THE INDIAN CABINET.--HOUSE OF
LEGISLATURE.--SENATE.--LADIES.--SENATORS.--PRESIDENT.
The principal lions of Washington, after the legislative chambers, are
the Navy-yard, the President's mansion, the National Exhibition,
connected with the patent-office, containing specimens of mechanical
inventions either original or considered such by their industrious
projectors, and lastly the offices for the department of State.
In the latter was a chamber which to me offered more attractions than
all the other objects put together: it contained a collection of
original portraits of the most distinguished amongst the aborigines,
allied with or opposed to the States.
This is an object well worthy the care of government, and, it is to be
hoped, one that will be persevered in, for yet but a few years, and here
will be the only memento left of the Red-man within the land. Something
is due to the memory of these savage warriors and legislators; this
tribute serves to render them a sort of poetical justice, and wins a
sympathy for their fate, through their portraits, which might have been
withheld from themselves,--at least, judging of those I have seen,
drunken, dirty, and debased.
Here, indeed, they show gallantly out, the untameable children of the
forest, the lords of the lake and of the river, some of them absolutely
handsome, their costume being in the highest degree chivalric; many,
unluckily, are clad in a mixed fashion, half Indian, half
American,--grotesque, but unbecoming when compared with the gaudily
turbaned and kilted Creek, or the plumed and painted Winnebago, who,
leaning on his rifle beneath a forest tree, and listening with a keen,
unwearying aspect for the coming tread of his foe or his prey, looks
like a being never born to wear harness or own a master.
A few of the chiefs are painted in the full-dress uniform of the
American army, but are not for an instant to be mistaken; although Red
Jacket, the great orator and warrior, and one or two others have
features exceedingly resembling some of the Provencal _noblesse_ of
France: the common expression is, however, almost uniformly
characteristic of their nature, cold, crafty, and cruel; I hardly found
one face in which I could have looked for either mercy or
compunction--always excepting the women, of whom here are a few
specimens. It would be but gallant to add to the number, if there are
many such amongst the tribes; for the features of these are pretty,
their expression truly feminine and gentle, with the most dove-like,
loveable eyes in nature.
I, some time after this, found a very fine work in course of publication
at Philadelphia, containing coloured prints, large folio size, made from
these and other original sources; with accurate biographical notices of
the most important amongst the chiefs, and a detailed account of their
history and habits. The author is Colonel M'Kenny, for many years
resident Indian agent, living amongst and with the people he describes;
and combining with these opportunities education, intelligence, and much
enthusiasm on the subject. In this work will be given correct
translations of their highly expressive but unpronounceable
appellations; and as much justice done to their characters, as, I can
answer for it, has been already rendered to their outward form and
features.
The courtesy which distinguishes officials of every rank in this
country makes a visit to this, or any public place, not only a matter of
pleasure but of profit to the stranger; since one rarely returns without
some anecdote or information connected with the object visited, given in
an off-hand agreeable manner, which is in itself a gratification. I have
never been a sight-hunter in Europe, and this not from indolence or lack
of laudable curiosity, I believe; but simply through considering the
forms and difficulties that hedge in most places and persons worthy
observance, more than equivalent to the gratification to be won from a
sight of them. The case is different here: there is no unnecessary fuss
or form; the highest public servants are left to protect themselves from
impertinent intrusion; and to the stranger, all places that may be
considered public property are perfectly accessible, without any tax
being levied on his pride, his patience, or his purse,--matters which
might be amended in England, greatly to the advancement of our national
character, and in these reforming days not unworthy consideration.
I was a good deal amused looking over the various costly gifts which
have been, from time to time, presented by foreign potentates to the
distinguished public servants of America, all of which are here
collected; the law not permitting those on whom they were bestowed to
retain them, although yielding to the custom which has rendered such
marks of courtly approbation customary amongst the great ones of Europe.
I could not help smiling as I fancied the disgorgement of all the
_cadeaux_ exchanged between ministers and generals, and treaty-makers
and breakers, since 1812, an epoch fruitful of such courtesies. Why, it
would pay off the national debt of the general government of this
country, and leave a surplus for watering the streets of the capital, if
the legislature did not find fault with the appropriation, and continue
to prefer being blinded, as they are at present, rather than purchase a
few water-carts for the corporation, which it seems is too impoverished
to afford any outlay on its own account.
