flowers grow there. I could say the same of vegetables, such as cabbage,
carrots, beans, peas, etc., which are all plentiful. The one exception
is potatoes, which, though they were imported and flourished well in the
soil, were forbidden to be grown on account of their being a foreign
importation. Turnips, peas, and beans are most commonly grown, and I
have counted more than twenty-four varieties of beans, of different
sizes, shapes, and colours, but having no taste at all, at any rate not
when they are cooked in Korean fashion. Tobacco has been grown lately,
and so have grapes; but the most valuable plant cultivated is the
_gin-sen_, which is a Government monopoly, and is regarded as possessing
the miraculous power of rejuvenating those who drink the liquor which is
made of it. It is worth its weight in gold, and a little while ago the
Emperor, fearing that the _gin-sen_ crop was growing too plentiful and
that its value would consequently decline, ordered that the surplus
production should be conveyed to an island near Chemulpo and there
burned. The closed boxes were carried in procession to the island,
watched with great interest by the people, and were burned with great
state. Nobody knew exactly what had been the victim of the _auto-da-fe_,
but it is more than probable that the _gin-sen_, which is assumed to
have met with such a sad fate, was devoted to some more profitable
purpose.
Korean timber is of world-wide fame. The huge Korean forests are
protected by law, and each individual Korean has certain rights to so
much for building purposes, and so much for firing.
Pasture land is scarcely known, and the cultivable areas are nearly all
converted into bean and rice fields.
The animal world is of great variety. Among domestic animals we find
nearly all our old friends--such as the horse, a rather rough example
but strong, oxen with magnificent frames, goats and pigs in great
numbers. There are very few cows, as the Koreans are not great
meat-eaters, and do not know how to milk, and, consequently, never use
milk or butter. Sheep are prohibited by law, as only the Emperor may
possess them for sacrificial purposes. Wild animals are very plentiful.
The most dreaded are, of course, the tiger and the bear. There are also
wolves, jackals, and wild boars. Birds are present in the greatest
abundance. Pheasants, partridges, and quails are so plentiful, even
today, that, travelling through the country, one may buy a brace for a
few pence.
But the real wealth of Korea consists in its minerals. The different
mountain ranges are rich in the most valuable metals: coal, copper,
lead, silver, and gold are found in abundance. To this subject further
allusion is made later on.
As a race the Koreans were for many years thought to belong to the same
family as the Chinese, but it is now considered that they belong to
another stock of the great Mongolian race. Its origin is today sought,
not so much in the Altai, as on the slopes of the Himalayas. There is a
difference of opinion as to the route of their migration. One theory has
it that they reached their present home by way of Siberia and Manchuria;
another that they travelled through Southern Asia, and partly by sea,
from the cradle of mankind.
With regard to their physical characteristics, the Koreans are tall,
well built, and fair complexioned, with a scanty beard. They are not
quite so tall as the Chinese of the north, but far better proportioned,
and generally quite a head taller than their Japanese neighbours. The
women are very hard workers, and their strength is exceptional. The
children are regular pictures of health.
Whoever desires to form an idea of the moral characteristics of this
race must penetrate to their homes and watch their daily life. Their
mental and spiritual qualities can best be perceived by daily
intercourse. The attempt to enter thus will not be easy, and seldom
pleasant, but it will never fail to be of great and permanent interest.
The daily round of the Koreans is yet as primitive and archaic as it was
centuries ago, and time seems to have left little mark on their customs
and habits.
III
What are the most extraordinary things in this Hermit Country? is the
question which has been frequently addressed to me since my return. The
answer would be much easier to give if the question were, What are the
least striking? Everything equally astonishes a stranger--country,
people, customs, and daily life; every detail is characteristic, and
every feature--visible and invisible--affords immense scope for
observation. For the student of psychology Korea is a country full of
interest.
To form some idea of the present condition of Korea it is absolutely
necessary to know something of her past; to understand the character of
her people one must be familiar with the conditions of life in centuries
gone by.
Korea's historical origin, like that of most Asiatic countries, is
shrouded in darkness. Her earliest records are legends and stories
rather than serious history. Kings and gods, heroes and monsters, figure
in a chaotic epic, which has preserved a few of the principal events for
posterity.
The founder of the nation is supposed to be Ki-Tsze, a Chinese noble,
who, with his soldiers and followers, settled on the peninsula in 1122
B.C. But it is difficult to say how much of this is true, for the
Koreans come, not from a Chinese, but from a really different Tartar
stock, and consequently Ki-Tsze could only have been a later conqueror.
