.
For in 1842, there was no museum of Boulak, which now lawfully claims
all antiquities from Egyptian soil as soon as they are brought to the
light of day. At that time there existed only the first beginnings of a
collection of Egyptian monuments, and these had no supervisor nor
director.