There was nothing that puzzled me more, on a first view of the matter,
than the utter indifference with which the Americans look upon the
exceedingly unworthy condition of their capital, when considered in
relation with the magnitude, the greatness, and prosperous condition of
their common country. During months of every session, the roads leading
through the district of Columbia are all but impassable: independent of
the discomfort and delay consequent upon their condition, hardly a
season passes without some member or other being injured more or less by
overturns, which are things of common occurrence; yet, only let
government insert one extra item in the budget to be applied to the
service of this their common property, and all parties from all quarters
of the Union unite to reject the supply.
I heard of a curious instance of this jealousy of poor Columbia whilst
on my last visit here. The great avenue, or principal street, leading
from the President's house to the Capitol, had recently been redeemed
from mud according to the plans of M'Adam; but the exposure of the
situation, and the nature of the material employed, rendered the
improvement rather questionable: every breeze that now blew filled the
atmosphere with thick clouds of dust charged with particles of mica,
which really made it a hazardous matter to venture forth on a gusty day,
unless in a closed carriage, when tired of sitting at home, suffocated
with heat, or smothered with dust by the wind, which ought to have
borne health and comfort on its wings instead of this eighth plague.
Every one complained, all suffered; members, senators, the President,
and the cabinet, all were having dust flung in their eyes, at a period
when the commonwealth required that they should all be most especially
keen and clearsighted. The Potomac, meantime, swept by them, clear and
cool, and the classic Tiber could with difficulty be kept out of their
houses. The Romans would have made their Tiber useful on such an
occasion, and the ready remedy at length suggested itself to the
half-smothered senators. The sum of a few hundred dollars was promptly
voted to abate the evil, in conjunction with the Tiber, whose
contribution was here on demand. The bill was, however, rejected on its
farther course: the dust continued to rise, the people saved their
dollars, their representatives continued blind, and the banks of the
Tiber remained undrawn on.
If you venture an observation upon this obvious absence of all decent
pride in their capital, as being somewhat singular in a people who seem
wrapt in their country, and solicitous that it should show worthily in
the world's eyes, the case is admitted, and accounted for readily
enough, but by no means creditably, in my mind.
The members from Louisiana or Maine will tell you that they cannot
satisfactorily account to their constituents for voting sums of money to
adorn or render convenient a city these may never see, and for whose
very existence they have no care.
The man from the great western valley will shrug up his shoulders at
your observation, admit its truth, but add, that the idea of the
continuance of Washington, as the metropolis of the Union, and seat of
the general government, is a ridicule, since this ought clearly to wait
upon the tide of population, and be situated west of the Alleghanies.
Neither of these answers are worthy the country or the American people:
the citizen voters of these distant states should be reminded that the
district of Columbia is their common property, and Washington the
capital of their great Union, representing them in the eyes of
strangers, and from whose present condition the least prejudiced
European will find it difficult to avoid drawing injurious conclusions.
Without internal resources, and entirely dependent upon the government,
it would be worthy their national grandeur to make this district a type
of that grandeur; and its city, as far as all public buildings and
general conveniences might be concerned, second to none in the world.
Presuming even its occupation to be temporary, and that, at no distant
period, it will be deserted, left again to the dominion of nature, to be
once more incorporated with the forest,--why, a Russian boyard has
raised as fine a city, to lodge his royal mistress in for one night, and
set it on fire to light her home on the next after!
Were it of a certainty to be deserted in ten years, I would, were I a
representative about to be sent to it, say to my clients: "As for
Washington, let us build, beautify, and render it habitable and
convenient, so that, when hereafter the European traveller seeks its
ruins in the forest, he shall never doubt but that he looks upon the
site once honoured as the capital of the American people."
I have, when in conversation with intelligent friends here, delivered
similar sentiments, and they have smiled at them without admitting
their justice or applicability: I now set them down for their further
amusement, not because I imagine they will be a tittle the more
regarded, but simply because such were my "Impressions" of Washington.
I went several times to the senate-chamber and the hall of the
representatives; but was not fortunate enough to hear a debate in the
latter, or find any very important topic under discussion. Speeches I
never found much attraction in anywhere, unless deeply interested in the
subject of them; and those of the American assembly are rather made to
be read than to be listened to. The arguments, thus delivered in
Washington, are in fact directed to, and intended for, the constituents
of the party, to whom they are directly forwarded in the shape of most
formidable-looking pamphlets, no matter to what distance, post-free,
serving as an exposition of the author's sentiments, and an evidence of
his industry.