The reason why subsequent chroniclers attributed the settlement of Korea
to him was probably to glorify China. A stringent law forbidding the
writing of history makes it very difficult to collect any authentic
facts about the past of Korea. That a record of the principal events
still survives is due to a remarkable custom.
Some of the Court officials kept diaries in which they recorded
everything of any importance that took place. Each related what seemed
to him of interest, sealing up the rolls with great secrecy. Four copies
of these records were kept in iron chests at the four different seats of
government. There the documents were to remain until the then reigning
family became extinct, and not until the last representative of the
dynasty had departed this life might they be published.
In the absence of national historical literature foreign
conquerors--Chinese and Japanese--have issued a number of books on
Korea, more particularly in reference to their own conquests. It would,
however, be difficult to ascertain how far these works are to be
trusted.
Only one popular Korean history is in existence, which, however, is more
of an illustrated nursery tale than anything else. The diaries kept by
some of the noble families are more interesting, wherein they have
recorded in unbroken series the events of each day, year by year.
The first reliable information we possess dates from the early centuries
of our era. It is an established fact that Korea was then divided into
three kingdoms--Sin-La in the south, Kao-Li in the north, and Pet-Si in
the west. These early centuries witnessed constant civil wars, in which
sometimes one and sometimes another of the kingdoms was victorious; but
the greatest advantages were won by Sin-La in the south. In a good many
cases these successes were due to outside aid. Kao-Li and Pet-Si became
more than once vassals of China or Japan.
The three kingdoms were united in the eleventh century. Sin-La lost its
supremacy and, with Pet-Si, was annexed to Kao-Li. The king of this
country was assisted by China in his expedition to the north, and in
return the Mongol emperor was made the overlord of Korea. The united
kingdoms were then ruled for three centuries by the Kao-Li dynasty, but
their power ceased with the expulsion of the Mongol rulers from Pekin.
The emperors of the Ming dynasty, who became masters of China in the
fourteenth century, also conquered Korea in 1392, re-establishing the
ancestors of the present Emperor in place of the house of Kao-Li.
Tao-Tso, the first king, transferred his capital from Kai-Teng to
Hang-Jang, the present Seoul, recognizing the suzerainty of China as a
protection. He adopted the Chinese calendar and sent envoys to China to
pay homage every year.
Subsequent events of Korean history can be explained in the light of
these facts. With the Tsi-Tsien dynasty she became the openly
acknowledged vassal of China. The sending of envoys to do homage, the
presentation of previously settled gifts, and also the adoption of the
Chinese calendar afford proofs of this.
The succeeding kings managed the affairs of the country successfully,
and Tormer-To in the thirteenth century annexed several Japanese
islands, but this burst of glory soon died out.
With the fall of the Mings the history of Korea reached its nadir. The
conquering house of Mand-Su inundated with its troops the whole country
and broke into Seoul, rendering even stricter the obligations of the
tributary. The Chinese calendar became official from this time, and the
Celestial Son was not only sovereign, but also managed absolutely all
the private and public affairs of the king of Korea.
A good number of imperial rescripts referring to family quarrels has, to
this day, been preserved, and throws an interesting light on the
dissipated life of the Court of that remote period.
Korean kings stood repeatedly like criminals before their judge, and
carried out the emperor's sentence to the letter. But they went further
than this, even to asking the Chinese emperor for counsel in reference
to petty domestic troubles, divorce cases, etc.
As a rule the sentence was light. The former Mongolian despots lost
their crowns partly through over-severity. The Mings, on the contrary,
were clever diplomatists, and by their tact retained Korea's goodwill.
It is therefore not to be wondered at that their memory is still held in
esteem, and the administration of the country, its customs and laws, to
this day represent the Ming spirit.
China's present Manchu dynasty has never been popular, although it did
not attempt to perpetuate, literally, the strict conditions of its first
conquest.
Since the middle of the seventeenth century Korea has never been at war
with any foreign power; but though no attacks have come from without,
intestine troubles have been even more marked and destructive.
The example was set by the royal family. In the absence of male issue,
the relatives split into two parties, who, under the names of _Piek-Pai_
and _Si-Pai_, have been rivals for years. Bloodshed and murder followed
each other; dagger and poison were hidden under each cloak at the Court.
These two factions are still in existence. The followers of Piek are
for fighting and progress; the Si party, on the contrary, represent
rather conservative views.
The example of the Court and of the chief officials was followed by the
nobility. The principal persons of the country formed themselves into
four parties. We can trace back the origin of the strife to the
sixteenth century; its cause was the possession of an office. Two of the
most powerful tribes claimed it, and their personal contention soon
assumed the form of a general principle. Each party had its supporters
until the whole country fell a victim to party strife--as was the case
with the clans of the Montagus and Capulets, or between the houses of
York and Lancaster of old.
