CHAPTER XXXVI.

Messrs Laird, Oldfield, and Lander, set out in the Quorra and Alburkah.

Attack of the natives. Leave Eboe. Mortality on board the vessels.

Capture of an alligator. Aspect of the Niger near the Kong Mountains. The

Quorra aground. Fundah. Mr. Laird returns to the coast. Richard Lander

wounded. His death. Return of the Alburkah. Conclusion.

* * * * *

INTRODUCTION.

_Progress of African Discovery, before Park's first Expedition.--Park's

Early Life._

The first information we have respecting the interior of Africa is

derived from Herodotus, who, during his residence in Egypt, endeavoured

to collect as much intelligence as possible respecting the general aspect

of the country. He describes it as far less fertile than the cultivated

parts of Europe and Asia, and much exposed to drought, with the exception

of a few verdant spots. To the northern coast, he gives the name of the

forehead of Africa; and says that immediately south from it, the

comparative fertility of the soil rapidly decreases. There are natural

hills of salt, out of which the inhabitants scoop houses to shelter

themselves from the weather; rain they have not to fear, as scarcely a

drop ever alights upon that sultry region. Farther south still, there is

no food to support man or beast--neither shrub, nor a single drop of

water; all is silence and utter desolation. Herodotus then proceeds to

relate a number of monstrous fables, which bear an overwhelming

proportion to the parts of his narrative which are now known to be true.

He also describes a large inland river, which some have supposed to be

the Niger, flowing from west to east. He acquired this information from

the reports of various travellers, who stated that after a long journey

to the interior, they had themselves seen it. This account was confirmed

by several other ancient authors; but for a long time the question was

agitated by modern writers as to whether the Gambia or the Senegal was

not the river spoken of; some even denying the existence of the Niger

altogether.

The fables of Herodotus were repeated, with a number of additions, by

Diodorus; but the narrative of Strabo, in regard to the northern and

western coasts, is somewhat more particular and authentic: it adds

nothing, however, to our acquaintance with the interior. The Greeks,

under the government of the Ptolemies, navigated the Red Sea, and carried

on a trade with Egypt; and some settlements were made by them in that

country. Ptolemy Euergetes conquered part of Abyssinia, and established a

kingdom, of which Axum was the metropolis; and remains of Grecian

architecture have since been found in that quarter. To the two districts

we have mentioned, the knowledge which the ancients possessed of Africa

was almost exclusively confined; though Herodotus speaks of two voyages

which had been undertaken with a view to determine the shape of the

continent; but as nothing interesting can be gleaned from his indistinct

narrative, and as the reality even of these voyages has been disputed, it

seems unnecessary to give any account of them.

As in this brief sketch we are to confine ourselves entirely to

discoveries made in the interior of Africa, we shall not mention either

the various voyages made along the shores, or the different settlements

formed upon the coast, as this would lead us far beyond our narrow

limits.

The Arabians were the first who introduced the camel into Africa, an

animal whose strength and swiftness peculiarly suited it for traversing

the immense expanse of burning sands. By means of caravans, the Arabians

were enabled to hold intercourse with the interior, whence they procured

supplies of gold and slaves; and many of them migrated to the south of

the Great Desert. Their number rapidly increased, and being skilled in

the art of war, they soon became the ruling power. They founded several

kingdoms; the principal one, called Gano, soon became the greatest market

for gold, and, under the name of Kano, is still extensive and populous,

being the chief commercial place in the interior of Africa. The Arabian

writers of the twelfth century, give the most gorgeous, and we fear

overrated, accounts of the flourishing state of these kingdoms.

In the fourteenth century, Ibn Batuta, an abridged account of whose

travels has been recently translated by Professor Lee of Cambridge, made

a journey into Central Africa. After having travelled twenty-five days

with a caravan, he came to a place which Major Rennel supposes to be the

modern Tisheet, containing the mine whence Timbuctoo is supplied with

salt. The houses he describes as built of slabs of salt, roofed with

camels' hides. After other twenty days he reached Tashila, three days'

journey from which he entered a dreary desert, where was neither

sustenance nor water, but only plains and hills of sand. Ten days brought

him to Abu Latin, a large commercial town much frequented by merchants.

This place Mr. Murray conjectures to have been Walet, the only large city

in that quarter.

In twenty-four days Ibn Batuta reached Mali, which it has been found

impossible to identify with any modern city. He found a haughty potentate

residing there, whose subjects paid him the greatest deference,

approaching prostrate to the throne, and casting dust upon their heads.

The trees in this neighbourhood were of immense bulk; and in the hollow

cavity of one he saw a weaver carrying on his occupation. Near this he

saw the Niger, but conjectured it to be the Nile, and supposed it to flow

by Timbuctoo, Kakaw, (Kuku), Yuwi, and thence by Nubia to Egypt.

Leo Africanus penetrated into the interior of Africa about two centuries

after Ibn Batuta. From his description, it would appear that the aspect

of Central Africa had considerably changed during this interval.

Timbuctoo was a powerful and opulent kingdom; and Gago (evidently the

Eyeo of Clapperton), and Ghinea, (probably the Jenne of Park), were

flourishing cities. The merchants of Timbuctoo were opulent, and two of

them were married to princesses. Science and literature were cultivated,

and manuscripts bore a high price. The king was wealthy, and maintained

an army of 3000 horse, and a large body of infantry. His courtiers shone

resplendent with gold; his palace, and several of the mosques, were

handsome edifices of stone; but his subjects dwelt in oval huts, formed

of stakes, clay, and reeds.

From this period till the formation of the African Association in 1788,

no certain information was obtained concerning Central Africa. While

British enterprise and courage had made most important discoveries in

every other quarter of the world, the ignorance which prevailed

concerning Africa was felt to be most discreditable. A few

public-spirited individuals, desirous of wiping away this stigma, formed

themselves into an Association, and subscribed the requisite funds for

the purpose of sending out intelligent and courageous travellers upon

this hazardous mission. The management was intrusted to a committee,

consisting of Lord Rawdon, afterwards Marquis of Hastings, Sir Joseph

Banks, the Bishop of Landaff, Mr. Beaufoy, and Mr. Stuart.

The first individual whom they employed was Mr. Ledyard, the greater part

of whose life had been spent in travelling; he had circumnavigated the

globe along with Captain Cook, and had resided for a number of years

among the American Indians. On his return he presented himself to Sir

Joseph Banks, who was at that time anxiously looking out for a fit person

to be sent out under the auspices of the Association. He immediately saw

that Ledyard was a suitable person for them, and introduced him to Mr

Beaufoy, who was much struck with his resolute and determined appearance.

When Ledyard was asked when he could be ready to depart, he replied,

"to-morrow!" Soon after he sailed for Alexandria, intending to proceed

from Cairo to Sennaar, and thence to traverse the breadth of the

continent. While at Cairo, he sent home some excellent observations

concerning Egypt; and announced that his next communication would be

dated from Sennaar. But tidings of his death soon after reached England.

It appeared that some delays in the starting of the caravan which he was

to have accompanied, working on his impatient and restless spirit, had

brought on a bilious distemper, to check which he had applied improper

remedies at the outset, so that the disorder cut him off in spite of the

assistance of the most skilful physicians in Cairo.

The next traveller whom the Association engaged was Mr. Lucas. When a boy,

he had been sent to Cadiz, to be educated as a merchant. On his return he

was taken prisoner by a Sallee rover, and remained three years in

captivity at Morocco. He was afterwards appointed vice-consul at Morocco,

and spent there sixteen years, during which he acquired a great knowledge

of the chief African languages. On his return to England, he was made

oriental interpreter to the British court. Upon his expressing a desire

to set out on a journey in furtherance of the objects of the Association,

his Majesty not only granted his request, but also promised to continue

his salary as oriental interpreter during his absence. He set out by

Tripoli, and obtained from the Bey some promise of assistance. He

likewise made an arrangement with two Shereefs, or followers of the

Prophet, whose persons are held sacred, to join a caravan with which they

travelled. He went with them as far as Mesurata; but the Arabs of the

neighbourhood being in a state of revolt, the party could obtain neither

camels nor guides. Mr. Lucas therefore returned to Tripoli without making

further efforts to penetrate into the interior. He, however, obtained

from one of the Shereefs some particulars respecting the countries to the

south of Tripoli, and a memoir from his notes was drawn up by Mr. Beaufoy,

which, though in many respects imperfect and erroneous, nevertheless

threw a little additional light upon the condition of Africa. No correct

information was obtained concerning the Niger.

Enough of knowledge, however, was possessed to show that the districts

along the Gambia, stretching into the interior, afforded the most direct

method of reaching the Niger, and the countries through which it rolled.

Accordingly this was the route taken by the next adventurer, Major

Houghton, who seemed qualified for the task by the most ardent courage,

and by a considerable acquaintance with the manners both of the Moors and

negroes during his residence as consul at Morocco, and afterwards as

fort-major at Goree. But it would appear that this gallant officer was

strikingly deficient in the prudent and calculating temper which such an

arduous journey demanded. Having set out early in 1791, he speedily

reached Medina, the residence of the king of Wooli, who gave him

information respecting the best route to Timbuctoo, and promised to

furnish him with guides. During his residence Medina was entirely

destroyed by a conflagration, and Major Houghton was forced, along with

the inhabitants, to flee into the fields, carrying with him only a few

such articles as he could hastily snatch up. Thence he journeyed on to

Bambouk, and after crossing the Faleme arrived at Ferbanna, where the

king sent a guide along with him, and likewise furnished him with money

to defray the expenses of the journey. He was imprudent enough to carry

with him a quantity of merchandise, and thereby excited the cupidity off

the natives, with whom he was engaged in constant disputes. After a

complication of difficulties, he took a northern route, intending to

penetrate through Ludamar. The last intelligence received from him was

dated from Simbing, the frontier village of this state, and was merely

comprised in the following brief note, addressed to Dr. Laidley of

Pisania:--"Major Houghton's compliments to Dr. Laidley, is in good

health, on his way to Timbuctoo; robbed of all his goods by Fenda Bucar's

son." Soon after this, rumours of his death reached Pisania; but the

particulars were not known till Mr. Park's return, who brought certain

intelligence. It appeared that at Jarra he had engaged some Moorish

merchants to accompany him. They persuaded him to go to Tisheet, a place

frequented for its salt mines, without informing him that it was much out

of the direct road to Timbuctoo, intending to rob him by the way. In a

few days he suspected their treachery, and resolved to return to Jarra,

but, upon refusing to advance, he was stripped of every article, and then

deserted. He wandered about the desert, alone, and famishing, till,

utterly exhausted, he lay down under a tree and expired.

The next person who offered his services to the Association was Mungo

Park, who has acquired such celebrity by the important acquisitions which

he made to African Geography. As introductory to the narrative of his

first expedition, we present our readers with a brief sketch of his early

life.

PARK'S EARLY LIFE.

Mungo Park, the celebrated African traveller, was born at Fowlshiels,

near the town of Selkirk, on the 10th September 1771. His father was a

respectable farmer on the Duke of Buccleuch's estate; and his mother, the

daughter of a neighbouring farmer of the name of Hislop, a woman of great

good sense and prudence, who anxiously and faithfully discharged the

duties which she owed to a large family of thirteen children, of whom

Mungo, the subject of this memoir, was the seventh. Park's father died

before his son had won that renown which so honourably distinguishes his

name, though not without the satisfaction of witnessing a fair promise of

his future distinction; but his mother, after hearing with much pride of

her offspring's early achievements, had to lament his untimely fate;

consoled, however, by the recollection of his unblemished character, and

virtuous conduct, and by the thought of the legacy of fame which he had

bequeathed, not to his family alone, but to his country.