In the senate I had the happiness to hear a slight matter debated, in
which Messrs. Clay and Forsyth took part; and I was struck with the
force and fluency of the one, and the gentlemanlike tone and quiet
self-possession of the other. Mr. Henry Clay reminded me strongly of
Brougham, when the latter happens to be in one of his mildest
moods;--the same facility of words and happy adaptation of them; the
same bold, confident air, as though assured of his auditory and of
himself; and withal, a touch of sly caustic humour, conveyed in look and
in manner, that an adversary might well feel heedful of awakening.
Mr. Webster, another of the thunderers of the senate, was in his place
on the occasion I allude to, but did not rise, which I was exceedingly
anxious he should do, for I had already heard him speak at Boston, and
never remember to have been more impressed. The cast, and setting on, of
his head is grand, quite antique, his features massive and regular, yet
in their expression, and in the calm repose of his deep-set black eyes,
there is a strong resemblance to the native Indian, with whose blood, I
believe, the great orator claims close affinity.
Mr. Van Buren's manner I thought highly characteristic of his political
character,--cool, courteous; with a tone quiet but persuasive, a voice
low-pitched, but singularly effective from the clearness of his
enunciation and well-chosen emphasis. He bestows an undivided attention
to the matter before the house becoming his situation.
As vice-president, this gentleman is chairman of the senate; a situation
at this time of peculiar delicacy, considering his position as the
proclaimed director of the measures of General Jackson's cabinet, and
heir to his party and his power. His filling this chair with so little
reproach under assaults and provocations which it required the greatest
good temper and good sense to encounter or turn aside, I consider no
slight evidence of that wisdom and political sagacity for which his
party give him credit, and which have acquired for him amongst his
admirers the familiar cognomen of the Little Magician.
The ladies, however, formed the chief attraction of the senate-chamber.
Occupying a sort of passage or gallery on a level with and circling
round two-thirds of the floor, here they sit, listening to their
favourite speaker wherever he may be engaged, either before the
President's chair boldly advancing the common interest, or behind some
fair politician's, timidly seeking to advance his own, and hence, deal
forth their award in well-pleased smiles, in due proportion to the
eloquence of the speaker, public or private.
This is a custom the advantages of which I am sorry to find are about
to be tested in England. Shame that a man should ever have to express
regret that one other muster-place had been invented for a _reunion_ of
pretty faces! But such is my honest impression, and with me honesty is
paramount;--a quality which must serve to balance my discourteous
opinion, and restore me to the sex's favour. Then again, I am not of the
Commons' House, or likely to be; and do not choose, perhaps, that the
members should divide with me that part of my audience I value most, and
would desire if possible to monopolize.
Why then, it may be asked, are these your only reasons? In reply permit
me to say, I have a reserve of minor importance, but which may be added
as a make-weight to my graver argument,--I do not think the place will
become them, or that the habit of hearing debates will improve them. I
had as soon see a woman a dragoon as a politician: not a Hussar; for I
have seen a lady of our land make a very dashing hussar, without
forfeiting one charm as a woman. No: I mean a "Heavy," with jackboots
and cuirass, helmet and horse-hair; and to this condition will the
novelty of the thing, if it becomes a fashion, possibly degrade our
gentle, retiring, womanly women.
Let me here, however, declare, that it does not appear to have had this
fatal effect upon the American ladies, since I never found one amongst
them who thought about talking politics, unless it was with some snob
who was too stupid to talk any nonsense less dull. But then they are
born to the manner, and very few of them resident in the capital. It is
only a novelty, therefore, enjoyed once or twice; then yawned over,
voted tiresome, and forgotten.
On the other hand, our ladies, who would be most likely to monopolize
the house, are in town for the whole session, eager for new excitement,
and prepared to die martyrs to anything that may become the rage: then
again, although I will answer for their capability of remaining silent
during a debate, unless they are differently constituted from their fair
kinswomen, t'other side the Atlantic, yet is there a coming and going, a
rustling of silk and pulling off of gloves, a glancing of sparkling
rings and yet more sparkling eyes, anything but promoters of attention
or order in the house; besides the danger of a faint or two during a
crush or a row amongst the members,--the latter, if one may rely upon
the journals, a thing of nightly recurrence now.
I have many other good reasons to advance, but as they chiefly apply to
the younger members, I think it useless to add them; indeed, my object
in saying so much is rather to justify my expressed opinion, than from
either the desire or hope of seeing an order so likely to prove
agreeable to the Commons' House rescinded.
