House, Seth Walker, a very influential person and to the Suffragists,
because of his position, probably the most important member of the
Legislature. He told Miss Gram that he was looking into the question of
the constitutionality of ratification at this session, and if he became
convinced of its constitutionality, he might even lead the fight for
ratification. A few days later, just before the Legislature convened, he
told Miss White and Miss Gram that he had decided that it was
constitutional for Tennessee to ratify and that they might count on his
support. On the opening day of the Legislature, Betty Gram asked Speaker
Walker to go over the poll with her. To her intense astonishment, he
told her that he had changed his mind and could not vote for
ratification in this session.
When the Woman’s Party forces joined Miss White in Nashville at the
convening of the Legislature, the town had filled with strangers. The
anti-Suffrage forces had poured into the Capital. Lobbyists for
railroads, manufacturing interests, and corporations of various kinds,
came too.
One curious member of this army used to interrogate legislators as to
their views. He said he was a reporter for a syndicate. Nobody had ever
heard of the syndicate he represented. When Parley Christensen,
candidate for President on the Farmer Labor ticket, came to Nashville to
help with ratification among the labor members of the Legislature, he
investigated the record of this gentleman, accused him, through the
Press, of sinister purposes in lobbying. When this accusation appeared,
the man hastily left town.
To off-set all this, the Suffragists of the State, as was usual in the
State campaigns, poured into the Capital.
The atmosphere of Nashville grew rapidly more active ... tense ...
hectic.
The Tennessee legislature convened on the ninth of August. It ratified
on the eighteenth of August. The nine days between were characterized by
work more intensive than ratification had yet known.
The Tennessee campaign was a miniature reproduction of the big national
campaign which the Woman’s Party had been waging ever since 1912. Here
the Woman’s Party was confronted with a double responsibility. It had to
prove to the Democratic governor, Roberts—and it never relaxed for an
instant in bringing it home to him—that he, as leader of the dominant
Party in this Democratic Legislature, was responsible for ratification
and could bring it about. In addition and at the same time, the Woman’s
Party had to make the Republican minority realize that they were
responsible for votes favorable to ratification from their men.
In all this work in Tennessee, the Woman’s Party was enormously assisted
by the political sagacity of their chairman, Sue White, and the fact
that all the politicians recognized that political sagacity. The
experienced politicians said that they had never seen a more bitter
fight in Tennessee. When the Legislature met, the Suffragists had a
majority on paper. But they knew from previous experience they could not
trust this paper majority to remain stable.
The ratification resolution was introduced in the House and the Senate
on the same day, August 10. It was referred to a committee in both
Houses and these committees held a joint hearing on August 11. This
hearing, a notable and picturesque occasion, took place in the great
Assembly Hall of the Capitol. Both floor and gallery were dotted with
the colors of the opposing forces. The most famous State authorities on
constitutional law appeared in behalf of the Suffragists.
The Woman’s Party had, of course, immediately ascertained who were the
members of both Houses who always supported Governor Roberts’ measures.
They found that many of these were not supporting ratification. They
went with a list of these men to Governor Roberts, called his attention
to this significant state of things. They also sent the news to Abby
Scott Baker, who approached Cox daily on the subject. Cox responded by
urging Governor Roberts to do all in his power to put ratification
through.
Sue White gave out daily statements that were models of succinctness and
comprehensiveness, which warned Governor Roberts that he would be held
responsible and warned the Democratic Party that it would be held
responsible, if ratification did not go through.
Realizing that they were strongest in the Senate, the Woman’s Party
wanted first to bring the matter to a vote there. They accomplished that
on August 13, when ratification passed by twenty-five to four. Until
this vote was cast, the Suffragists themselves did not realize what a
degree of interest—due to their pressure on and from political
leaders—they had developed in Tennessee. The vote proved a great
stimulus to the men of the Lower House, who, up to this point, had been
much more wavering in their attitude towards ratification.
The Capitol in these last few days presented a scene of activity on the
part of the Woman’s Party members such as no ratification campaign had
ever known. They were at the House morning, noon, and night. They had to
be there all the time because the fact that a member was numbered among
their forces in the morning did not at all mean that he would be among
them at night. The enemies of ratification made every possible attempt
to steal Suffrage adherents. Realizing at last that they could not
deflect men who were immovable on the ratification side, they began to
introduce measures the passage of which would have been tantamount to
defeat. For instance, a resolution was suddenly brought up one morning
providing that the question of ratification should be referred to
mass-meetings of the people to be held in every district on August 21.
This would have meant a fatal postponement of ratification. Many of the
legislators would have liked to hide behind a measure of this sort, but
realizing this, the Woman’s Party members told them that they would
consider such a vote hostile to Suffrage and would hold them
responsible. The Suffragists obtained sufficient support against the
measure to get it tabled.
When it came to the last few days, the Woman’s Party members seemed to
work twenty-four hours out of the twenty-four, and some think they
worked twenty-five. The situation was complicated, as always at the last
hour, by rumors. Reports started and gained force every day that men
were being bribed; so that legislators, about to declare for Suffrage,
were often held up by the feeling that that act might lay them open to
suspicion. This brought about a condition of such uncertainty that
neither side, Suffragist nor anti-Suffragist, could prophesy the
outcome. The instant a man wavered, the Woman’s Party members, who,
before the Legislature convened, had been working in the legislative
districts, immediately got in touch with the political leaders who
controlled the situation in those districts. Notwithstanding that
nothing seemed stable at this period, the Woman’s Party members met
every few hours and compared polls. These polls served a second purpose.
They gave political leaders definite data as to the position of every
man in the Legislature. In all this confusion, the Woman’s Party always
knew where it stood.
On the morning of the vote the Suffrage workers rounded up all their
legislative forces and saw that they arrived safely at the Capitol. More
rumors were afloat that legislators would change their vote at the last
moment. In every case, the Woman’s Party saw these men again and made
them realize that they were committed, not only to them, but to their
political leaders.