With a solicitude for the education of his children, then by no means

common among the Scottish farmers, Mr. Park hired a tutor to superintend

their education, being anxious not to leave them to such chance

instruction as they might receive before they were of a proper age for

going to school; thus shewing that he was alive to the advantage of early

habits of application and study. The boyhood of Mungo Park was not

distinguished by any marks of peculiar talent, though he appears, when

sent to Selkirk school, to have paid more than an average share of

attention to his studies. Of a thoughtful and reserved disposition, he

seldom took a share in the mirthful sports of his school-fellows. He was

fond of reading and solitude, often wandering for hours among the hills,

and along the banks of his native Yarrow. The legends of border chivalry,

many of which still lingered in the district, had not been poured into an

unwilling ear; they made a strong impression upon his imagination, and

probably contributed, in no inconsiderable degree, to fire his spirit,

and excite that love of adventure which so strongly marked his future

life. Moreover, occasional gleams of ambition broke forth from amid his

quiet thoughtfulness, which shewed, that beneath a cold exterior there

lurked a mind of no ordinary cast. This constitutional reserve made him

select in his choice of friends, but with those to whom he granted the

privilege of intimacy, he was all confidence and frankness.

The limited cost of an education for the Church of Scotland renders it an

object of ambition to many in the middle ranks of life; and the parents

of Mungo Park, judging that his peculiar disposition fitted him for the

ministry, were anxious that he should enter upon the initiatory course of

education. Park, however, manifested a decided repugnance to this choice,

and resolved upon qualifying himself for the medical profession.

Accordingly, at the age of fifteen, he was bound apprentice to Mr. Thomas

Anderson, a respectable surgeon in Selkirk, with whom he remained for the

space of three years, during which, at leisure hours, he continued to

prosecute his classical studies, and also acquired a knowledge of the

elementary principles of mathematics. Mr. Anderson's practice, which was

pretty extensive, enabled him to obtain a considerable acquaintance of

the rudiments of his profession, and formed a suitable preparation for

his academical studies. In the year 1789, he removed to Edinburgh, and

attended the usual course of lectures for three successive sessions.

Though a persevering and attentive student, he does not seem to have

manifested much love for the healing art. Botany was his favourite study,

which he pursued with much ardour during the summer months. And,

fortunately, his brother-in-law, Mr. James Dickson, who published an

elaborate work on the _Cryptogamic_ plants, was well calculated to aid

him in this pursuit. This meritorious individual had in early life

removed to London, and for some time followed the humble occupation of a

working gardener. Having distinguished himself by a diligent and zealous

discharge of the duties of his calling, he attracted the notice of Sir

Joseph Banks, who, ever anxious to reward merit, generously opened to him

his library. Of this privilege Mr. Dickson availed himself so

successfully, that he soon distinguished himself as a botanist, and

enlarged materially the boundaries of the science. But, with rare

prudence, he still carried on his original business as a seeds man, while

he lived on terms of intimacy and friendship with many of the most

distinguished literary characters of his time.

With Mr. Dickson young Park made a summer ramble through the Highlands,

principally for the sake of adding to his botanical treasures, and, under

under the guidance of his relative, pursued enthusiastically his

favourite science. After Park had completed his medical studies, Mr

Dickson advised him to go to London, in search of professional

employment, in the expectation of advancing his prospects, through the

interest of his scientific acquaintance. Nor was he disappointed in this

hope, for, through Sir Joseph Banks's recommendation, he obtained the

appointment of assistant surgeon to the Worcester East Indiaman. He

sailed in February 1792; and after a voyage to Bencoolen, in the island

of Sumatra, returned to England in the following year. No incident of

importance occurred during this voyage, but Mr. Park made some collections

in botany and natural history, which were submitted to the Linnaean

Society, and an account of them printed in the third volume of their

Transactions.

It does not appear whether Park had come to any determinate conclusion to

quit the company's service; at all events, he continued to shew a decided

preference for studies in natural history; and the circle of

acquaintances to which Sir Joseph Banks had introduced him after his

return to England, contributed much to strengthen this preference. At

this time, no doubt, he was disposed, upon a suitable opening being

presented, to free himself from the duties of his profession, and enter

upon some more congenial employment. His mind was soon to be directed to

loftier objects--to scenes of stirring interest and varied adventure--to

an enterprise for which he was well qualified by his enthusiastic zeal

for discovery, his scientific acquirements, vigorous constitution, and

patient and persevering disposition. The African Association, consisting

of a number of individuals distinguished by their ardent zeal for the

promotion of geographical discovery in the unknown regions of that vast

continent, had been formed a few years before this period. Their

investigations had brought to light some leading facts relative to

Northern Africa; and with the assistance of Major Rennel, they were

endeavouring to lay down as accurately as possible upon the map, the

principal geographical outlines. But they were most anxious to acquire

correct information concerning the river Joliba, or Niger, and also to

collect some particulars concerning the interior of the country. Under

their auspices several travellers had already gone forth, who had either

fallen victims to the climate, or been murdered by the natives;--and

recent intelligence had been brought to England of the death of Major

Houghton, who had set out with the intention of penetrating to Timbuctoo

and Houssa. Deterred by his fate, no individual for a considerable period

seemed willing to undertake the mission, though liberal offers of

compensation had been made. Here was the very enterprise which possessed

irresistible charms for Park's romantic and daring mind: in him the

Association found an individual well qualified for the task. They were

fully satisfied with the answers which he gave to all their inquiries:

his mind had been already directed towards geographical research; he had

the matured strength of manhood, and his constitution had in some

measure, been inured to a hot climate; his medical knowledge would not

only contribute to the preservation of his own health, but would also

secure him the respect and veneration of the natives. At the commencement

of his narrative, he relates the feelings which animated him in deciding

on this perilous journey. The prospects of personal advantage held out,

even should he prove successful, were so inconsiderable, that in his

acceptance of the offer, he was evidently actuated by an ardent desire of

adding to the slender knowledge possessed of that interesting country, as

well as by the hope of having his name joined to the list of those who

have distinguished themselves by active enterprise.

A considerable time elapsed ere everything was ready for his departure;

and two years had passed away since his return from India. During that

period, with the exception of a short visit paid to his friends in

Scotland, he had chiefly resided in London; partly engaged with his

favourite studies, and enjoying the pleasures of cultivated society; but

devoting his chief time and attention to acquiring the knowledge, and

superintending the preparations necessary for his journey. At length he

received his final instructions from the Association, and set sail from

Portsmouth, on the 22d of May 1795, on board the Endeavour, an African

trader, bound for the Gambia, where he arrived on the 21st of the

following month. He was furnished with a letter of recommendation to Dr.

Laidley, who resided at the English factory of Pisania, on the Gambia,

and on whom he had a letter of credit for L. 200.

In the reprint which follows, the reader will find, in Mr. Park's own

words, a full narrative of the various incidents which befel him during

this eventful journey.

* * * * *

[Illustration: Map of Park's Travels in Africa with the Course of the

Niger.]

* * * * *

TRAVELS IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA.

CHAPTER I.

_The author's motives for undertaking the voyage--his instructions and

departure--arrives at Jillifree, on the Gambia River--proceeds to

Vintain,--Some account of the Feloops.--Proceeds up the river for

Jonkakonda--arrives at Dr. Laidley's.--Some account of Pisania, and the

British factory established at that place.--The Author's employment

during his stay at Pisania--his sickness and recovery--the country

described--prepares to set out for the interior._

Soon after my return from the East Indies, in 1793, having learned that

the noblemen and gentlemen, associated for the purpose of prosecuting

Discoveries in the Interior of Africa, were desirous of engaging a person

to explore that continent by the way of the Gambia River, I took

occasion, through means of the President of the Royal Society, to whom I

had the honour to be known, of offering myself for that service; I had

been informed, that a gentleman of the name of Houghton, a captain in the

army, and formerly fort-major at Goree, had already sailed to the Gambia,

under the direction of the association, and that there was reason to

apprehend he had fallen a sacrifice to the climate, or perished in some

contest with the natives; but this intelligence, instead of deterring me

from my purpose, animated me to persist in the offer of my services with

the greater solicitude. I had a passionate desire to examine into the

productions of a country so little known, and to become experimentally

acquainted with the modes of life and character of the natives. I knew

that I was able to bear fatigue, and I relied on my youth, and the

strength of my constitution, to preserve me from the effects of the

climate. The salary which the committee allowed was sufficiently large,

and I made no stipulation for future reward. If I should perish in my

journey, I was willing that my hopes and expectations should perish with

me; and if I should succeed in rendering the geography of Africa more

familiar to my countrymen, and in opening to their ambition and industry

new sources of wealth, and new channels of commerce, I knew that I was in

the hands of men of honour, who would not fail to bestow that

remuneration which my successful services should appear to them to merit.

The Committee of the Association, having made such inquiries as they

thought necessary, declared themselves satisfied with the qualifications

that I possessed, and accepted me for the service; and with that

liberality which on all occasions distinguishes their conduct, gave me

every encouragement which it was in their power to grant, or which I

could with propriety ask.

It was at first proposed that I should accompany Mr. James Willis, who was

then recently appointed Consul at Senegambia, and whose countenance in

that capacity it was thought might have served and protected me; but

Government afterwards rescinded his appointment, and I lost that

advantage. The kindness of the Committee, however, supplied all that was

necessary. Being favoured by the Secretary of the Association, the late

Henry Beaufoy, Esq. with a recommendation to Dr. John Laidley, (a

gentleman who had resided many years at an English factory on the banks

of the Gambia,) and furnished with a letter of credit on him for L.200, I

took my passage in the brig Endeavour, a small vessel trading to the

Gambia for bees-wax and ivory, commanded by Captain Richard Wyatt, and I

became impatient for my departure.

My instructions were very plain and concise. I was directed, on my

arrival in Africa, "to pass on to the river Niger, either by the way of

Bambouk, or by such other route as should be found most convenient: That

I should ascertain the course, and, if possible, the rise and termination

of that river. That I should use my utmost exertions to visit the

principal towns, or cities in its neighbourhood, particularly Tombuctoo

and Houssa; and that I should be afterwards at liberty to return to

Europe, either by the way of the Gambia, or by such other route as, under

all the then existing circumstances of my situation and prospects, should

appear to me to be most advisable."

We sailed from Portsmouth on the 22d day of May 1795. On the 4th of June

we saw the mountains over Mogadore, on the coast of Africa, and on the

21st of the same month, after a pleasant voyage of thirty days, we

anchored at Jillifree, a town on the northern bank of the river Gambia,

opposite to James' Island, where the English had formerly a small port.

The kingdom of Barra, in which the town of Jillifree is situated,

produces great plenty of the necessaries of life; but the chief trade of

the inhabitants is in salt; which commodity they carry up the river in

canoes as high as Barraconda, and bring down in return Indian corn,

cotton cloths, elephants' teeth, small quantities of gold dust. The

number of canoes and people constantly employed in this trade, make the

King of Barra more formidable to Europeans than any other chieftain on

the river; and this circumstance probably encouraged him to establish

those exorbitant duties, which traders of all nations are obliged to pay

at entry, amounting to nearly L. 20 on every vessel, great and small.

These duties, or customs, are generally collected in person by the

Alkaid, or governor of Jillifree, and he is attended on these occasions

by a numerous train of dependants, among whom are found many who, by

their frequent intercourse with the English, have acquired a smattering

of our language; but they are commonly very noisy, and very troublesome;

begging for every thing they fancy with such earnestness and importunity,

that traders, in order to get quit of them, are frequently obliged to

grant their requests.

On the 23d we departed from Jillifree, and proceeded to Vintain, a town

situated about two miles up a creek on the southern side of the river.