After considering these premises it will be easier to understand Korea's
present political situation.
We have seen that for many centuries the country was under foreign rule,
governed now by China, now by Japan; generally by China, who more often
than not was a very mild and lenient mistress.
Although she gave Korea a free hand in her government, she retained the
exclusive control of foreign affairs; and, correctly speaking, she did
not manage them at all. But no matter who the ruler was, Japan or China,
their sole object was always to isolate the country as much as possible
from the outer world, to surround her with a visible or invisible
wall--in the same way as their own flowery lands. This is one of the
principal causes why Korea has been utterly secluded for centuries.
But here is another cause. The people, not being able to defend their
country against invaders, were anxious that it should remain as unknown
as possible. They went even further than that, and hid the natural
treasures from their own citizens.
IV
The ancient government of their kingdom was, as in most Oriental
countries, extremely complicated. The system undoubtedly shows knowledge
of considerable statesmanship, China being the model. The mistakes and
shortcomings lay in the execution and administration.
The absolute master and owner of the country was the king, who had by
his side three ministers of the first, and six of the second rank. Each
minister was assisted by one secretary of state and one councillor. The
cabinet was called Tai-Sin, forming the Council of State. The power of
the council was only nominal, and was invested in the three ministers of
first rank, or, rather, in the premier, whose office was for life. Is
it to be wondered at that every means was employed to attain it?
It is worth noticing that the bearers of the title were not necessarily
in power. They succeeded each other, some of them having only honorary
rank.
The country was divided into eight governorships. Each governor, with
powers similar to those of a Chinese viceroy, had under him
vice-governors, county judges, public notaries, collectors of taxes,
etc. Considering that the eight governorships were divided into 332
provinces, the administration naturally was extensive, requiring a
complicated administration.
The organization of the army was likewise well developed--on paper at
any rate--the generals being distributed according to the provinces.
Each governorship had its separate army corps, forts, arsenals, and
stores recorded with precision. The national defence nominally numbered
not less than _one million two hundred thousand men_, although not
one-hundredth part of those had ever seen a rifle. All this looked very
imposing in the documents placed before the king. The same applied to
the forts, arsenals, and stores. The forts were in ruins, the arsenals
empty, and as for the stores, they did not exist. At any rate, this was
the condition of the army when the first European troops entered the
country. There is probably not another land in the East--and this means
a good deal--where the government was more corrupt than in Korea.
The principal offices were sold at fixed prices. To obtain one was
simply a financial transaction. Of course, directly the mandarin took up
his position he was anxious to recoup his expenses. Under some pretext
he confiscated the property of well-to-do citizens and extorted money
from the people. This system had another disadvantage--the tenure of
office was of short duration, lasting altogether a few years. The holder
had, therefore, to be very economical with time. The mandarins generally
remained two or three years only at one place, in order not to make
themselves "at home." But the principal reason for such continual
changes must have been that it was considered desirable at headquarters
to sell the office to a new purchaser. So the succession went on, and
one official after another devoted his energy to confiscation and
robbery.
Is it to be wondered at that the people were reduced to poverty? But
even those who were possessed of property lived the life of beggars, as
otherwise the mandarins would have confiscated it under various
pretexts.
Such was the administration of Korea for centuries. This was the
condition of public life. Both action and thought were tainted. This
corruption of officialdom not only drove people to beggary, but also
poisoned the public morals.
The people were no longer capable of governing; they could only suffer
patiently.
If government and administration were in such a lamentable condition,
justice was even more contemptible. Bribery, perjury, and treachery were
of daily occurrence. Envy and greed demanded and secured their victims.
To be possessed of property was sufficient cause for being denounced and
for confiscating the belongings of the owner, and the victim was very
grateful indeed if his life was spared. The administration of justice in
Korea was originally patriarchal. Any dispute between two parties was
submitted to the _elders_ of the village. The local council was the
court of first instance. In case of non-agreement the mandarin was
appealed to. The governor had to decide complicated cases. The supreme
court was the minister of justice himself, and the final appeal lay to
the king, who, here likewise, had absolute power in rendering justice.
He condemned or pardoned at his pleasure.
Tradition has preserved some of the quaint ways employed to obtain the
king's good graces or attention. As it was an impossibility to get into
the palace of the king, and he never quitted it, a large drum was placed
before the gate, and the applicant used to beat this drum in order to
attract the royal attention.