Just before the vote was taken, Seth Walker ruled all the women off the
floor of the House.
Two dramatic incidents marked the close of the campaign. The hero of one
of these episodes was Banks Turner, of the other Harry Burn. To the very
end the Woman’s Party was uncertain of both their votes.
Banks Turner was one of Governor Roberts’ closest friends. In
considering the case of Banks Turner, it must always be held in mind
that the Woman’s Party steadfastly kept the Democrats to their pledges
through Cox’s constant pressure on Governor Roberts. It had at last
penetrated Roberts’ psychology that if he permitted ratification to fail
in Tennessee, the Democrats would be held responsible by the women in
the coming elections. The Woman’s Party saw Governor Roberts before the
vote and reminded him of this. The Woman’s Party also saw Cox before the
vote and reminded him of this; also reminded him to remind Roberts. When
the vote was actually imminent, the Roberts forces began to get alarmed;
for they realized they had played with the issue too long. As has been
said Banks Turner was one of the Governor’s closest friends. Banks
Turner had never actually said he was against ratification, but he had
never said he was for it. No Suffragist counted on him.
As for Harry Burn——
When Anita Pollitzer had been working among Republican leaders, she had
gone to Harry Burn’s Republican county chairman to ask him if they could
count on Harry Burn’s support for ratification. In her presence, he
telephoned to Harry Burn and assured Miss Pollitzer that the Suffragists
could depend on him. When Mr. Burn appeared in the Legislature, he was
approached by Suffragists and anti-Suffragists in close and quick
succession. After a while, he announced that he was uncertain. The fact
that he was the youngest member of the Legislature—scarcely more than a
lad indeed—and that he was immensely popular and beloved—seemed to add
an especial acuteness to the situation. To Suffragists who approached
him a few days before the vote, he said, “I cannot pledge myself, but I
will do nothing to hurt you.”
Of course that could be translated that he would not vote yes, but would
not vote no—not vote at all in short.
With the poll virtually a tie, the Suffragists could take no chances.
Miss Pollitzer telephoned at once to the county chairman who had assured
her of Harry Burn’s vote and told him the situation. The next day Betty
Gram saw a letter, written to Harry Burn by one of the foremost
political leaders of the State, which practically urged him—for his own
political good—to vote no. Members of the Woman’s Party saw Harry Burn
and told him that they knew pressure was being brought upon him from
State leaders against ratification. He would make no statement of
support but he urged them to trust him and begged the Suffragists not to
tell the political leaders of the State that they knew these political
leaders had broken faith and were persuading him not to vote for
ratification. He was obviously much wrought up over the situation.
The date of the vote came and on the Suffrage poll, Harry Burn was still
marked doubtful. When he appeared in the corridors of the House,
however, he wore the red rose of the anti-Suffragists. One of the
Woman’s Party organizers said to him just before the vote was taken, “We
really trusted you, Mr. Burn, when you said that you would never hurt
us.” He said, “I mean that—my vote _will_ never hurt you.”
Still he continued to wear the red rose of the anti-Suffragists....
It was known to many that Harry Burn had recently received a letter from
his mother asking him to support ratification. It was known only to the
Woman’s Party how much political pressure to support it had been brought
upon him.
* * * * *
The supreme moment arrived. Ninety-six members were present out of a
total membership of ninety-nine. The first test of strength came in a
motion to table the Resolution. Harry Burn’s name was called early in
the roll. True to the promise of that red rose, he voted yes. The roll
call went on, the members answering exactly according to expectation.
What would Banks Turner do? If he voted with the Suffragists, the result
would be a tie, forty-eight to forty-eight; the motion would not be
tabled. His name was called; he did not answer. The vote was now
inevitably forty-eight to forty-seven for the motion to table. All
seemed lost. But before the final announcement of the vote, Turner arose
and after a moment’s hesitation said:
“I wish to be recorded as against the motion to table.”
The Resolution was still before the House, but this test vote showed a
tie—one short of a majority.
Then came the final vote.
Now the stillness was like death. Unless Turner stayed with the
Suffragists and, in addition, another vote was gained, the Amendment was
lost. When Harry Burn’s name was called, he answered in a clear, loud
voice, “Yes.” The death-like stillness settled again over the audience
in the galleries as the roll call approached the name of Banks Turner.
He had voted against tabling; that did not make it certain that he would
vote for the Resolution.
“Banks Turner!” called the clerk.
“Yes,” he answered in a solemn, low voice.
The Resolution had carried—forty-nine to forty-seven.
Instantly Speaker Walker, white-faced, was on his feet. “I change my
vote from ‘No’ to ‘Yes’” he said. Of course he made this lightning
change in order that he might move to reconsider the Resolution. But he
missed one point. The vote now stood fifty to forty-six. His vote had
given the Resolution a _constitutional majority_, that is a majority,
not only of the membership present of the Lower House but of the entire
Lower House. Unwittingly, Speaker Walker killed one legal attack already
prepared by the anti-Suffragists in case the measure should pass.
An uproar of enthusiasm greeted the vote. State leaders who had assisted
the Suffrage campaign, yelled, clapped, stamped. Women alternately
laughed and wept; cheered and applauded. One legislator producing a bell
from somewhere, rang it steadily. As for the Suffragists themselves,
naturally they went wild with joy; particularly the Tennessee women, who
were triumphant that their State had proved to be the needed
thirty-sixth to give the franchise to women.
Of course, the anti-Suffragist red roses were in great evidence all
during the voting. But after the vote was taken, they seemed to fade
into the background. The yellow jonquils of the Suffragists, the great
purple, white, and gold banners of the Woman’s Party made tiny flares
and big slashes of light and color everywhere.