This is much resorted to by Europeans, on account of the great quantities

of bees-wax which are brought hither--for sale: the wax is collected in

the woods by the Feloops, a wild and unsociable race of people; their

country, which is of considerable extent, abounds in rice; and the

natives supply the traders, both on the Gambia and Cassamansa rivers,

with that article, and also with goats and poultry, on very reasonable

terms. The honey which they collect is chiefly used by themselves in

making a strong intoxicating liquor, much the same as the mead which is

produced from honey in Great Britain.

In their traffic with Europeans, the Feloops generally employ a factor or

agent, of the Mandingo nation, who speaks a little English, and is

acquainted with the trade of the river. This broker makes the bargain;

and, with the connivance of the European, receives a certain part only of

the payment, which he gives to his employer as the whole; the remainder

(which is very truly called the cheating money) he receives when the

Feloop is gone, and appropriates to himself, as a reward for his trouble.

The language of the Feloops is appropriate and peculiar; and as their

trade is chiefly conducted, as hath been observed, by Mandingoes, the

Europeans have no inducement to learn it. The numerals are as follow:

One ......... _Enory_.

Two ......... _Sickaba_, or _Cookaba_.

Three ....... _Sisajee_.

Four ........ _Sibakeer_.

Five ........ _Footuck_.

Six ......... _Footuck-Enory_.

Seven ....... _Footuck-Cookaba_.

Eight ....... _Footuck-Sisajee_.

Nine ........ _Footuck-Sibakeer_.

Ten ......... Sibankonyen.

On the 26th we left Vintain, and continued our course up the river,

anchoring whenever the tide failed us, and frequently towing the vessel

with the boat. The river is deep and muddy; the banks are covered with

impenetrable thickets of mangrove; and the whole of the adjacent country

appears to be flat and swampy.

The Gambia abounds with fish, some species of which are excellent food;

but none of them that I recollect are known in Europe. At the entrance

from the sea, sharks are found in great abundance; and higher up,

alligators and the hippopotamus (or river-horse) are very numerous. The

latter might with more propriety be called the river-elephant, being of

an enormous and unwieldy bulk, and its teeth furnish good ivory. This

animal is amphibious, with short and thick legs, and cloven hoofs: it

feeds on grass, and such shrubs as the banks of the river afford, boughs

of trees, seldom venturing far from the water, in which it seeks refuge

on hearing the approach of man. I have seen many, and always found them

of a timid and inoffensive disposition.

In six days after leaving Vintain, we reached Jonkakonda, a place of

considerable trade, where our vessel was to take in part of her lading.

The next morning, the several European traders came from their different

factories to receive their letters and learn the nature and amount of the

cargo; and the captain dispatched a messenger to Dr. Laidley to inform him

of my arrival. He came to Jonkakonda the morning following, when I

delivered him Mr. Beaufoy's letter, and he gave me a kind invitation to

spend my time at his house until an opportunity should offer of

prosecuting my journey. This invitation was too acceptable to be refused,

and being furnished by the Doctor with a horse and guide, I set out from

Jonkakonda at daybreak on the 5th of July, and at eleven o'clock arrived

at Pisania, where I was accommodated with a room and other conveniences

in the Doctor's house.

Pisania is a small village in the King of Yany's dominions, established

by British subjects as a factory for trade, and inhabited solely by them

and their black servants. It is situated on the banks of the Gambia,

sixteen miles above Jonkakonda. The white residents, at the time of my

arrival there, consisted only of Dr. Laidley and two gentlemen who were

brothers, of the name of Ainsley; but their domestics were numerous. They

enjoyed perfect security under the king's protection, and being highly

esteemed and respected by the natives at large, wanted no accommodation

or comfort which the country could supply; and the greatest part of the

trade in slaves, ivory, and gold, was in their hands.

Being now settled for some time at my ease, my first object was to learn

the Mandingo tongue, being the language in almost general use throughout

this part of Africa; and without which I was fully convinced that I never

could acquire an extensive knowledge of the country or its inhabitants.

In this pursuit I was greatly assisted by Dr. Laidley, who, by a long

residence in the country, and constant intercourse with the natives, had

made himself completely master of it. Next to the language, my great

object was to collect information concerning the countries I intended to

visit. On this occasion I was referred to certain traders called Slatees.

These are free black merchants, of great consideration in this part of

Africa, who come down from the interior countries chiefly with enslaved

negroes for sale; but I soon discovered that very little dependance could

be placed on the accounts they gave; for they contradicted each other in

the most important particulars, and all of them seemed extremely

unwilling that I should prosecute my journey. These circumstances

increased my anxiety to ascertain the truth from my own personal

observations.

In researches of this kind, and in observing the manners and customs of

the natives, in a country so little known to the nations of Europe, and

furnished with so many striking and uncommon objects of nature, my time

passed not unpleasantly; and I began to flatter myself that I had escaped

the fever, or seasoning, to which Europeans, on their first arrival in

hot climates, are generally subject. But, on the 3d of July, I

imprudently exposed myself to the night dew, in observing an eclipse of

the moon, with a view to determine the longitude of the place; the next

day I found myself attacked with a smart fever and delirium; and such an

illness followed, as confined me to the house during the greatest part of

August. My recovery was very slow; but I embraced every short interval of

convalescence to walk out and make myself acquainted with the productions

of the country. In one of those excursions, having rambled farther than

usual, in a hot day, I brought on a return of my fever, and on the 10th

of September I was again confined to my bed. The fever, however, was not

so violent as before; and in the course of three weeks I was able, when

the weather would permit, to renew my botanical excursions; and when it

rained, I amused myself with drawing plants, in my chamber. The care and

attention of Dr. Laidley contributed greatly to alleviate my sufferings;

his company and conversation beguiled the tedious hours during that

gloomy season, when the rain falls in torrents; when suffocating heats

oppress by day, and when the night is spent by the terrified traveller in

listening to the croaking of frogs, (of which the numbers are beyond

imagination,) the shrill cry of the jackal, and the deep howling of the

hyaena; a dismal concert, interrupted only by the roar of such tremendous

thunder as no person can form a conception of but those who have heard

it.

The country itself being an immense level, and very generally covered

with woods, presents a tiresome, and gloomy uniformity to the eye; but

although nature has denied to the inhabitants the beauties of romantic

landscapes, she has bestowed on them, with a liberal hand, the more

important blessings of fertility and abundance. A little attention to

cultivation procures a sufficiency of corn; the fields afford a rich

pasturage for cattle; and the natives are plentifully supplied with

excellent fish, both from the Gambia river and the Walli creek.

The grains which are chiefly cultivated are Indian corn, (_zea mays;_)

two kinds of _holcus spicatus_, called by the natives _soono_ and

_sanio_; _holcus niger_, and _holcus bicolor_; the former of which they

have named _bassi woolima_, and the latter _bassiqui_. These, together

with rice, are raised in considerable quantities; besides which, the

inhabitants in the vicinity of the towns and villages have gardens which

produce onions, calavances, yams, cassavi, ground-nuts, pompions, gourds,

water melons, and some other esculent plants.

I observed, likewise, near the towns, small patches of cotton and indigo.

The former of these articles supplies them with clothing, and with the

latter, they dye their cloth of an excellent blue colour, in a manner

that will hereafter be described.

In preparing their corn for food, the natives use a large wooden mortar

called a _paloon_, in which they bruise the seed until it parts with the

outer covering, or husk, which is then separated from the clean corn, by

exposing it to the wind; nearly in the same manner as wheat is cleared

from the chaff in England. The corn, thus freed from the husk, is

returned to the mortar, and beaten into meal; which is dressed variously

in different countries; but the most common preparation of it among the

nations of the Gambia is a sort of pudding, which they call _kouskous_.

It is made by first moistening the flour with water, and then stirring

and shaking it about in a large calabash, or gourd, till it adheres

together in small granules, resembling sago. It is then put into an

earthen pot, whose bottom is perforated with a number of small holes; and

this pot being placed upon another, the two vessels are luted together,

either with a paste of meal and water, or with cow's dung, and placed

upon the fire. In the lower vessel is commonly some animal food and

water, the steam or vapour of which ascends through the perforations in

the bottom of the upper vessel, and softens and prepares the _kouskous_,

which is very much esteemed throughout all the countries that I visited.

I am informed, that the same manner of preparing flour is very generally

used on the Barbary coast, and that the dish so prepared is there called

by the same name. It is therefore probable, that the Negroes borrowed the

practice from the Moors.

For gratifying a taste for variety, another sort of pudding, called

_nealing_, is sometimes prepared from the meal of corn; and they have

also adopted two or three different modes of dressing their rice. Of

vegetable food, therefore, the natives have no want, and although the

common class of people are but sparingly supplied with animal food, yet

this article is not wholly withheld from them.

Their domestic animals are nearly the same as in Europe. Swine are found

in the woods, but their flesh is not esteemed; probably the marked

abhorrence in which this animal is held by the votaries of Mahomet has

spread itself among the Pagans. Poultry of all kinds (the turkey

excepted) is every where to be had. The Guinea fowl and red partridge

abound in the fields; and the woods furnish a small species of antelope,

of which the venison is highly and deservedly prized.

Of the other wild animals in the Mandingo countries, the most common are

the hyaena, the panther, and the elephant. Considering the use that is

made of the latter in the East Indies, it may be thought extraordinary,

that the natives of Africa have not, in any part of this immense

continent, acquired the skill of taming this powerful and docile

creature, and applying his strength and faculties to the service of man.

When I told some of the natives that this was actually done in the

countries of the East, my auditors laughed me to scorn, and exclaimed,

_Tobaubo fonnio!_ (a white man's lie.) The Negroes frequently find means

to destroy the elephant by fire-arms; they hunt it principally for the

sake of the teeth, which they transfer in barter to those who sell them

again to the Europeans. The flesh they eat, and consider it as a great

delicacy.

The usual beast of burthen in all the Negro territories is the ass. The

application of animal labour to the purposes of agriculture is no where

adopted; the plough, therefore, is wholly unknown. The chief implement

used in husbandry is the hoe, which varies in form in different

districts; and the labour is universally performed by slaves.

On the 6th of October the waters of the Gambia were at the greatest

height, being fifteen feet above the high-water-mark of the tide; after

which they began to subside; at first slowly, but afterwards very

rapidly; sometimes sinking more than a foot in twenty-four hours; by the

beginning of November the river had sunk to its former level, and the

tide ebbed and flowed as usual. When the river had subsided, and the

atmosphere grew dry, I recovered apace, and began to think of my

departure; for this is reckoned the most proper season for travelling;

the natives had completed their harvest, and provisions were every where

cheap and plentiful.

Dr. Laidley was at this time employed in a trading voyage at Jonkakonda. I

wrote to him to desire that he would use his interest with the slatees,

or slave-merchants, to procure me the company and protection of the first

_coffle_ (or caravan) that might leave Gambia for the interior country;

and in the meantime I requested him to purchase for me a horse and two

asses. A few days afterwards the Doctor returned to Pisania, and informed

me that a coffle would certainly go for the interior in the course of the

dry season; but that as many of the merchants belonging to it had not yet

completed their assortment of goods, he could not say at what time they

would set out.

As the characters and dispositions of the slatees, and people that

composed the caravan, were entirely unknown to me, and as they seemed

rather averse to my purpose, and unwilling to enter into any positive

engagements on my account; and the time of their departure being withal

very uncertain, I resolved, on further deliberation, to avail myself of

the dry season, and proceed without them.

Dr. Laidley approved my determination, and promised me every assistance in

his power, to enable me to prosecute my journey with comfort and safety.

This resolution having been formed, I made preparations accordingly. And

now, being about to take leave of my hospitable friend, (whose kindness

and solicitude continued to the moment of my departure,[1]) and to quit,

for many months, the countries bordering on the Gambia, it seems proper,

before I proceed with my narrative, that I should, in this place, give

some account of the several Negro nations which inhabit the banks of this

celebrated river, and the commercial intercourse that subsists between

them, and such of the nations of Europe as find their advantage in

trading to this part of Africa. The observations which have occurred to

me on both these subjects will be found in the following chapter.