Another way was to light a bonfire upon the top of the surrounding hills
in the hope of the king perceiving it and dispatching one of his
messengers to the spot, by whom the petitioner could send his papers to
his majesty.
Criminal cases were heard before the military authorities.
Here also the system was very much the same, and the procedure was
equally defective. The way cases were tried was not only one-sided, but
shockingly unjust. The saddest part of judicial administration was the
way of obtaining the accused person's confession. Torturing is, even
now, the prevailing practice, and in this, as in many other things,
Korea has entirely followed China's example.
Considering the various kinds of torture, their inventive powers seem to
have been inexhaustible. The most cruel torture, like the crushing of
the knees or the use of red-hot irons, was prohibited long ago, and the
new law ordered them to be entirely abolished; but I am afraid some of
the methods of obtaining the desired evidences are still terrible.
Those who have seen the notorious dungeons of _Canton_ will find the
Korean prisons similar to them. Generally the courtyards of the
magistrates are used for guarding the convicts. Stables are crammed
with prisoners--mostly innocent. Furniture is a thing unknown, and so
are all means of cleanliness.
In the Yamen of Judicature at Seoul I saw a few small private cells
reserved for the better class. The inmate of one of these was a
venerable-looking white-haired gentleman. He was, so the prison warder
informed me, one of the wealthiest bankers in the town. "He squeezed,"
as he put it, "and now the mandarin is squeezing him."
Attorneys-at-law and jurists were not wanting, but in most cases the
number of witnesses and their evidence was decisive--there being always
any number of them at hand. In fact, giving evidence meant a living to a
portion of the community, who favoured those who paid best.
The methods of punishment also varied. In most cases fines were imposed,
which formed one of the principal sources of revenue to the authorities.
Imprisonment was rarer. In order to save the expenses of keeping
prisoners who could not pay a fine, these were often given a chance to
escape, or disappeared by some other means.
Capital crimes were tried by a criminal court. Decapitation was carried
out in various ways according to social position. _Lese-majeste_ and
treason were likewise dealt with by special authorities. In this
respect severity knew no bounds. With the guilty person all the members
of his family had to suffer. More than once whole clans, which were
suspected of being traitors or rebels, were extirpated. Hundreds of
persons perished through being falsely accused of crimes.
Such was the judicature in days gone by, and no wonder that the people
lost faith in judges whose sense of justice was of the lowest standard.
Things seem to be improving, but a less cruel death implies cruelty all
the same.
V
How did Korea educate her sons that her rule, her justice, and her
people sank so low? is a question that involuntarily suggests itself.
We must at once point out that there existed no such thing as _public
education_; as regards _public instruction_, Korea entirely followed the
Chinese system. As in the Yellow Empire, it was only the successful
passing of the various university examinations that qualified for public
positions and Government offices. Here also training was purely
classical. But while in China the national masters--Confucius and
Menzius--were studied, Korea, without any regard for her history or
literature, adopted the ready material in an unaltered form. Her own
authors thus found no field for their labours, and even if endowed with
talent they were unable to develop it. This condition was in many
respects similar to that prevalent in Europe in the Middle Ages, when
colleges paid more attention to Greek and Latin than to their national
language, and when students knew more about the history of Hellas and
Rome than of their own country.
The Chinese system of examination is so well known that it does not
require any explanation. Prior to the final examination the students
gather in Pekin. There they are walled in in small cells at the
examination hall, entirely isolated from the outer world.
Korean youths proceeded to Seoul. From the remotest parts of the country
they came, and it was there decided whether they were qualified for
office or not.
The Chinese system is perfectly democratic in its ground principles,
granting the same right to every student and considering only his
knowledge. In Korea, where, quite differently from China, there is an
aristocracy of birth, only the sons of this privileged class competed
for the principal offices. But in this instance too, as in most other
things that affected public life, corruption manifested itself. Those
who paid the highest examination fees won the highest offices.
The Korean is probably one of the Tartar languages, although its grammar
shows many analogies with that of the Dravidian tongues of Southern
India. It is mostly spoken by the common people, whilst the court,
nobles, and mandarins employ Chinese. As a matter of fact, the latter is
the official language of the country, and the records and proclamations
of the King, the edicts of the mandarins, and the judgments of the
courts are all in Chinese. No doubt Korea's long vassalage to China
accounts for this; but the Chinese, as spoken in Korea, is almost a
dialect, and could scarcely be understood by the Celestials, who, as is
well known, are themselves often at a loss to understand each other. For
Chinese differs even more in different provinces than some of the Latin
languages, like, for instance, Spanish from Italian.
VI