* * * * *
The bizarre and sensational moves of the opposition—the withdrawal of
the anti-Suffragist members of the Tennessee Assembly to Alabama until
the Suffrage members got tired and went home, the return of the
anti-Suffragist members, their assembly in a Rump Legislature, their
“reconsidered” vote against the Amendment—all that seemed important at
the time. Now it has faded to insignificance. The anti-Suffragists, on
this and other grounds, instituted a suit against the validity of the
Tennessee ratification. That suit and six attacks, also directed against
the validity of ratification, are still pending.
[Illustration: THE FLAG COMPLETE. Alice Paul Unfurls the Ratification
Banner with 36 Stars.
National Photo Co., Washington, D. C.]
In the meantime, however, Connecticut has ratified.
In brief, the facts in regard to Connecticut are these: Governor Marcus
Holcomb, one of the foremost anti-Suffragists in the country, called a
session of the Connecticut legislature to provide the legal machinery to
enable the women of Connecticut to vote in the coming elections. The
call was issued for September 14. The Suffragists instantly took
advantage of this special session to institute a campaign for
ratification.
In addressing the legislators, Governor Holcomb said in effect: “Do not
ratify this session. It will be illegal, as ratification was not
mentioned in my call. I will call you again for that purpose a week from
today.”
Nevertheless Connecticut ratified on September 14.
Catherine Flanagan of the Woman’s Party personally brought the
ratification from the Secretary of State of Connecticut to the State
Department in Washington.
A week later, to avoid any question as to the legality of the first
ratification, which had been attacked on the ground that the subject was
not included in the governor’s message, Connecticut ratified again.
* * * * *
The women of the United States voted in the Presidential election of
1920.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
XVII
THE LAST DAYS
TO A COMRADE
Oh, you of the unquenchable spirit—
How I adore you!
I could light forever the waning fires of my courage
At the incessant, upleaping flame of your being!
You,—creature of light and color and vivid emotions—
Of radiant action,—who ever could dream of you passive,
Submissive, your small self stilled into lazy contentment?
You, fired with the beauty of ardor,
Lovely with love for all that is clean and earnest and forceful,
Yourself daring anything
So long as it be for Womanhood, and the cause of justice and progress—
Daring to lead and daring to follow—
Giving us each of your unfailing inspiration.
You, over whom the jeers and the mockings and the ugly thoughts
of those who understand not
Pass lightly, like a spent breath of foul air in a still cavern,
Unflicking the steadfast torch of you—
I could re-light forever the waning fires of my courage
At the incessant, upleaping flame of your being!
ELIZABETH KALB,
_The Suffragist_, January 25, 1919.
IN 1917 occurred the great leap forward in the activity of the Woman’s
Party; in swift succession came the picketing; the burning of the
President’s words; the Watchfires of Freedom. And Headquarters from 1917
on—as can be easily imagined—was a feverishly busy place. From the
instant the picketing started, it grew electric with action. As for the
work involved in making up the constant succession of picket lines——
It was not easy at an instant’s notice to find women who had the time to
picket. But always there were some women willing to picket _part_ of the
time and some willing to picket _all_ of the time. Mary Gertrude Fendall
was in charge of this work. That her office was no sinecure is evident
from the fact that on one occasion alone—that memorable demonstration of
March 4, 1917—she provided a line of nearly a thousand. Of course, too,
as fast as the women went to jail, other women had to be found to fill
their places. In those days Miss Fendall lived at the telephone and
between telephone calls, she wrote letters which invited sympathizers to
come from distant States to join the banner-bearing forces. Those women
who could always be depended on for picketing were, in the main, Party
sympathizers living in Washington; Party workers permanently established
at Headquarters; organizers come back suddenly from their regular work.
But volunteers came too—volunteers from the District of Columbia and
from all parts of the United States. In the winter, as has been before
stated, picketing was a cold business. The women found that they had to
wear a surprising amount of clothes—sweaters and coats, great-coats,
mufflers, arctics and big woolly gloves. Many of the pickets left these
extra things at Headquarters and the scramble to disengage rights and
lefts of the gloves and arctics was one of the amusing details of the
operation of the picket line. Banners took up space too; but they added
their cheering color to the picture.
When the arrests began, the atmosphere grew more tense and even more
busy. But just as—when trouble came—a golden flood poured into the
Woman’s Party treasury, so volunteer pickets came in a steadily
lengthening line. Anne Martin had said to the Judge who sentenced her:
“So long as you send women to jail for asking for freedom, just so long
will there be women willing to go to jail for such a cause.” This proved
to be true. Volunteers for this gruelling experience continued to appear
from all over the country. Mrs. Grey of Colorado, sending her twenty-two
year old daughter, Nathalie, into the battle, said:
I have no son to fight for democracy abroad, and so I send my
daughter to fight for democracy at home.
It interested many of the Woman’s Party members to study the first
reactions of the police to the strange situation the picketing brought
about. Most of the policemen did not enjoy maltreating the girls. Some
of them were stupid and a few of them were brutal, but many of them were
kind. They always deferred to Lucy Burns with an air of profound
respect—Miss Lucy, they called her. But a curious social element entered
into the situation. Large numbers of the women were well-known
Washingtonians. The police were accustomed to seeing them going about
the city in the full aura of respected citizenship. It was very
difficult often, to know—in arresting them—what social tone to adopt.
Mrs. Gilson Gardner tells an amusing story of her first arrest. In the
midst of her picketing, an officer suddenly stepped up to her. He said
politely: “It is a very beautiful day.” She concurred. They chatted. He
was in the meantime looking this way and that up the Avenue. Suddenly,
still very politely, he said: “I think the patrol will be along
presently.” Not until then did it dawn on Mrs. Gardner that she was
arrested.
Later, when the Watchfires were going, Mrs. Gardner was again arrested
while she was putting wood on the flames. There was a log in her arms:
“Just a minute, officer,” she said, in her gentle, compelling voice, and
the officer actually waited while she crossed the pavement and put the
remaining log on the fire. Later, when Mrs. Gardner’s name was called in
the court, she decided that she preferred to stand, rather than sit in
the chair designated for the accused. The policeman started to force her
down. Again she said, in the gentle, compelling tone: “Please do not
touch me, officer!” and he kept his hands off her from that time forth.