[1] Dr. Laidley, to my infinite regret, has since paid the debt of

nature. He left Africa in the latter end of 1797, intending to return

to Great Britain by way of the West Indies; and died soon after his

arrival at Barbadoes.

CHAPTER II.

_Description of the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and

Mandingoes.--Some account of the trade between the nations of Europe and

the natives of Africa by the way of the Gambia, and between the native

inhabitants of the coast and the nations of the interior countries--their

mode of selling and buying._

The natives of the countries bordering on the Gambia, though distributed

into a great many distinct governments, may, I think, be divided into

four great classes; the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and the

Mandingoes. Among all these nations, the religion of Mahomet has made,

and continues to make, considerable progress; but in most of them, the

body of the people, both free and enslaved, persevere in maintaining the

blind but harmless superstitions of their ancestors, and are called by

the Mahomedans _kafirs_, or infidels.

Of the Feloops, I have little to add to what has been observed concerning

them in the former chapter. They are of a gloomy disposition, and are

supposed never to forgive an injury. They are even said to transmit their

quarrels as deadly feuds to their posterity; insomuch that a son

considers it as incumbent on him, from a just sense of filial obligation,

to become the avenger of his deceased father's wrongs. If a man loses his

life in one of those sudden quarrels, which perpetually occur at their

feasts, when the whole party is intoxicated with mead, his son, or the

eldest of his sons, (if he has more than one,) endeavours to procure his

father's sandals, which he wears _once a year_, on the anniversary of his

father's death, until a fit opportunity offers of avenging his fate, when

the object of his resentment seldom escapes his pursuit. This fierce and

unrelenting disposition is, however, counterbalanced by many good

qualities; they display the utmost gratitude and affection towards their

benefactors; and the fidelity with which they preserve whatever is

entrusted to them is remarkable. During the present war they have, more

than once, taken up arms to defend our merchant vessels from French

privateers; and English property, of considerable value, has frequently

been left at Vintain, for a long time, entirely under the care of the

Feloops, who have uniformly manifested on such occasions the strictest

honesty and punctuality. How greatly is it to be wished, that the minds

of a people so determined and faithful, could be softened and civilized

by the mild and benevolent spirit of Christianity!

The Jaloffs (or Yaloffs) are an active, powerful, and warlike race,

inhabiting great part of that tract which lies between the river Senegal

and the Mandingo States on the Gambia; yet they differ from the

Mandingoes, not only in language, but likewise in complexion and

features. The noses of the Jaloffs are not so much depressed, nor the

lips so protuberant, as among the generality of Africans; and although

their skin is of the deepest black, they are considered by the white

traders as the most sightly Negroes in this part of the Continent.

They are divided into several independent states or kingdoms; which are

frequently at war either with their neighbours, or with each other. In

their manners, superstitions, and government, however, they have a

greater resemblance to the Mandingoes (of whom I shall presently speak)

than to any other nation; but excel them in the manufacture of cotton

cloth, spinning the wool to a finer thread, weaving it in a broader loom,

and dyeing it of a better colour.

Their language is said to be copious and significant; and is often

learned by Europeans trading to Senegal. I cannot say much of it from my

own knowledge; but have preserved their numerals, which are these:

One ......... _Wean_.

Two ......... _Yar_.

Three ......... _Yat_.

Four ......... _Yanet_.

Five ......... _Judom_.

Six ......... _Judom Wean_.

Seven ......... _Judom Yar_.

Eight ......... _Judom Yat_.

Nine ......... _Judom Yanet_.

Ten ......... _Fook_.

Eleven ......... _Fook aug Wean_, &c.

The Foulahs, (or Pholeys,) such of them at least as reside near the

Gambia, are chiefly of a tawny complexion, with soft silky hair, and

pleasing features. They are much attached to a pastoral life, and have

introduced themselves into all the kingdoms on the windward coast as

herdsmen and husbandmen, paying a tribute to the sovereign of the country

for the lands which they hold. Not having many opportunities, however,

during my residence at Pisania, of improving my acquaintance with these

people, I defer entering at large into their character, until a fitter

occasion occurs, which will present itself when I come to Bondou.

The Mandingoes, of whom it remains to speak, constitute in truth the bulk

of the inhabitants in all those districts of Africa which I visited; and

their language, with a few exceptions, is universally understood and very

generally spoken in that part of the continent. Their numerals are

these:[2]

One ......... _Killin_.

Two ......... _Foola_.

Three ......... _Sabba_.

Four ......... _Nani_.

Five ......... _Looloo_.

Six ......... _Woro_.

Seven ......... _Oronglo_.

Eight ......... _Sie_.

Nine ......... _Conunta_.

Ten ......... _Tang_.

Eleven ......... _Tan ning killin_, &c.

[2] In the Travels of Francis Moore the reader will find a pretty

copious vocabulary of the Mandingo language, which in general is

correct.

They are called Mandingoes, I conceive, as having originally migrated

from the interior state of Manding, of which some account will hereafter

be given; but, contrary to the present constitution of their parent

country, which is republican, it appeared to me that the government in

all the Mandingo states, near the Gambia, is monarchical. The power of

the sovereign is, however, by no means unlimited. In all affairs of

importance, the king calls an assembly of the principal men, or elders,

by whose councils he is directed, and without whose advice he can neither

declare war nor conclude peace.

In every considerable town there is a chief magistrate, called the

_Alkaid_, whose office is hereditary, and whose business it is to

preserve order, to levy duties on travellers, and to preside at all

conferences in the exercise of local jurisdiction and the administration

of justice. These courts are composed of the elders of the town, (of free

condition,) and are termed _palavers_; and their proceedings are

conducted in the open air with sufficient solemnity. Both sides of a

question are freely canvassed, witnesses are publicly examined, and the

decisions which follow generally meet with the approbation of the

surrounding audience.

As the Negroes have no written language of their own, the general rule of

decision is an appeal to _ancient custom_; but since the system of

Mahomet has made so great progress among them, the converts to that faith

have gradually introduced, with the religious tenets, many of the civil

institutions of the Prophet; and where the Koran is not found

sufficiently explicit, recourse is had to a commentary called _Al

Sharru_, containing, as I was told, a complete exposition or digest of

the Mahomedan laws, both civil and criminal, properly arranged and

illustrated.

This frequency of appeal to written laws, with which the Pagan natives

are necessarily unacquainted, has given rise in their palavers to (what I

little expected to find in Africa) professional advocates, or expounders

of the law, who are allowed to appear and to plead for plaintiff or

defendant, much in the same manner as counsel in the law courts of Great

Britain. They are Mahomedan Negroes who have made, or affect to have

made, the laws of the Prophet their peculiar study; and if I may judge

from their harangues, which I frequently attended, I believe that in the

forensic qualifications of procrastination and cavil, and the arts of

confounding and perplexing a cause, they are not always surpassed by the

ablest pleaders in Europe. While I was at Pisania a cause was heard which

furnished the Mahomedan lawyers with an admirable opportunity of

displaying their professional dexterity. The case was this: An ass

belonging to a Serawoolli Negro (a native of an interior country near the

River Senegal) had broke into a field of corn belonging to one of the

Mandingo inhabitants, and destroyed great part of it. The Mandingo having

caught the animal in his field, immediately drew his knife and cut its

throat. The Serawoolli thereupon called a _palaver_ (or in European

terms, _brought an action_) to recover damages for the loss of his beast,

on which he set a high value. The defendant confessed he had killed the

ass, but pleaded a _set-off_, insisting that the loss he had sustained by

the ravage in his corn was equal to the sum demanded for the animal. To

ascertain this fact was the point at issue, and the learned advocates

contrived to puzzle the cause in such a manner, that, after a hearing of

three days, the court broke up without coming to any determination upon

it; and a second palaver was, I suppose, thought necessary.

The Mandingoes, generally speaking, are of a mild, sociable, and obliging

disposition. The men are commonly above the middle size, well shaped,

strong, and capable of enduring great labour; the women are good-natured,

sprightly, and agreeable. The dress of both sexes is composed of cotton

cloth, of their own manufacture; that of the men is a loose frock, not

unlike a surplice, with drawers which reach half way down the leg; and

they wear sandals on their feet, and white cotton caps on their heads.

The women's dress consists of two pieces of cloth, each of which they

wrap round the waist, which, hanging down to the ancles, answers the

purpose of a petticoat: the other is thrown negligently over the bosom

and shoulders.

This account of their clothing is indeed nearly applicable to the natives

of all the different countries in this part of Africa; a peculiar

national mode is observable only in the head dresses of the women.

Thus, in the countries of the Gambia, the females wear a sort of bandage,

which they call _Jalla_. It is a narrow stripe of cotton cloth, wrapped

many times round, immediately over the forehead. In Bondou the head is

encircled with strings of white beads, and a small plate of gold is worn

in the middle of the forehead. In Kasson, the ladies decorate their

heads, in a very tasteful and elegant manner, with white sea-shells. In

Kaarta and Ludamar, the women raise their hair to a great height by the

addition of a pad, (as the ladies did formerly in Great Britain,) which

they decorate with a species of coral, brought from the Red Sea by

pilgrims returning from Mecca, and sold at a great price.

In the construction of their dwelling-houses, the Mandingoes also conform

to the general practice of the African nations on this part of the

continent, contenting themselves with small and incommodious hovels. A

circular mud wall about four feet high, upon which is placed a conical

roof, composed of the bamboo cane, and thatched with grass, forms alike

the palace of the king, and the hovel of the slave. Their household

furniture is equally simple. A hurdle of canes placed upon upright

stakes, about two feet from the ground, upon which is spread a mat or

bullock's hide, answers the purpose of a bed; a water jar, some earthen

pots for dressing their food, a few wooden bowls and calabashes, and one

or two low stools, compose the rest.

As every man of free condition has a plurality of wives, it is found

necessary (to prevent, I suppose, matrimonial dispute) that each of the

ladies should be accommodated with a hut to herself; and all the huts

belonging to the same family are surrounded by a fence, constructed of

bamboo canes split and formed into a sort of wicker-work. The whole

inclosure is called a _sirk_ or _surk_. A number of these inclosures,

with narrow passages between them, form what is called a town; but the

huts are generally placed without any regularity, according to the

caprice of the owner. The only rule that seems to be attended to, is

placing the door towards the south-west, in order to admit the sea

breeze.

In each town is a large stage called the _Bentang_, which answers the

purpose of a public hall or townhouse; it is composed of interwoven

canes, and is generally sheltered from the sun by being erected in the

shade of some large tree. It is here that all public affairs are

transacted and trials conducted; and here the lazy and indolent meet to

smoke their pipes, and hear the news of the day. In most of the towns the

Mahomedans have also a _missura_, or mosque, in which they assemble and

offer up their daily prayers, according to the rules of the Koran.

In the account which I have thus given of the natives, the reader must

bear in mind, that my observations apply chiefly to persons of _free

condition_, who constitute, I suppose, not more than one-fourth part of

the inhabitants at large; the other three-fourths are in a state of

hopeless and hereditary slavery; and are employed in cultivating the

land, in the care of cattle, and in servile offices of all kinds, much in

the same manner as the slaves in the West Indies. I was told, however,

that the Mandingo master can neither deprive his slave of life, nor sell

him to a stranger, without first calling a palaver on his conduct; or, in

other words, bringing him to a public trial; but this degree of

protection is extended only to the native of domestic slave. Captives

taken in war, and those unfortunate victims who are condemned to slavery

for crimes or insolvency, and, in short, all those unhappy people who are

brought down from the interior countries for sale, have no security

whatever, but may be treated and disposed of in all respects as the owner

thinks proper. It sometimes happens, indeed, when no ships are on the

coast, that a humane and considerate master incorporates his purchased

slaves among his domestics; and their offspring at least, if not the

parents, become entitled to all the privileges of the native class.