Politics have rarely run higher, or assumed an aspect more startling to
a European, than during my residence in the States; and though it is not
my intention to deal largely with a subject which every brother
scribbler, who spends his six months here, arranges to his great ease
and perfect satisfaction, yet, whenever I think my object of making the
people known may be advanced by giving a smack of their politics, I
shall do so with perfect freedom, considering this as ground on which
the best friends may differ without any impeachment of good feeling or
sound judgment.
The assumption of a new power by the President in the removal of the
national fund, upon his own responsibility, from the United States
Bank, and in violation of the terms of their unexpired charter, deranged
for a time the credit of the community, and convulsed the land from one
extremity to the other. During this panic, remonstrances and prayers for
redress poured in from one party; whilst addresses, laudatory and
congratulatory, were duly gotten up by the other.
The sea-board cities, together with every trading community, crowded the
capital with deputations, praying the President to restore the monies
and heal the national credit, until their importunities became so
frequent, so personal, and led to such undignified altercations between
these delegates and the chief of the government, that the gates of the
palace were fairly closed against them; and, as the Whig journals
expressed it, "for the first time, the Republic beheld the doors of the
chief magistrate barred upon delegates charged to pour out the
sufferings of the people, to remonstrate against their causes, and to
awaken their author to a sense of his tyranny and injustice."
In senate and congress the tone assumed by this party against
government, and the violence of the language used, become really
startling to the ears of the subject of a monarchy: for instance, Mr.
Webster, in a recent speech, drew a parallel between Sylla and the
President, or _Dictator_, as he styled him, of the States, by no means
disadvantageous to the Roman; showing how the tyrant of old first
excited the populace, by the basest flattery, to overturn the
restrictive power of the senate; which done, and his lawless will being
left without a check, he turned upon his restless, ignorant allies, and
slaughtering them by thousands, succeeded in prostrating their liberties
and the freedom of his country: the speaker adding,
"I fear the worst fate of Rome is hanging over us; whether that of Sylla
be in store for our despot, I know not. Should he, however, abdicate at
the end of three years (Sylla's term), he will be hunted by the cries of
a guilty conscience and by the curses of an outraged people, more
intolerable than the pangs which tortured in his last moment the Roman
tyrant!"
In anticipation of another speaker's assault, a journalist says,
"We may, when he delivers his sentiments,--which will be indeed the
reflex of public opinion,--look to behold the fur fly off the back of
the treacherous old usurper, our implacable tyrant," &c. &c.
On the other hand, the adulation of the administration exhausts
panegyric in the President's praise: his qualities are proclaimed to be
superhuman, his intuitive wisdom and farsightedness approaching to
omniscience; by this party he, indeed, is all but deified. The
vice-president proclaims that he shall consider it honour enough to have
it known that he held a place in his counsels. Members of the
legislature, of sound age and high character, dispute in their places
within the house their seniority of standing as "true _soldiers_ of the
General's administration;" an odd title, by the way, independent of the
strangeness of the avowal, for a representative of the people.
The assumption of the act of responsibility, and its exercise, it is
argued by this party, have been decisive as to the conservation of the
_morale_ of the country, without which their liberties were held by a
tenure liable to be quickly subverted, and the blood, and toil, and
treasure of their predecessors spent in vain; that the integrity of
their institutions was by this act assured, and the continuance of the
people's happiness and prosperity based upon marble, unimpeachable and
to endure for ever!
In every society, in all places, and at all times, this subject is
all-absorbent amongst the men. Observing with pity a very intelligent
friend arrested in the lobby of a drawing-room which was occupied by a
whole bevy of beauty, and there undergo a buttoning of half an hour
before he could shake off his worrier, I inquired with a compassionate
air, just as he made his escape, "whether he would not be glad when the
present ferment was over, and this eternal spectre laid in the sea of
oblivion?"
"No, indeed," replied my friend coolly; "since it would only vanish to
be succeeded by some other, in reality not quite so important perhaps,
but which, for lack of a better, would be made to the full as absorbing
of one's time and patience."
And this is strictly true: whatever subject may turn up is laid hold on,
tooth and nail, by the _Ins_ and _Outs_ of the day, who, dividing upon
it, lift banners, and under the chosen war-cry, be it "Masonry," "Indian
treaties," or "Bank charter," fairly fight it out; a condition of
turmoil, which, viewed on the surface, may appear anything but desirable
to a man who loves his ease and quiet, and troubles himself with
nothing less than with affairs of state, but which constitutes one of
the personal taxes men must pay who look to govern themselves, or who
desire to fancy that they do so.