Of course, the unthinking made the usual accusation that these women
were doing all this for notoriety. That was a ridiculous statement,
whose disproof was easy. The character and quality of the women
themselves were its best denial. The women who composed the Woman’s
Party were of all kinds and descriptions; they emerged from all ranks
and classes; they came from all over the United States. The Party did
not belong exclusively to women of great wealth and social position,
although there were many such in its list of membership; and some of
these belonged to families whose fortunes were internationally famous.
It did not belong exclusively to working women, although there were
thousands of them in its ranks; and these represented almost every
wage-earning task at which women toil. It did not belong exclusively to
women of the arts or the professions; although scores of women, many
nationally famous and some internationally famous, lent their gifts to
the furtherance of the work. It did not belong exclusively to the women
of the home, although scores of wives left homes, filled with the beauty
which many generations of cultivation had accumulated—left these homes
and left children; and although equal numbers left homes of a
contrasting simplicity and humbleness—left these homes and left children
to go to jail in the interests of the movement. It may be said, perhaps,
that the rank and file were characterized by an influential solidity,
that they were women, universally respected in their communities,
necessary to it. It was an all-woman movement. Indeed, often women who
on every other possible opinion were as far apart as the two poles,
worked together for the furtherance of the Federal Amendment. On one
occasion, for instance, on the picket line, two women who could not
possibly have found a single intellectual congeniality except the
enfranchisement of women stood side by side. One was nationally and
internationally famous as a conservative of great fortune. The other was
nationally and internationally famous as a radical. In other words, one
stood at the extreme right of conservatism and the other at the extreme
left of radicalism. It was as though, among an archipelago of differing
intellectual interests and social convictions, the Party members had
found one little island on which they could stand in an absolute
unanimity; stand ready to fight—to the death, if it were necessary—for
that conviction.
Some of the stories which they tell at Headquarters to illustrate the
Pan-woman quality of the Party are touchingly beautiful. There is the
case, for instance, of a woman government clerk, self-supporting, a
widow, and the mother of a little girl. Every day for weeks, she had
passed that line of pickets standing silently at the White House gates.
She heard the insults that were tossed to the women. She saw the
brutalities which were inflicted on them. She witnessed arrests.
Something rose within fluttered ... tore at her.... One day when Alice
Paul was picketing, this young woman, suit-case in hand, appeared before
her. She said “I am all ready to picket if you need me. I have made all
the necessary arrangements in case I am arrested. Where shall I go to
join your forces so that I may picket today?” She was arrested that
afternoon and sent to prison.
Two other government clerks, who appeared on the picket line, were
arrested and jailed. They appealed to the government authorities for a
month’s leave of absence on the score of their imprisonment. All these
three women, of course, ran the risk of losing their positions. But in
their case the instinct to serve their generation was stronger than the
instinct to conserve any material safety. It is pleasant to record that
they were not compelled to make this sacrifice. Others, however,
suffered. A school teacher in the Woman’s Party, for instance, lost her
position because of her picketing.
If the foregoing is not denial enough of the charge, common when the
picketing began, that these women were notoriety-seeking fanatics,
perhaps nothing will bring conviction. It scarcely seems however that
the most obstinate antagonist of the Woman’s Party would like to believe
that delicately reared women could enjoy, even for the sake of
notoriety—aside from the psychological effect of spiders and cockroaches
everywhere, worms in their food, vermin in their beds, rats in their
cells—the brutalities to which they were submitted. Yet many women who
had endured this once, came back to endure it again and again.
One of the strong points of the Woman’s Party was its fairness. In
reference to the President, for instance, Maud Younger used to say that
the attitude of the Woman’s Party to him was like that of a girl who
wants a college education. She teases her father for it without
cessation, but she goes on loving him just the same. Another strong
point of the Woman’s Party was its sense of humor on itself. They tell
with great delight the amusing events of this period—of the grinning
street gamin who stood and read aloud one of the banners, _How long must
women wait for liberty?_ and then yelled: “T’ree months yous’ll be
waitin’—in Occoquan.”—of a reporter who, coming into Headquarters in
search of an interview, found a child sliding down the bannisters.
Before he could speak, the child announced in a tone of proud triumph:
“My mother’s going to prison.”
A story they particularly like is of that young couple who, having had
no bridal trip at the time of their marriage, came to Washington for a
belated honeymoon. They visited Headquarters together. The bride became
so interested in the picketing that she went out with one of the picket
lines and was arrested. She spent her belated honeymoon in jail, and the
groom spent his belated honeymoon indignantly lobbying the Congressmen
of his own district.
Later, when they were lighting the Watchfires of Freedom on the White
House pavement, the activity at Headquarters was increased one
hundred-fold.
The pickets themselves refer to that period as the most “messy and
mussy” in their history. Everything and everybody smelled of kerosene.
All the time, there was one room in which logs were kept soaking in this
pervasive fluid. When they first started the Watchfires they carried the
urn and the oil-soaked logs openly, to the appointed spot on the
pavement in front of the White House. Later, when the arrests began and
the fires had to be built so swiftly that they had to abandon the urn,
they carried these logs under coats or capes. The White House pavement
was always littered with charred wood even when the Watchfires were not
going. Once the fires were started it was almost impossible to put them
out. Kerosene-soaked wood is a very obstinate substance. Water had no
effect on it. Chemicals alone extinguished it. Amazed crowds used to
stand watching these magic flames. Often when the policemen tried to
stamp the fires out, they succeeded only in scattering them.
It was an extraordinary effect, too, when the policemen were busy
putting out one fire, to see others start up, in _this_ corner of the
Park, in _that_ corner, in the great bronze urn, near the center.