The preceding remarks concerning the several nations that inhabit the

banks of the Gambia, are all that I recollect as necessary to be made in

this place, at the outset of my journey. With regard to the Mandingoes,

however, many particulars are yet to be related; some of which are

necessarily interwoven into the narrative of my progress, and others will

be given in a summary at the end of my work; together with all such

observations as I have collected on the country and climate, which I

could not with propriety insert in the regular detail of occurrences.

What remains of the present chapter will therefore, relate solely to the

trade which the nations of Christendom have found means to establish with

the natives of Africa, by the channel of the Gambia; and the inland

traffic which has arisen in consequence of it between the inhabitants of

the coast and the nations of the interior countries.

The earliest European establishment on this celebrated river was a

factory of the Portuguese; and to this must be ascribed the introduction

of the numerous words of that language which are still in use among the

Negroes. The Dutch, French, and English, afterwards successively

possessed themselves of settlements on the coast, but the trade of the

Gambia became and continued for many years a sort of monopoly in the

hands of the English. In the travels of Francis Moore is preserved an

account of the Royal African Company's establishments in this river, in

the year 1730: at which time James' Factory alone consisted of a

governor, deputy governor, and two other principal officers; eight

factors, thirteen writers, twenty inferior attendants and tradesmen; a

company of soldiers, and thirty-two Negro servants, besides sloops,

shallops, and boats with their crews; and there were no less than eight

subordinate factories in other parts of the river.

The trade with Europe, by being afterwards laid open, was almost

annihilated; the share which the subjects of England at this time hold in

it supports not more than two or three annual ships; and I am informed

that the gross value of British exports is under L. .20,000. The French

and Danes still maintain a small share, and the Americans have lately

sent a few vessels to the Gambia by way of experiment.

The commodities exported to the Gambia from Europe consist chiefly of

fire-arms and ammunition, iron ware, spirituous liquors, tobacco, cotton

caps, a small quantity of broad cloth, and a few articles of the

manufacture of Manchester; a small assortment of India goods, with some

glass beads, amber, and other trifles; for which are taken in exchange

slaves, gold dust, ivory, bees-wax, and hides. Slaves are the chief

article, but the whole number which at this time are annually exported

from the Gambia, by all nations, is supposed to be under one thousand.

Most of these unfortunate victims are brought to the coast in periodical

caravans; many of them from very remote inland countries; for the

language which they speak is not understood by the inhabitants of the

maritime districts. In a subsequent part of my work I shall give the best

information I have been able to collect concerning the manner in which

they are obtained. On their arrival at the coast, if no immediate

opportunity offers of selling them to advantage, they are distributed

among the neighbouring villages, until a slave ship arrives, or until

they can be sold to black traders, who sometimes purchase on speculation.

In the meanwhile, the poor wretches are kept constantly fettered, two and

two of them being chained together, and employed in the labours of the

field; and I am sorry to add, are very scantily fed, as well as harshly

treated. The price of a slave varies according to the number of

purchasers from Europe and the arrival of caravans from the interior; but

in general I reckon that a young and healthy male, from 16 to 25 years of

age, may be estimated on the spot from L. 18 to L. 20 sterling.

The Negro slave merchants, as I have observed in the former chapter, are

called _Slatees_; who, besides slaves, and the merchandize which they

bring for sale to the whites, supply the inhabitants of the maritime

districts with native iron, sweet smelling gums and frankincense, and a

commodity called _Shea-toulou_, which, literally translated, signifies

_tree-butter_. This commodity is extracted by means of boiling water from

the kernel of a nut, as will be more particularly described hereafter; it

has the consistence and appearance of butter; and is in truth an

admirable substitute for it. It forms an important article in the food of

the natives, and serves also for every domestic purpose in which oil

would otherwise be used. The demand for it is therefore very great.

In payment of these articles, the maritime states supply the interior

countries with salt, a scarce and valuable commodity, as I frequently and

painfully experienced in the course of my journey. Considerable

quantities of this article, however, are also supplied to the inland

natives by the Moors; who obtain it from the salt pits in the Great

Desert, and receive in return corn, cotton cloth, and slaves.

In thus bartering one commodity for another, many inconveniences must

necessarily have arisen at first from the want of coined money, or some

other visible and determinate medium, to settle the balance, or

difference of value, between different articles, to remedy which, the

natives of the interior make use of small shells called _kowries_, as

will be shown hereafter. On the coast, the inhabitants have adopted a

practice which, I believe, is peculiar to themselves.

In their early intercourse with Europeans, the article that attracted

most notice was iron. Its utility, in forming the instruments of war and

husbandry, made it preferable to all others; and iron soon became the

measure by which the value of all other commodities was ascertained. Thus

a certain quantity of goods, of whatever denomination, appearing to be

equal to a bar of iron, constituted, in the trader's phraseology, a bar

of that particular merchandize. Twenty leaves of tobacco, for instance,

were considered as a _bar_ of tobacco; and a gallon of spirits (or rather

half spirits and half water) as a _bar_ of rum; a bar of one commodity

being reckoned equal in value to a bar of another commodity.

As, however, it must unavoidably happen, that according to the plenty or

scarcity of goods at market, in proportion to the demand, the relative

value would be subject to continual fluctuation, greater precision has

been found necessary; and at this time the current value of a single bar

of any kind is fixed by the whites at two shillings sterling. Thus a

slave, whose price is L. 15, is said to be worth 150 bars.

In transactions of this nature, it is obvious that the white trader has

infinitely the advantage over the African, whom, therefore, it is

difficult to satisfy; for, conscious of his own ignorance, he naturally

becomes exceedingly suspicious and wavering; and, indeed, so very

unsettled and jealous are the Negroes in their dealings with the whites,

that a bargain is never considered by the European as concluded until the

purchase money is paid, and the party has taken leave.

Having now brought together such general observations on the country and

its inhabitants, as occurred to me during my residence in the vicinage of

the Gambia, I shall detain the reader no longer with introductory matter,

but proceed, in the next chapter, to a regular detail of the incidents

which happened, and the reflections which arose in my mind, in the course

of my painful and perilous journey, from its commencement until my return

to the Gambia.

CHAPTER III.

_The Author sets out from Pisania--his attendants--reaches Jindy.--Story

related by a Mandingo Negro.--Proceeds to Medina, the capital of

Woolli.--Interview with the king--Saphies or charms.--Proceeds to

Kolor.--Description of Mumbo Jumbo--arrives at Koojar--wrestling

match--crosses the wilderness, and arrives at Tallika, in the Kingdom of

Bondou._

On the 2d of December 1795, I took my departure from the hospitable

mansion of Dr. Laidley. I was fortunately provided with a Negro servant,

who spoke both the English and Mandingo tongues. His name was _Johnson_.

He was a native of this part of Africa; and having in his youth been

convoyed to Jamaica as a slave, he had been made free, and taken to

England by his master, where he had resided many years; and at length

found his way back to his native country. As he was known to Dr. Laidley,

the Doctor recommended him to me, and I hired him as my interpreter, at

the rate of ten bars monthly, to be paid to himself, and five bars a

month to be paid to his wife during his absence. Dr. Laidley furthermore

provided me with a Negro boy of his own, named Demba; a sprightly youth,

who, besides Mandingo, spoke the language of the Serawoollies, an inland

people (of whom mention will hereafter be made) residing on the banks of

the Senegal; and to induce him to behave well, the Doctor promised him

his freedom on his return, in case I should report favourably of his

fidelity and services. I was furnished with a horse for myself, (a small,

but very hardy and spirited beast, which cost me to the value of L.7,

10s.,) and two asses for my interpreter and servant. My baggage was

light, consisting chiefly of provisions for two days; a small assortment

of beads, amber, and tobacco, for the purchase of a fresh supply, as I

proceeded; a few changes of linen and other necessary apparel, an

umbrella, a pocket sextant, a magnetic compass, and a thermometer;

together with two fowling-pieces, two pair of pistols, and some other

small articles.

A freeman (a Bushreen or Mahomedan) named Madiboo, who was travelling to

the kingdom of Bambarra, and, two Slatees, or slave-merchants, of the

Serawoolli nation, and of the same sect, who were going to Bondou,

offered their services as far as they intended respectively to proceed;

as did likewise a Negro named Tami, (also a Mahomedan,) a native of

Kasson, who had been employed some years by Dr. Laidley as a blacksmith,

and was returning to his native country with the savings of his labours.

All these men travelled on foot, driving their asses before them. Thus I

had no less than six attendants, all of whom had been taught to regard me

with great respect, and to consider that their safe return hereafter, to

the countries on the Gambia, would depend on my preservation.

Dr. Laidley himself, and Messrs Ainsley, with a number of their domestics,

kindly determined to accompany me the two first days; and I believe they

secretly thought they should never see me afterwards.

We reached Jindey the same day, having crossed the Walli creek, a branch

of the Gambia, and rested at the house of a black woman, who had formerly

been the _chere amie_ of a white trader named Hewett; and who, in

consequence thereof, was called, by way of distinction, _Seniora_. In the

evening we walked out to see an adjoining village, belonging to a Slatee

named Jemafoo Mamadoo, the richest of all the Gambia traders. We found

him at home; and he thought so highly of the honour done him by this

visit, that he presented us with a fine bullock, which was immediately

killed, and part of it dressed for our evening's repast. The Negroes do

not go to supper till late, and in order to amuse ourselves while our

beef was preparing, a Mandingo was desired to relate some diverting

stories; in listening to which, and smoking tobacco, we spent three

hours. These stories bear some resemblance to those in the Arabian Nights

Entertainments; but, in general, are of a more ludicrous cast. I shall

here abridge one of them for the reader's amusement. "Many years ago,

(said the relator,) the people of Doomasansa (a town on the Gambia) were

much annoyed by a lion, that came every night, and took away some of

their cattle. By continuing his depredations, the people were at length

so much enraged, that a party of them resolved to go and hunt the

monster. They accordingly proceeded in search of the common enemy, which

they found concealed in a thicket; and immediately firing at him, were

lucky enough to wound him in such a manner, that, in springing from the

thicket towards the people, he fell down among the grass, and was unable

to rise. The animal, however, manifested such appearance of vigour, that

nobody cared to approach him singly; and a consultation was held,

concerning the properest means of taking him alive; a circumstance, it

was said, which, while it furnished undeniable proof of their prowess,

would turn out to great advantage, it being resolved to convey him to the

coast, and sell him to the Europeans. While some persons proposed one

plan, and some another, an old man offered a scheme. This was, to strip

the roof of a house of its thatch, and to carry the bamboo frame, (the

pieces of which are well secured together by thongs,) and throw it over

the lion. If, in approaching him, he should attempt to spring upon them,

they had nothing to do but to let down the roof upon themselves, and fire

at the lion through the rafters.

"This proposition was approved and adopted. The thatch was taken from the

roof of a hut, and the lion hunters, supporting the fabric, marched

courageously to the field of battle; each person carrying a gun in one

hand, and bearing his share of the roof on the opposite shoulder. In this

manner they approached the enemy; but the beast had by this time

recovered his strength; and such was the fierceness of his countenance,

that the hunters, instead of proceeding any further, thought it prudent

to provide for their own safety, by covering themselves with the roof.

Unfortunately, the lion was too nimble for them; for, making a spring

while the roof was setting down, both the beast and his pursuers were

caught in the same cage, and the lion devoured them at his leisure, to

the great astonishment and mortification of the people of Doomasansa; at

which place it is dangerous even at this day to tell the story; for it is

become the subject of laughter and derision in the neighbouring

countries, and nothing will enrage an inhabitant of that town so much as

desiring him to catch a lion alive."