It is a matter of great regret to me that there occurred no levee whilst
I was in Washington; because, had one taken place, I should have enjoyed
the honour of a closer view of the venerable chief of the States than I
could snatch from seeing him pass two or three times on the avenue. Not
but that there are facilities enough afforded for a presentation to one
who is never denied when disengaged from his public duties; facilities
which it may be very right and proper for the American citizen to avail
himself of, but which good taste might suggest to the stranger,
especially the Englishman, it would be more becoming in him to forego:
as it is, I have frequently, in travelling, heard Europeans talking with
the most offensive familiarity of having called upon the President, who
at home would have stood hat-in-hand in their county magistrate's
office, waiting for an interview with the great man.
As viewed on horseback, the General is a fine soldierly, well-preserved
old gentleman, with a pale wrinkled countenance, and a keen clear eye,
restless and searching. His seat is an uncommonly good one, his hand
apparently light, and his carriage easy and horseman-like;
circumstances, though trifling in themselves, not so general here as to
escape observation.
His personal friends, of whom I know many most intimately, speak of him
with great regard, and describe him politically as one whose singleness
of purpose and integrity of mind, in all that relates to his country,
can never be fairly impeached upon any tenable ground. With these
friends, without regard to rank or station, he lives at all times on the
most familiar terms. When in his neighbourhood, they visit him as they
have ever done, without finding the slightest increase of form; and,
over his cigar, the President canvasses the events and receives the
opinions of the day with all the frankness of an indifferent party,
neither affecting nor enforcing mystery or restraint.
His address is described as being naturally fluent, pleasing, and
gentlemanlike: this I have from a source on which I can confidently
rely; for both the wife and sister of an English officer of high rank,
themselves women of remarkable refinement of mind and manners, observed
to me, in speaking of the President, that they had seldom met a person
possessed of more native courtesy or a more dignified deportment.
To another of the great ones of the land I had an introduction, which,
as it is characteristic of the man, I will here relate. One afternoon,
about dusk, being on my way to a family party at the house occupied by
the late Secretary of the Navy, Mr. Southard, I thought I had run down
my distance, and began an inspection of the outward appearance of the
houses, all puzzlingly alike, when a couple of men, lounging round a
corner, single file, smoking their cigars, chanced to cross my track.
Addressing the rearmost, I inquired, "Pray, sir, do you chance to know
which of the houses opposite is Mr. Southard's, the senator from New
Jersey?"
"I do know where Mr. Southard's house is," replied the stranger, eyeing
me as I fancied somewhat curiously; "though it is not exactly opposite.
But surely you and I have met before now,--more than once too, or I am
greatly mistaken?"
"That is more than probable, sir," replied I, "if you are fond of a
play. My name is Power, Mr. Power of the theatre."
"I thought so," cried the stranger, holding out his hand; adding
cordially, "My name, sir, is Clay, Henry Clay, of the senate; and I am
glad, Mr. Power, that we are now personally acquainted."
I need hardly say, I joined in expressing the pleasure I derived from
any chance which had procured me this honour, begging that I might not
detain him longer.
"But stop, Mr. Power," said the orator;--"touching Mr. Southard's;--you
observe yonder long-sided fellow propping up the post-office down below;
only that he is waiting for me, I'd accompany you to the house; which,
however, you can't miss if you'll observe that it's the very last of the
next square but one."
With many thanks for his politeness, I here parted from Mr. Clay, to
pursue my way according to his instructions, whilst he passed forward to
join the tall gentleman, who waited for him at some distance near the
public building which he had humorously described him as propping.
An accidental interview of this kind, however brief, will do more to
prejudice the judgment for or against a man, than a much longer and more
ceremonious intercourse. I confess my impressions on this occasion were
all in Mr. Clay's favour; they were confirmatory of the _bonhommie_ and
playful humour ascribed to him by his friends and admirers, who are to
be found throughout every part of the country.
The very day following this little incident I bade adieu to Washington,
after a second prolonged visit. I had here encountered and mixed with
persons from every State of the Union, and became thus in possession of
the means of making comparisons, and drawing conclusions, such as no
other single city, or perhaps any period less generally exciting, could
have supplied.
I quitted it gratefully impressed in favour both of its private society
and of the kind and hospitable character of its citizens generally. I
had, whilst here, without delivering a letter, received unlooked-for
attentions and kindnesses from persons the most distinguished for
character and talent: attentions which I am as hopeless of ever being
able to return, as I am incapable of ever being desirous to forget.