Building a fire in that bronze urn was as difficult a matter as it
seems. A Woman’s Party member, glancing out from a stairway window at
the top of the house at Headquarters, had noted how boldly the urn stood
out from the rest of the Park decoration....
[Illustration: EVERY GOOD SUFFRAGIST THE MORNING AFTER RATIFICATION.
Nina Allender in _The Suffragist_.]
At three o’clock one morning, Julia Emory and Hazel Hunkins, two of the
youngest and tiniest pickets, bore over to the Park from Headquarters
several baskets of wood which they concealed in the shadows under the
trees. The next problem was to get a ladder there without being seen.
They accomplished this in some way, dragging it over the ground, slow
foot after slow foot, and placed it against the urn. At intervals the
policeman on the beat, who was making the entire round—or square—of the
Park, passed. While one girl mounted the rudder and filled the urn with
oil-soaked paper, oil-soaked wood, and liberal libations of oil, the
other remained on guard. When the guard gave the word that the policeman
was near, the two girls threw themselves face downward on the frozen
grass. It is a very large urn and by this stealthy process it took hours
to fill it. It was two days before they started the fire. Anybody might
have seen the logs protruding from the top of the urn during those two
days, but nobody did.
The day on which the urn projected itself into the history of the
Woman’s Party, the Watchfires were burning for the first time on the
White House pavements. The street and the Park were filled with people.
A member of the Woman’s Party, passing the urn, furtively threw into it
a lighted asbestos coil. The urn instantly belched flames which
threatened to lick the sky. The police arrested every Woman’s Party
member in sight. All the way down the street as the patrol carried them
away, Hazel Hutchins and Julia Emory saw the flames flaring higher and
higher.
“How did they do that?” one man was heard to say. “I’ve been here the
whole afternoon and I didn’t see them light it.”
Twice afterwards fires were started in the urn. For that matter, fires
were started there after the police had set a watch on it.
Hazel Hunkins, young, small, slender, took the urn under her special
patronage. One of the pictures the Woman’s Party likes to draw is the
time Hazel was arrested there. She had climbed up onto the pedestal and
was throwing logs into the pool of oil when two huge policemen descended
upon her. The first seized one foot and the second seized the other; and
they both pulled hard. Of course in these circumstances, it was
impossible for her to move. But she is an athlete and she clung tight to
the urn edge. Still the policemen pulled. Finally she said gently, “If
you will let go of my feet, I will come down myself.”
Later asbestos coils were introduced into the campaign. This—from the
police point of view—was more annoying than the kerosene-soaked logs;
for they were compact to carry, easy to handle, difficult to put out,
and they lasted a long, long time.
Another picture the Woman’s Party likes to draw is of Mildred Morris
starting asbestos coils. With her nimbus of flaming hair, Miss Morris
seemed a flame herself. She was here, there, everywhere. The police
could no more catch up with her than they could with a squirrel. One
night, with the assistance of two others, she—unbelievably—fastened some
asbestos coils among the White House trees; but to her everlasting
regret the guards found them before the illumination could begin.
The stories they tell about arrests at this time are endless. Little
Julia Emory, who was arrested thirty-four times, is a repository of lore
on this subject.
They were a great trial to the police—the arrests of these later months.
While under detention, the pickets used to organize impromptu
entertainments. This was during the period, when at their trials, the
Suffragists would answer no questions and the court authorities were put
to it to establish their identities. They related with great glee how in
his efforts to prove Annie Arniel’s identity, a policeman described one
of their concerts in court.
And then, your Honor, that one there said, “We’ll now have a comb
solo from a distinguished combist, who has played before all the
crowned heads of Europe, Annie Arniel,” and then, your Honor, the
defendant got up and played a tune on a comb.
When, for instance, Suffragists refused bail, the police did not like to
hold them overnight because it was such an expense to the District of
Columbia to feed them. Julia Emory describes one evening when a roomful
of them, arrested, and having refused to put up bail, were waiting the
will of the powers. During this wait, which lasted several hours, they
entertained themselves by singing.
Once a policeman came in:
“Will you pay your bail if we put it at twenty-five dollars?”
“No,” answered the pickets promptly.
He went out, but later he returned.
“Will you pay your bail if we put it at five dollars?”
“No.”
“Then march out.”
But those light moments were only foam thrown up from serious and
sometimes desperate times. When a crowd of ex-pickets gather together
and indulge in reminiscences, extraordinary revelations occur. Looking
at their faces and estimating their youth, one wonders at a world which
permitted one per cent of these things to happen.
And as for their experiences with the mobs.... Not the least of the
psychological factors in the situation was the slow growth of the
crowds; the circle of little boys who gathered about them first,
spitting at them, calling them names, making personal comments; then the
gathering gangs of young hoodlums who encouraged the boys to further
insults; then more and more crowds; more and more insults; the final
struggle.
Often of course the pickets stood against the White House fence, an
enormous mob packed in front of them, with the knowledge that police
protection—according to the orders of the day—might be given them or
might not.... Sometimes that crowd would edge nearer and nearer until
there was but a foot of smothering, terror-fraught space between them
and the pickets. Literally those women felt they had their backs to the
wall. Occasionally they had to mount the stone coping! Always too they
feared that any sudden movement within the packed, slowly approaching
hostile crowd might foam into violence. Occasionally, when the police
followed orders to protect the pickets, violent things happened to
people in the crowd. Catherine Flanagan saw a plain-clothes man hit six
sailors over the head in succession with a billy. They went down like
nine pins. Yet when after hours of a seemingly impressive waiting the
actual struggle came—something—some spiritual courage bigger than
themselves—impelled them to hold on to their banner poles to the last
gasp. They were big in circumference—those banner poles—but the girls
clutched them so tightly that often it took three policemen to wrench
them away. Catherine Flanagan had deep gashes on the inside of her palms
where her own nails had penetrated her flesh and great wounds on the
outside of her hands where the policemen had dug their nails into them.