About one o'clock in the afternoon of the 3d of December, I took my leave

of Dr. Laidley and Messrs Ainsley, and rode slowly into the woods. I had

now before me a boundless forest, and a country, the inhabitants of which

were strangers to civilized life, and to most of whom a white man was the

object of curiosity or plunder. I reflected that I had parted from the

last European I might probably behold, and perhaps quitted for ever the

comforts of Christian society. Thoughts like these would necessarily cast

a gloom over the mind, and I rode musing along for about three miles,

when I was awakened from my reverie by a body of people, who came running

up and stopped the asses, giving me to understand that I must go with

them to Peckaba, to present myself to the King of Walli, or pay customs

to them. I endeavoured to make them comprehend that the object of my

journey not being traffic. I ought not to be subjected to a tax like the

Slatees, and other merchants who travel for gain; but I reasoned to no

purpose. They said it was usual for travellers of all descriptions to

make a present to the King of Walli, and without doing so I could not be

permitted to proceed. As they were more numerous than my attendants, and

withal very noisy, I thought it prudent to comply with their demand, and

having presented them with four bars of tobacco, for the king's use, I

was permitted to continue my journey, and at sunset reached a village

near Kootacunda, where we rested for the night.

In the morning of December 4th, I passed Kootacunda, the last town of

Walli, and stopped about an hour at a small adjoining village to pay

customs to an officer of the King of Woolli; we rested the ensuing night

at a village called Tabajang; and at noon the next day, (December 5th,)

we reached Medina, the capital of the King of Woolli's dominions.

The kingdom of Woolli is bounded by Walli on the west, by the Gambia on

the south, by the small river Walli on the north-west, by Bondou on the

north-east, and on the east by the Simbani wilderness.

The country every where rises into gentle acclivities, which are

generally covered with extensive woods, and the towns are situated in the

intermediate valleys. Each town is surrounded by a tract of cultivated

land, the produce of which, I presume, is found sufficient to supply the

wants of the inhabitants; for the soil appeared to me to be every where

fertile, except near the tops of the ridges, where the red iron stone and

stunted shrubs sufficiently marked the boundaries between fertility and

barrenness. The chief productions are cotton, tobacco, and esculent

vegetables; all which are raised in the valleys, the rising grounds being

appropriated to different sorts of corn.

The inhabitants are Mandingoes; and, like most of the Mandingo nations,

are divided into two great sects, the Mahomedans, who are called

_Bushreens_, and the Pagans, who are called indiscriminately _Kafirs_,

(unbelievers,) and _Sonakies_, (_i. e._ men who drink strong liquors.)

The Pagan natives are by far the most numerous, and the government of the

country is in their hands; for though the most respectable among the

Bushreens are frequently consulted in affairs of importance, yet they are

never permitted to take any share in the executive government, which

rests solely in the hands of the _Mansa_, or sovereign, and great

officers of the state. Of these, the first in point of rank is the

presumptive heir of the crown, who is called the _Farbanna_; next to him

are the _Alkaids_, or provincial governors, who are more frequently

called _Keamos_. Then follow the two grand divisions of freemen and

slaves:[3] of the former, the Slatees, so frequently mentioned in the

preceding pages, are considered as the principal; but in all classes

great respect is paid to the authority of aged men. On the death of the

reigning monarch, his eldest son (if he has attained the age of manhood)

succeeds to the regal authority. If there is no son, or if the son is

under the age of discretion, a meeting of the great men is held, and the

late monarch's nearest relation (commonly his brother) is called to the

government, not as regent, or guardian to the infant son, but in full

right, and to the exclusion of the minor. The charges of the government

are defrayed by occasional tributes from the people, and by duties on

goods transported across the country. Travellers, on going from the

Gambia towards the interior, pay customs in European merchandize. On

returning they pay in iron and _shea-toulou_: these taxes are paid at

every town.

[3] The term which signifies a man of free condition is _Horia_; that

of a slave, _Jong_.

Medina,[4] the capital of the kingdom, at which I was now arrived, is a

place of considerable extent; and may contain from eight hundred to one

thousand houses. It is fortified in the common African manner, by a

surrounding high wall built of clay, and an outward fence of pointed

stakes and prickly bushes; but the walls are neglected, and the outward

fence has suffered considerably from the active hands of busy housewives,

who pluck up the stakes for firewood. I obtained a lodging at one of the

king's near relations, who apprized me, that at my introduction to the

king, I must not presume _to shake hands with him_. It was not usual, he

said, to allow this liberty to strangers. Thus instructed, I went in the

afternoon to pay my respects to the sovereign; and ask permission to pass

through his territories to Bondou. The king's name was _Jatta_. He was

the same venerable old man of whom so favourable an account was

transmitted by Major Houghton. I found him seated upon a mat before the

door of his hut: a number of men and women were arranged on each side,

who were singing and clapping their hands. I saluted him respectfully,

and informed him of the purport of my visit. The king graciously replied,

that he not only gave me leave to pass through his country, but would

offer up his prayers for my safety. On this, one of my attendants,

seemingly in return for the king's condescension, began to sing, or

rather to roar, an Arabic song; at every pause of which, the king

himself, and all the people present, struck their hands against their

forehead, and exclaimed, with devout and affecting solemnity, _Amen!

Amen!_[5] The king told me furthermore, that I should have a guide the

day following, who would conduct me safely to the frontier of his

kingdom. I then took my leave, and in the evening sent the king an order

upon Dr. Laidley for three gallons of rum, and received in return great

store of provisions.

[4] Medina in the Arabic signifies a city. The name is not uncommon

among the Negroes, and has probably been burrowed from the

Mohamedans.

[5] It may seem from hence that the king was a Mahomedan; but I was

assured to the contrary. He joined in prayer on this occasion

probably from the mere dictates of his benevolent mind, considering

perhaps that prayers to the Almighty, offered up with true devotion

and sincerity, were equally acceptable, whether from Bushreen or

Pagan.

December 6th, early in the morning, I went to the king a second time, to

learn if the guide was ready. I found his majesty sitting upon a

bullock's hide, warming himself before a large fire; for the Africans are

sensible of the smallest variation in the temperature of the air, and

frequently complain of cold when a European is oppressed with heat. He

received me with a benevolent countenance, and tenderly entreated me to

desist from my purpose of travelling into the interior; telling me that

Major Houghton had been killed in his route, and that if I followed his

footsteps, I should probably meet with his fate. He said that I must not

judge of the people of the eastern country by those of Woolli: that the

latter were acquainted with white men, and respected them; whereas the

people of the east had never seen a white man, and would certainly

destroy me. I thanked the king for his affectionate solicitude, but told

him that I had considered the matter, and was determined, notwithstanding

all dangers, to proceed. The king shook his head, but desisted from

further persuasion; and told me the guide should be ready in the

afternoon.

About two o'clock, the guide appearing, I went and took my last farewell

of the good old king, and in three hours reached Konjour, a small

village, where we determined to rest for the night. Here I purchased a

fine sheep for some beads, and my Serawoolli attendants killed it with

all the ceremonies prescribed by their religion: part of it was dressed

for supper: after which a dispute arose between one of the Serawoolli

Negroes and Johnson, my interpreter, about the sheep's horns. The former

claimed the horns as his perquisite, for having acted the part of our

butcher, and Johnson contested the claim. I settled the matter by giving

a horn to each of them. This trifling incident is mentioned as

introductory to what follows; for it appeared on inquiry that these horns

were highly valued, as being easily convertible into portable sheaths, or

cases, for containing and keeping secure certain charms or amulets called

_saphies_, which the Negroes constantly wear about them. These saphies

are prayers, or rather sentences, from the Koran, which the Mahomedan

priests write on scraps of paper, and sell to the simple natives, who

consider them to possess very extraordinary virtues. Some of the Negroes

wear them to guard themselves against the bite of snakes or alligators;

and on this occasion the saphie is commonly enclosed in a snake's or

alligator's skin, and tied round the ancle. Others have recourse to them

in time of war, to protect their persons against hostile weapons; but the

common use to which these amulets are applied is to prevent or cure

bodily diseases; to preserve from hunger and thirst; and generally to

conciliate the favour of superior powers under all the circumstances and

occurrences of life.[6]

[6] I believe that similar charms or amulets, under the names of

_domini, grigri, fetich_ &c. &c. are common in all parts of Africa.

In this case it is impossible not to admire the wonderful contagion of

superstition; for, notwithstanding that the majority of the Negroes are

Pagans, and absolutely reject the doctrines of Mahomet. I did not meet

with a man, whether a Bushreen or Kafir, who was not fully persuaded of

the powerful efficacy of these amulets. The truth is, that all the

natives of this part of Africa consider the art of writing as bordering

on magic; and it is not in the doctrines of the prophet, but in the arts

of the magician, that their confidence is placed. It will hereafter be

seen that I was myself lucky enough, in circumstances of distress, to

turn the popular credulity in this respect to good account.

On the 7th I departed from Konjour, and slept at a village called Malla,

(or Mallaing;) and on the 8th about noon I arrived at Kolor, a

considerable town; near the entrance into which I observed, hanging upon

a tree, a sort of masquerade habit, made of the bark of trees, which I

was told on inquiry belonged to MUMBO JUMBO. This is a strange bugbear,

common to all the Mandingo towns, and much employed by the Pagan natives

in keeping their women in subjection; for as the Kafirs are not

restricted in the number of their wives, every one marries as many as he

can conveniently maintain; and as it frequently happens that the ladies

disagree among themselves, family quarrels sometimes rise to such a

height, that the authority of the husband can no longer preserve peace in

his household. In such cases, the interposition of Mumbo Jumbo is called

in, and is always decisive.

This strange minister of justice, (who is supposed to be either the

husband himself, or some person instructed by him,) disguised in the

dress that has been mentioned, and armed with the rod of public

authority, announces his coming (whenever his services are required) by

loud and dismal screams in the woods near the town. He begins the

pantomime at the approach of night; and as soon as it is dark he enters

the town, and proceeds to the Bentang, at which all the inhabitants

immediately assemble.

It may easily be supposed that this exhibition is not much relished by

the women; for, as the person in disguise is entirely unknown to them,

every married female suspects that the visit may possibly be intended for

herself; but they dare not refuse to appear when they are summoned; and

the ceremony commences with songs and dances, which continue till

midnight, about which time Mumbo fixes on the offender. This unfortunate

victim being thereupon immediately seized, is stripped naked, tied to a

post, and severely scourged, with Mumbo's rod, amidst the shouts and

derision of the whole assembly; and it is remarkable, that the rest of

the women are the loudest in their exclamations on this occasion against

their unhappy sister. Daylight puts an end to this indecent and unmanly

revel.

December 9th. As there was no water to be procured on the road, we

travelled with great expedition until we reached Tambacunda; and

departing from thence early the next morning, the 10th, we reached in the

evening Kooniakary, a town of nearly the same magnitude as Kolor. About

noon on the 11th we arrived at Koojar, the frontier town of Woolli,

towards Bondou, from which it is separated by an intervening wilderness

of two days' journey.

The guide appointed by the King of Woolli being now to return, I

presented him with some amber for his trouble; and having been informed

that it was not possible at all times to procure water in the wilderness,

I made inquiry for men who would serve both as guides and water-bearers

during my journey across it. Three Negroes, elephant-hunters, offered

their services for these purposes, which I accepted, and paid them three

bars each in advance, and the day being far spent, I determined to pass

the night in my present quarters.