Virginia Arnold’s hands and arms were torn as though in a struggle with
some wild beast.
Yet, I repeat, Headquarters saw its lighter moments even in those most
troubled times. And during those most troubled times, that gay spirit of
youth managed to maintain itself. The onlookers marveled at it. But it
was only because it was a spiritual quality—youth of the soul, in
addition to youth of the body—that it could endure. During the course of
the eight years of its history, the members of the Woman’s Party had
been subjected to disillusion after disillusion. The older ones among
them bore this succession of shocks with that philosophy which a long
experience in public affairs engenders. But the younger ones—believing
at first, as youth always believes, in the eternal verities, and in
their eternal prevalence—witnessed faith-shaking sights and underwent
even more faith-shaking experiences.
In their contact with public men, they saw such a man as Borah for
instance—perhaps the chief of the Knights of the Double Cross—give the
Woman’s Party what virtually amounted to his pledged word to support the
Amendment and then coolly repudiate it. They saw Moses of New Hampshire
play a quibbling trick on them which involved them in weeks of the
hardest kind of work only calmly to ignore his own pledge at the end.
They contended with such differing personalities as the cold, cultured
mind, immutably set in the conventions of a past generation, of Henry
Cabot Lodge; the unfairness, or fatuity, or brutality of such men as
Penrose of Pennsylvania, Thomas of Colorado, Wadsworth of New York, Reed
of Missouri, Brandegee of Connecticut, Hoke Smith of Georgia.
When the picketing began, they saw outside forces get their Headquarters
from them; saw them influence scores of property owners sometimes after
an advance rent had been paid, not to let houses to them; saw them try
to influence the people who gave money, to withhold such financial
support; saw them try to influence the newspapers to be less impartial
in their descriptions of Woman’s Party activities. As the picketing went
on and the burning of the President’s words and the Watchfires succeeded
it—while they were exercising their inalienable right of peaceful
protest—they knew the experience of being harried by mobs at the very
door of the President of the United States; harried while the President
passed in his carriage through their midst; later to be harried in
collaboration by both mobs and police. Under arrest and in prison, they
underwent experiences which no one of them would have believed possible
of the greatest republic in the world. They were held incommunicado;
they could see neither counsel nor Party members. They were offered food
filled with worms. They were submitted to incredible brutalities.
And yet, I have said that spirit of youth prevailed. It prevailed
because they were speaking for their generation. They developed a sense
of devotion to their ideal of freedom which would have stopped short of
no personal sacrifice, not death itself. They developed a sense of
comradeship for each other which was half love, half admiration and all
reverence. In summing up a fellow worker, they speak first of her
“spirit,” and her “spirit” is always _beautiful_, or _noble_, or
_glorious_, or some such youth-loved word.
Once, when one party of pickets, about to leave Occoquan, was in the
dining-room, a fresh group, just sentenced, were brought into luncheon
and placed at another table. Conversation was not permitted. Not a word
was spoken, but with one accord the released pickets raised their
water-glasses high, then lowered them and drank to their comrades.
Yes, that was their strength—spirit of youth. Lavinia Dock said, “The
young are at the gates.” The young stormed those gates and finally
forced them open. They entered. And leaving behind all sinister
remembrance of the battle, they turned their faces towards the morning.
THE END
------------------------------------------------------------------------
INDEX
Abbot, Minnie D., 225
Adams, Abigail, 103
Adams, Hazel, 357
Adams, Pauline, 236, 238, 404, 407
Adams, Mrs. Walter, 402
Addams, Jane, 13, 39, 42
Adler, Jessie, 389
Ainge, Edith, 238, 357, 373, 374, 375, 377, 392, 393, 396, 400, 404,
407, 446
Allen, Genevieve, 429, 449
Allender, Nina, 15, 18, 19, 46, 208
American Federation of Labor, 166
Amidon, Beulah, 47, 124, 193, 203, 232, 342
Andrews, Harriet U., 377, 393, 394, quoted 406
Anglin, Margaret, 107
Aniba, Isabel C., quoted 346
Arizona ratifies, 423
Arkansas ratifies, 439
Armes, Mrs. George A., 63, quoted 92
Arniel, Annie, 220, 221, 238, 357, 377, 392, 393, 394, 400, 401, 404,
472
Arnold, Bertha, 332, 363, 372, 375, 377, 379, 381, 400, 407
Arnold, Virginia, 71, 77, 124, 220, 221, 230, 233, 374, 375, 376, 377,
474
Ascough, Lillian M., 357, 404
Ascough, Mrs. W. D., 151, 407
Ashurst, Senator, 54
Asquith, Herbert, 10
Atwater, Mrs. George, 374
Austin, Mary, 114
Baird, Senator Davis, 381, 415, 436
Baker, Abby Scott, quoted 152; 177, 201, 238, 291, 301, 318, 328, 334,
340, 344, 381, 407, 428, 429, 446, 450, 451, 453, 454, 457
Baker, Secretary of War, 160, 441
Bamberger, Governor, 428
Bar Association, 295, 297
Barnes, Mrs. Charles W., 251
Barnett, John T., 89
Barrett, Naomi, 396, 397
Barrow, Frank, 432, 438, 440
Barry, John D., 255
Bartelme, Judge Mary A., 157
Bartlett, Dorothy, 238
Battelle, Mrs. John Gordon, 450, 453
Beach, Cornelia, 238
Beale, Olive, 377, 379
Beard, Mary, 13, 43, 51, 145, 155, 300, 381
Beckwith, Mrs. Carol, 145
Beim, Mrs. A. N., 251
Belmont, Mrs. O. H. P., 51, 73, quoted 105; 106, 113, 129, 201, 290,
311
Bennett, Mrs. M. Toscan, quoted 387; 395, 448
Bergen, Mrs. William, 251
Black, Judge W. W., 88
Black, Louise M., 357
Blair, Henry W., 215
Blatch, Harriot Stanton, 13, 96, 151, 153, 167, 174, 195
Bloch, Senator, 441, 442
Blumberg, Hilda, 243, 252
Bodenheim, Marie, 413
Boeckel, Florence Brewer, 46, 47, 186
Boeckh, Kate J., 236, 357, 400
Boissevain, Inez Milholland, 21, 25, 96, 158, 174,
memorial service, 185-7
Borah, Senator, 344, 350, 382
Bovee, Mrs. Virginia, 267, quoted 268
Boyle, Catherine, 346, 396
Brady, Senator, 84
Brandeis, Miss, 81
Branham, Lucy, 124, 238, 328, 334, 351, quoted 364; 381, 385, 400, 407,
446
Branham, Mrs. L. V. G. Gwynne, 404
Brannan, Mrs. John Winters, 129, 190, 201, 226, 250, 251, quoted 252;
274, 279, 282, 388
Brisbane, Arthur, 158
Bristow, Senator, 56
Bristow-Mondell Amendment, 36, 77
British Mission, 207
Bronenberg, Jennie, 404
Bronson, Minnie, quoted 256, 341
Brooke, Minnie E., 66, 176
Brown, Izetta Jewel, 451
Brown, Miss, 11
Brown, Mrs. William Gay, 440
Brown, Rev. Olympia, 204, 313, quoted 388
Brownlow, Commissioner, 267
Bruere, Mrs. Henry, 145
Bryan, J. W., 93
Bryant, Louise, 404
Burn, Harry, 459, 460, 461
Burns, Lucy, 9, 13, 16-7, 42, 46, 51, quoted 62, 68; 69-70, 74, 77,
129, 148, 151, 181, 201, 208, 210, 220, quoted 223, 230, 233, 238,
251, 264, quoted 267-8; 274, 279, quoted 281; 301, 318, 357, 360,
377, 381, 396, 400, 404, 407, 466
Burritt, M. Tilden, 251
Butterworth, Mrs. Henry, 251, 275
Calderhead, Iris, 124, 222, 380
California ratifies, 429
Calmes, Lucia, 396
Calnan, Eleanor, 238, 377, 409
Campbell, Agnes, 151
Campbell, Mary, 346
Candler, Senator, 454
Capper, Governor, 147, 441
Caraway, Representative, 137
Carey, Governor, 431, 432
Carey, Mrs. John, 449
Carlin, Representative, 133, 137
Carpenter, Alice, 155, 300
Casey, Josephine, 77
Castleton, Beatrice, 412, 413
Catt, Mrs. Carrie Chapman, 162, 348
Catts, Governor, 331-2
Chamberlain-Mondell Amendment, 36
Chamberlain, Senator, 35
Chandler, Representative, 137
Chase, Agnes, 357
Chevrier, Palys L., 396, 404
_Cheyenne Tribune_, quoted 88
Chi, Mrs. Chem., 101
Chicago Republican Convention, 447-9
Chisaski, Helen, 396
Chisholm, Mrs. W. W., 238
Christensen, Parley, 456
Churchill, Winston, 10
Clark, Champ, 338
Clark, Maude F., 70
Clarke, Pauline, 46, 124, 220, 357
Club Women’s Deputation, 60
Cochran, William J., 416
Cohen, Cynthia, 251
Coles, Assemblyman, 437
College Equal Suffrage League, 34
Collins, Josephine, 409, 410
Colorado ratifies, 431
Colt, Mrs. William L., 181, 252
Colt, Senator, 343
Colvin, Sarah T. (Mrs. A. R.), 151, 400, 402, 404, 407
Comborrov, Reba, 404
Condon, Miss, 295
Congressional Committee, 3, 31-2, 33, 35, 39, 45-6
Congressional Union, 37, 47-8, 49, 55, quoted 88-93, 101-7, 123, 129,
131-2, 156, 157
Connecticut ratifies, 463
Connelly, Betty, 409, 410
Constable, Anna, 151
Cosu, Alice, 251, 273
Cox, Governor, 452, 457
Crabtree, Hon. W. R., 299
Crans, Lillian, 209
Crawford, Cora, 357, 401
Crewe, Lord, 10, 11
Crocker, Gertrude Lynde, 128, 201, 248, 357, 393, 396
Crocker, Ruth, 128, 233, 242, 400
Crone, Berta, 220, 293
Culberson, Senator, 343
Cummings, Homer S., 416, 451
Cummins, Senator, 305, 422
Curtis, Senator, 82, 179, 343, 350, 366
Cuthbert, Mrs. Lucius M., 78
Dabs, Mr., 330
Dale, Representative, 137
Daniels, L. G. C., 377
Daniels, Lou C., 245, 251, 409, 448
Daniels, Lucy, 404
Daniels, Secretary, 441
Davis, Edith, 453
Davis, Mrs. Frances, 377
Day, Dorothy, 251, 272
Dean, Ella Morton, 230, 231
Debs, Eugene, 153
Decker, Eva, 251