The inhabitants of Koojar, though not wholly unaccustomed to the sight of

Europeans, (most of them having occasionally visited the countries on the

Gambia,) beheld me with a mixture of curiosity and reverence, and in the

evening invited me to see a _neobering_, or wrestling match at the

Bentang. This is an exhibition very common in all the Mandingo countries.

The spectators arranged themselves in a circle, leaving the intermediate

space for the wrestlers, who were strong active young men, full of

emulation, and accustomed, I suppose, from their infancy to this sort of

exertion. Being stripped of their clothing, except a short pair of

drawers, and having their skin anointed with oil, or _shea_ butter, the

combatants approached each other on all-fours, parrying with, and

occasionally extending a hand for some time, till at length one of them

sprang forward, and caught his rival by the knee. Great dexterity and

judgment were now displayed; but the contest was decided by superior

strength; and I think that few Europeans would have been able to cope

with the conqueror. It must not be unobserved, that the combatants were

animated by the music of a drum, by which their actions were in some

measure regulated.

The wrestling was succeeded by a dance, in which many performers

assisted, all of whom were provided with little bells, which were

fastened to their legs and arms; and here too the drum regulated their

motions. It was beaten with a crooked stick, which the drummer held in

his right hand, occasionally using his left to deaden the sound, and thus

vary the music. The drum is likewise applied on these occasions to keep

order among the spectators, by imitating the sound of certain Mandingo

sentences: for example, when the wrestling match is about to begin, the

drummer strikes what is understood to signify _ali bae see_,--sit all

down; upon which the spectators immediately seat themselves; and when the

combatants are to begin, he strikes _amuta amuta_,--take hold, take hold.

In the course of the evening I was presented, by way of refreshment, with

a liquor which tasted so much like the strong beer of my native country,

(and very good beer too,) as to induce me to inquire into its

composition; and I learned, with some degree of surprise, that it was

actually made from corn which had been previously malted, much in the

same manner as barley is malted in Great Britain: a root yielding a

grateful bitter was used in lieu of hops, the name of which I have

forgot; but the corn which yields the wort is the _holcus spicatus_ of

botanists.

Early in the morning, (the 12th,) I found that one of the

elephant-hunters had absconded with the money he had received from me in

part of wages; and in order to prevent the other two from following his

example, I made them instantly fill their calabashes (or gourds) with

water, and as the sun rose I entered the wilderness that separates the

kingdoms of Woolli and Bondou.

We had not travelled more than a mile before my attendants insisted on

stopping that they might prepare a saphie, or charm, to ensure us a safe

journey. This was done by muttering a few sentences, and spitting upon a

stone, which was thrown before us on the road. The same ceremony was

repeated three times, after which the Negroes proceeded with the greatest

confidence; every one being firmly persuaded that the stone (like the

scape-goat) had carried with it every thing that could induce superior

powers to visit us with misfortune.

We continued our journey without stopping any more until noon, when we

came to a large tree, called by the natives Neema Tula. It had a very

singular appearance, being decorated with innumerable rags or scraps of

cloth, which persons travelling across the wilderness had, at different

times, tied to the branches; probably, at first, to inform the traveller

that water was to be found near it; but the custom has become so

sanctioned by time, that nobody now presumes to pass without hanging up

something. I followed the example, and suspended a handsome piece of

cloth on one of the boughs; and being told that either a well or pool of

water was at no great distance, I ordered the Negroes to unload the asses

that we might give them corn, and regale ourselves with the provisions we

had brought. In the meantime, I sent one of the elephant-hunters to look

for the well, intending, if water was to be obtained, to rest here for

the night. A pool was found, but the water was thick and muddy, and the

Negro discovered near it the remains of a fire recently extinguished, and

the fragments of provisions, which afforded a proof that it had been

lately visited, either by travellers or banditti. The fears of my

attendants supposed the latter; and believing that robbers lurked near

us, I was persuaded to change my resolution of resting here all night,

and proceed to another watering place, which I was assured we might reach

early in the evening.

We departed accordingly, but it was eight o'clock at night before we came

to the watering place; and being now sufficiently fatigued with so long a

day's journey, we kindled a large fire, and lay down, surrounded by our

cattle, on the bare ground, more than a gun-shot from any bush; the

Negroes agreeing to keep watch by turns to prevent surprise.

I know not indeed that any danger was justly to be dreaded, but the

Negroes were unaccountably apprehensive of banditti during the whole of

the journey. As soon, therefore, as day light appeared, we filled our

_soofroos_ (skins) and calabashes at the pool, and set out for Tallika,

the first town in Bondou, which we reached about eleven o'clock in the

forenoon, (the 13th of December.) I cannot, however, take leave of

Woolli, without observing that I was every where well received by the

natives; and that the fatigues of the day were generally alleviated by a

hearty welcome at night; and although the African mode of living was at

first unpleasant to me, yet I found, at length, that custom surmounted

trifling inconveniences, and made every thing palatable and easy.

CHAPTER IV.

_Some account of the inhabitants of Tallika.--The Author proceeds for

Fatteconda--incidents on the road.--Crosses the Neriko, arrives at

Koorkarany--reaches the River Faleme--Fishery on that river--proceeds

along its bank to Naye or Nayemow--crosses the Faleme, and arrives at

Fatteconda.--Has an interview with Almami, the Sovereign of

Bondou.--Description of the King's dwelling--has a second interview with

the King, who begs the Author's Coat--Author visits the King's wives--is

permitted to depart on friendly, terms.--Journey by night--arrives at

Joag.--Some account of Bondou and its inhabitants, the Foulahs._

Tallika, the frontier town of Bondou towards Woolli, is inhabited chiefly

by Foulahs of the Mahomedan religion, who live in considerable affluence,

partly by furnishing provisions to the _coffles_, or caravans, that pass

through the town, and partly by the sale of ivory, obtained by hunting

elephants; in which employment the young men are generally very

successful. Here, an officer belonging to the King of Bondou constantly

resides, whose business it is to give timely information of the arrival

of the caravans; which are taxed according to the number of loaded asses

that arrive at Tallika.

I took up my residence at this officer's house, and agreed with him to

accompany me to Fatteconda, the residence of the king, for which he was

to receive five bars; and before my departure I wrote a few lines to Dr

Laidley, and gave my letter to the master of a caravan bound for the

Gambia. This caravan consisted of nine or ten people with five asses

loaded with ivory. The large teeth are conveyed in nets, two on each side

of the ass; the small ones are wrapped up in skins, and secured with

ropes.

December 14th. We left Tallika, and rode on very peaceably for

about two miles, when a violent quarrel arose between two of my

fellow-travellers,--one of whom was the blacksmith,--in the course of

which they bestowed some opprobrious terms upon each other; and it is

worthy of remark, that an African will sooner forgive a blow than a term

of reproach applied to his ancestors: "Strike me, but do not curse my

mother," is a common expression even among the slaves. This sort of

abuse, therefore, so enraged one of the disputants, that he drew his

cutlass upon the blacksmith, and would certainly have ended the dispute

in a very serious manner, if the others had not laid hold of him, and

wrested the cutlass from him. I was obliged to interfere, and put an end

to this disagreeable business, by desiring the blacksmith to be silent,

and telling the other who I thought was in the wrong, that if he

attempted in future to draw his cutlass, or molest any of my attendants,

I should look upon him as a robber, and shoot him without further

ceremony. This threat had the desired effect, and we marched sullenly

along till the afternoon, when we arrived at a number of small villages

scattered over an open and fertile plain: At one of these, called Ganado,

we took up our residence for the night; here an exchange of presents and

a good supper terminated all animosities among my attendants; and the

night was far advanced before any of us thought of going to sleep. We

were amused by an itinerant _singing man_,[7] who told a number of

diverting stories, and played some sweet airs, by blowing his breath upon

a bowstring, and striking it at the same time with a stick.

[7] These are a sort of travelling bards and musicians, who sing

extempore songs in praise of those who employ them. A fuller

account of them will be given hereafter.

December 15th. At daybreak my fellow-travellers, the Serawoollies, took

leave of me, with many prayers for my safety. About a mile from Ganado,

we crossed a considerable branch of the Gambia called Neriko. The banks

were steep, and covered with _mimosas_; and I observed in the mud a

number of large muscles, but the natives do not eat them. About noon, the

sun being exceedingly hot, we rested two hours in the shade of a tree,

and purchased some milk and pounded corn from some Foulah herdsmen, and

at sunset reached a town called Koorkarany, where the blacksmith had some

relations; and here we rested two days.

Koorkarany is a Mahomedan town, surrounded by a high wall, and is

provided with a mosque. Here I was shown a number of Arabic manuscripts,

particularly a copy of the book before mentioned, called _Al Shara_. The

_Maraboo_ or priest, in whose possession it was, read and explained to me

in Mandingo, many of the most remarkable passages; and in return I showed

him Richardson's Arabic grammar which he very much admired. On the

evening of the second day (Dec. 17th) we departed from Koorkarany. We

were joined by a young man who was travelling to Fatteconda for salt; and

as night set in we reached Dooggi, a small village about three miles from

Koorkarany.

Provisions were here so cheap that I purchased a bullock for six small

stones of amber; for I found my company increase or diminish according to

the good fare they met with.

Dec. 18th. Early in the morning we departed from Dooggi, and being joined

by a number of Foulahs and other people, made a formidable appearance;

and were under no apprehension of being plundered in the woods. About

eleven o'clock one of the asses proving very refractory, the Negroes took

a curious method to make him tractable. They cut a forked stick, and

putting the forked part into the ass's mouth, like the bit of a bridle,

tied the two smaller parts together above his head, leaving the lower

part of the stick of sufficient length to strike against the ground if

the ass should attempt to put his head down. After this, the ass walked

along quietly, and gravely enough, taking care, after some practice, to

hold his head sufficiently high to prevent the stones or roots of trees

from striking against the end of the stick, which experience had taught

him would give a severe shock to his teeth. This contrivance produced a

ludicrous appearance, but my fellow-travellers told me it was constantly

adopted by the Slatees, and always proved effectual.

In the evening we arrived at a few scattered villages, surrounded with

extensive cultivation; a tone of which, called Buggil, we passed the

night in a miserable hut, having no other bed than a bundle of corn

stalks, and no provisions but what we brought with us. The wells here are

dug with great ingenuity, and are very deep. I measured one of the

bucket-ropes, and found the depth of the well to be 28 fathoms.

Dec. 19th. We departed from Buggil, and travelled along a dry, stony

height, covered with _mimosas_ till mid-day; when the land sloped towards

the east, and we descended into a deep valley, in which I observed

abundance of whin stone and white quartz. Pursuing our course to the

eastward, along this valley, in the bed of an exhausted river course, we

came to a large village, where we intended to lodge. We found many of the

natives dressed in a thin French gauze, which they call _Byqui_; this

being a light airy dress, and well calculated to display the shape of

their persons, is much esteemed by the ladies. The manners of these

females, however, did not correspond with their dress; for they were rude

and troublesome in the highest degree; they surrounded me in numbers,

begging for amber, beads, &c.; and were so vehement in their

solicitations, that I found it impossible to resist them. They tore my

cloak, cut the buttons from my boy's clothes, and were proceeding to

other outrages, when I mounted my horse and rode off, followed for half a

mile by a body of these harpies.

In the evening we reached Soobrudooka, and as my company was numerous,

(being fourteen,) I purchased a sheep, and abundance of corn for supper

after which we lay down by the bundles, and passed an uncomfortable night

in a heavy dew.

Dec. 20th. We departed from Soobrudooka, and at two o'clock reached a

large village situated on the banks of the Faleme River, which is here

rapid and rocky. The natives were employed in fishing in various ways.

The large fish were taken in long baskets made of split cane, and placed

in a strong current which was created by walls of stone built across the

stream, certain open places being left, through which the water rushed

with great force. Some of these baskets were more than 20 feet long, and

when once the fish had entered one of them, the force of the stream

prevented it from returning. The small fish were taken in great numbers

in hand-nets, which the natives weave of cotton, and use with great

dexterity. The fish last mentioned are about the size of sprats, and are

prepared for sale in different ways; the most common is by pounding them

entire as they come from the stream in a wooden mortar, and exposing them

to dry in the sun, in large lumps like sugar loaves. It may be supposed

that the smell is not very agreeable; but in the Moorish countries to the

north of the Senegal, where fish is scarcely known, this preparation is

esteemed as a luxury, and sold to considerable advantage. The manner of

using it by the natives is, by dissolving a piece of this blackloaf in

boiling water, and mixing it with their kouskous.

I thought it very singular at this season of the year, to find the banks

of the Faleme every where covered with large and beautiful fields of

corn, but on examination I found it was not the same species of grain as

is commonly cultivated on the Gambia; it is called by the natives Mania,

and grows in the dry season; is very prolific, and is reaped in the month

of January. It is the same which, from the depending position of the ear,

is called by botanical writers _holcus cernuus_.

On returning to the village, after an excursion to the river side, to

inspect the fishery, an old Moorish shereeff came to bestow his blessing

upon me, and beg some paper to write saphies upon. This man had seen

Major Houghton in the kingdom of Kaarta, and told me that he died in the

country of the Moors. I gave him a few sheets of paper, and he levied a

similar tribute from the blacksmith; for it is customary for young

Mussulmen to make presents to the old ones, in order to obtain their

blessing, which is pronounced in Arabic, and received with great

humility.

About three in the afternoon we continued our course along the bank of

the river, to the northward, till eight o clock, when we reached Nayemow;

here the hospitable master of the town received us kindly, and presented

us with a bullock. In return, I gave him some amber and beads.

Dec. 21st. In the morning, having agreed for a canoe to carry over my

bundles, I crossed the river, which came up to my knees as I sat on my

horse; but the water is so clear, that from the high bank the bottom is

visible all the way over.

About noon we entered Fatteconda, the capital of Bondou; and in a little

time received an invitation to the house of a respectable Slatee: for, as

there are no public houses in Africa, it is customary for strangers to

stand at the Bentang, or some other place of public resort, till they are

invited to a lodging by some of the inhabitants. We accepted the offer;

and in an hour afterwards, a person came and told me that he was sent on

purpose to conduct me to the king, who was very desirous of seeing me

immediately, if I was not too much fatigued.

I took my interpreter with me, and followed the messenger till we got

quite out of the town, and crossed some corn fields; when, suspecting

some trick, I stopped, and asked the guide whither he was going. Upon

which he pointed to a man sitting under a tree at some little distance;

and told me that the king frequently gave audiences in that retired

manner, in order to avoid a crowd of people; and that nobody but myself

and my interpreter must approach him. When I advanced, the king desired

me to come and sit by him upon the mat; and after hearing my story, on

which he made no observation, he asked if I wished to purchase any slaves

or gold: being answered in the negative, he seemed rather surprised; but

desired me to come to him in the evening, and he would give me some

provisions.

This monarch was called Almami; a Moorish name, though I was told that he

was not a Mahomedan, but a Kafir, or Pagan. I had heard that he had acted

towards Major Houghton with great unkindness, and caused him to be

plundered. His behaviour, therefore, towards myself at this interview,

though much more civil than I expected, was far from freeing me from

uneasiness. I still apprehended some double dealing; and as I was now

entirely in his power, I thought it best to smooth the way by a present:

Accordingly, I took with me in the evening one canister of gunpowder,

some amber, tobacco, and my umbrella: and as I considered that my bundles

would inevitably be searched, I concealed some few articles in the roof

of the hut where I lodged, and I put on my new blue coat, in order to

preserve it.

All the houses belonging to the king and his family are surrounded by a

lofty mud wall, which converts the whole into a kind of citadel. The

interior is subdivided into different courts. At the first place of

entrance I observed a man standing with a musket on his shoulder; and I

found the way to his presence very intricate, leading through many

passages, with sentinels placed at the different doors. When we came to

the entrance of the court in which the king resides, both my guide and

interpreter, according to custom, took off their sandals; and the former

pronounced the king's name aloud, repeating it till he was answered from

within. We found the monarch sitting upon a mat, and two attendants with

him. I repeated what I had before told him concerning the object of my

journey, and my reasons for passing through his country. He seemed,

however, but half satisfied. The notion of travelling for curiosity was

quite new to him. He thought it impossible, he said, that any man in his

senses would undertake so dangerous a journey, merely to look at the

country and its inhabitants: however, when I offered to show him the

contents of my portmanteau, and every thing belonging to me, he was

convinced: and it was evident that his suspicion had arisen from a

belief, that every white man must of necessity be a trader. When I had

delivered my presents, he seemed well pleased, and was particularly

delighted with the umbrella, which he repeatedly furled and unfurled, to

the great admiration of himself and his two attendants, who could not for

some time comprehend the use of this wonderful machine. After this I was

about to take my leave, when the king, desiring me to stop awhile, began

along preamble in favour of the whites; extolling their immense wealth

and good dispositions. He next proceeded to an eulogium on my blue coat,

of which the yellow buttons seemed particularly to catch his fancy; and

he concluded by entreating me to present him with it; assuring me, for my

consolation under the loss of it, that he would wear it on all public

occasions, and inform every one who saw it of my great liberality towards

him. The request of an African prince, in his own dominions, particularly

when made to a stranger, comes little short of a command. It is only a

way of obtaining by gentle means what he can, if he pleases, take by

force; and as it was against my interest to offend him by a refusal, I

very quietly took off my coat, the only good one in my possession, and

laid it at his feet.

In return for my compliance, he presented me with great plenty of

provisions, and desired to see me again in the morning. I accordingly

attended, and found him sitting upon his bed. He told me he was sick; and

wished to have a little blood taken from him; but I had no sooner tied up

his arm, and displayed the lancet, than his courage failed; and he begged

me to postpone the operation till the afternoon, as he felt himself, he

said, much better than he had been, and thanked me kindly for my

readiness to serve him. He then observed that his women were very

desirous to see me, and requested that I would favour them with a visit.

An attendant was ordered to conduct me; and I had no sooner entered the

court appropriated to the ladies, than the whole seraglio surrounded me:

some begging for physic, some for amber; and all of them desirous of

trying that great African specific, _blood-letting_. They were ten or

twelve in number, most of them young and handsome, and wearing on their

heads ornaments of gold, and beads of amber.

They rallied me with a good deal of gaiety on different subjects;

particularly upon the whiteness of my skin, and the prominency of my

nose. They insisted that both were artificial. The first, they said, was

produced when I was an infant, by dipping me in milk; and they insisted

that my nose had been pinched every day, till it had acquired its present

unsightly and unnatural conformation. On my part, without disputing my

own deformity, I paid them many compliments on African beauty, I praised

the glossy jet of their skins, and the lovely depression of their noses;

but they said that flattery, or (as they emphatically termed it)

_honey-mouth_, was not esteemed in Bondou. In return, however, for my

company or my compliments, (to which, by the way, they seemed not so

insensible as they affected to be), they presented me with a jar of honey

and some fish, which were sent to my lodging; and I was desired to come

again to the king a little before sunset.

I carried with me some beads and writing paper, it being usual to present

some small offering on taking leave; in return for which, the king gave

me five drachms of gold; observing that it was but a trifle, and given

out of pure friendship; but would be of use to me in travelling, for the

purchase of provision. He seconded this act of kindness by one still

greater; politely telling me, that though it was customary to examine the

baggage of every traveller passing through his country, yet, in the

present instance, he would dispense with that ceremony; adding, that I

was at liberty to depart when I pleased.

Accordingly, on the morning of the 23d, we left Fatteconda, and about

eleven o'clock came to a small village, where we determined to stop for

the rest of the day.

In the afternoon my fellow-travellers informed me, that as this was the

boundary between Bondou and Kajaaga, and dangerous for travellers, it

would be necessary to continue our journey by night, until we should

reach a more hospitable part of the country. I agreed to the proposal,

and hired two people for guides through the woods; and as soon as the

people of the village were gone to sleep, (the moon shining bright,) we

set out. The stillness of the air, the howling of the wild beasts, and

the deep solitude of the forest, made the scene solemn and impressive.

Not a word was uttered by any of us, but in a whisper; all were

attentive, and every one anxious to show his sagacity, by pointing out to

me the wolves and hyaenas as they glided, like shadows, from one thicket

to another.--Towards morning we arrived at a village called Kimmoo,

where our guides awakened one of their acquaintances, and we stopped to

give the asses some corn and roast a few groundnuts for ourselves. At

daylight we resumed our journey, and in the afternoon arrived at Joag in

the kingdom of Kajaaga.

Being now in a country, and among a people, differing in many respects

from those that have as yet fallen under our observation, I shall, before

I proceed further, give some account of Bondou, (the territory we have

left,) and its inhabitants, the Foulahs, the description of whom I

purposely reserved for this part of my work.

Bondou is bounded on the east by Bambouk; on the south-east, and south,

by Tenda, and the Simbani Wilderness; on the south-west by Woolli; on the

west by Foota Torra; and on the north by Kajaaga.

The country, like that of Woolli, is very generally covered with woods,

but the land is more elevated, and towards the Faleme river, rises into

considerable hills. In native fertility the soil is not surpassed, I

believe, by any part of Africa.

From the central situation of Bondou between the Gambia and Senegal

rivers, it is become a place of great resort; both for the Slatees, who

generally pass through it, in going from the coast to the interior

countries, and for occasional traders, who frequently come hither from

the inland countries to purchase salt.

These different branches of commerce are conducted principally by

Mandingoes and Serawoollies, who have settled in the country. These

merchants likewise carry on a considerable trade with Gedumah, and other

Moorish countries, bartering corn and blue cotton cloths for salt; which

they again barter in Dentila and other districts for iron, shea-butter,

and small quantities of gold-dust. They likewise sell a variety of

sweet-smelling gums packed up in small bags, containing each about a

pound. These gums, being thrown on hot embers, produce a very pleasant

odour, and are used by the Mandingoes for perfuming their huts and

clothes.

The customs, or duties on travellers, are very heavy; in almost every

town an ass-load pays a bar of European merchandize; and at Fatteconda,

the residence of the king, one Indian baft, or a musket, and six bottles

of gunpowder, are exacted as a common tribute. By means of these duties,

the King of Bondou is well supplied with arms and ammunition; a

circumstance which makes him formidable to the neighbouring states.

The inhabitants differ in their complexions and national manners from the

Mandingoes and Serawoollies, with whom they are frequently at war. Some

years ago the King of Bondou crossed the Faleme river with a numerous

army, and after a short and bloody campaign, totally defeated the forces

of Samboo,

King of Bambouk, who was obliged to sue for peace, and surrender to him

all the towns along the eastern bank of the Faleme.

The Foulahs, in general, (as has been observed in a former chapter,) are

of a tawny complexion, with small features, and soft silky hair; next to

the Mandingoes they are undoubtedly the most considerable of all the

nations in this part of Africa. Their original country is said to be

Fooladoo, (which signifies the country of the Foulahs,) but they possess

at present many other kingdoms at a great distance from each other; their

complexion, however, is not exactly the same in the different districts;

in Bondou, and the other kingdoms which are situated in the vicinity of

the Moorish territories, they are of a more yellow complexion than in the

southern states.

The Foulahs of Bondou are naturally of a mild and gentle disposition, but

the uncharitable maxims of the Koran have made them less hospitable to

strangers, and more reserved in their behaviour than the Mandingoes. They

evidently consider all the Negro natives as their inferiors; and when

talking of different nations, always rank themselves among the white

people.