Democratic Women’s Deputation, 63
Dennett, Mary Ware, 13, 38
De Shan, Florence, 412
De Valera, President, 444
Devoe, Emma Smith, 39, 66
De Young, M. H., 106
Dial, Senator, 415
Dixon, Edna, 236
Dixon, Mary Bartlett, 251
Dock, Lavinia, quoted 212; 220, 221, 236, 313, 357
Doolittle, Representative, 89
Dorr, Rheta Childe, 46, 60, 158
Dorsey, Hugh M., 423
Doty, Madeline, 300
Dowell, Mary Carol, 397
Doyle, Christine M., 357
Drew, Senator, 415
Drumheller, Roscoe, 92
Dubrow, Mary E., 124, 328, 357, 381, 392, 393, 394, quoted 439-43
Dyer, Mrs. E. Tiffany, 145
Dyer, Representative, 137
Eastman, Crystal, 13, 51, 66, 158
Edge, Senator, 415
Edwards, Edward I., 435
“E. H. Howe,” 410
Emory, Julia, 124, 238, 251, 263, 273, 275, 328, 357, 364, 375, 376,
377, 379, 393; 394, 396, quoted 424-8; 470, 472, 473
Evans, Mrs., 19
Evans, Mrs. Edmund C., 357, 394
Evans, Ernestine, 300
Evans, Mrs. Evan, 155
Evans, Mrs. Glendower, quoted 59
Ewing, Lucy, 229, 236, 407
Eylward, Estella, 404
Fendall, Mary Gertrude, 124, 140, 218, 328, 355, 357, 373, 374, 377,
400, 465
Fess, Simeon, 433, quoted 440
Field, Sara Bard, quoted 101; 105, 107-8, quoted 108-14; 114, 115, 118,
153, 157, 164, 165, 174, quoted 188; 190, 328, 451
Findeisen, Ella, 251
Fisher, Katherine Rolston, 242, quoted 261; 269, 315, 357, 377
Fishstein, Rose, 404
Fishstein, Rose G., 404
Fitch, Ruth, quoted 183-4
Fitzgerald, Representative, 128
Flanagan, Catherine, 124, quoted 230-2; 233, 236, 249, 250, 328, 380,
382, 433, 443, 448, 453,
455, 463, 474
Flegel, Mr., 92
Forbes, T. W., 404
Fotheringham, Janet, 225
Fotheringham, Margaret, 236; quoted 237; 238
Fowler, Frances, 409
French Commission, 207
French, Mrs. L. Crozier, 452
Frierson, William L., quoted 451
Frost, Grace, 375
Frost, Susan, 389
Fuller, Clara Kinsley, 236, quoted 237
Gale, Zona, quoted 67; 186
Gallagher, Andrew, quoted 104
Gallinger, Senator, 345
Gannon, Dr., 280
Gard, Representative, 118, 137
Gardner, Commissioner, 279
Gardner, Gilson, 25, 203, quoted 204; 226, 227, quoted 234; 235, 267
Gardner, Mrs. Gilson, 20, 51, 69, 70, 94, quoted 95; 129, 134, 201,
225, quoted 265; 266, 318, 357, 377, 396, 466
Garnett, Louise, 380, 428
Garrison, Rebecca, 404
Gasch, Marie Manning, 251
Gates, Wellington H., 88
Gay, Senator, 411
Gerberding, Elizabeth, 155
Germany, war declared, 205
Gerry, Senator, 342
Gilbert, Mildred, 181
Gilman, Charlotte Perkins, quoted 418-9
Ginsberg, Anna, 404
Glines, Mildred, 342
Glover, W. Irving, 436
Goode, Edith, 151
Goode, Jane, 151
Gonzon, Mary, 346
Goolsby, Mr., 330
Gram, Alice, 47, 251
Gram, Betty, 124, 251, 328, 374, 380, 409, 422, 433, quoted 435-9; 441,
442, 443, 451, 453, 455, 460
Gray, Natalie, 233, 236, 466
Gray, Mrs. S. H. B., 220, 466
Greeley, Helen Hoy, 449
Green, Mrs. E. C., 452
Green, Mrs. Frances, 223
Green, Mollie Marie, 357
Greiner, Gladys, 220, 222, 242, 248, 357, 373, 374, 381, 404, 407
Grey, Sir Edward, 11
Grimes, Mrs., 318
Grogan, Sara, 22, 377, 379, 389
Gross, Mrs. Irving, 409
Guggenheim, Leo U., 88
Guilford, Ella, 251
Gwinter, Eleanor, 242
Hale, Matthew, 415
Hamilton, Elizabeth, 251
Hara, Ernestine, 243
Harding, Warren G., 345, 422, 449, 454
Hardwick, Senator, 350, 415
Hardy, Jennie C. Law, 117
Harmer, Senator, 440
Harper, Ida Husted, 43
Harrington, Governor, 424
Harris, Gabrielle, 403
Harris, Senator, 415
Harrison, Senator, 415
Hasbrouck, Olive, 66
Havemeyer, Mrs. H. O., 174, 402, quoted 403; 404, 407, 448, 452, 453
Hawkins, Mrs. W. J., 431
Hawley, ex-Governor, 84
Hawley, Senator, 92
Hayden, Congressman, 83, 90
Hays, Will H., 444, quoted 445
Hearst, Phoebe A., 157
Heffelfinger, Kate Cleaver, 245, 247, 249, 357, 396
Henderson, Jessica, 409
Henderson, Wilma, 409-10
Henesy, Minnie, 245, 247, 249
Henkel, Alice, 124, 343
Hennessy, Charles O’Connor, 381-2
Henry, Mr., quoted 68; 69, quoted 94-5; 127
Hepburn, Mrs. Thomas, 290
Herendeen, Anne, quoted 7
Herkner, Anne, 404
Herndon, Mrs., 271
Hershfield, Harry, 436
Higgins, Colonel, 373
Hill, Alberta, 63
Hill, Elsie, 34, 51, 124, 129, 133, 175, 176, 205, 290, 328, 357, 358,
quoted 361, 380, 409, 413, 443, 445, 446
Hilles, Florence Bayard, 117, 151, 181, 201, 225, quoted 345; 346, 381,
390, 443, 449, 453
Hinchey, Margaret, quoted 58
Hinshaw, Virgil, 300
Holcomb, Governor Marcus, 463
Hollis, Senator, 306
Hooker, Mrs. Donald R., 51, 129, 201, 301, 426, 450
Hooper, ex-Governor, 454
Hopkins, J. A. H., 226, 227, 267, 300, quoted 301
Hopkins, Mrs. J. A. H., 201, 225, 227, 433, 435, 438
Hornesby, L. H., 251
Hourwich, Rebecca, 124, 296, 381
House Suffrage Committee, 302, 306, 307
Howe, Julia Ward, 103
Howell, Representative, 109
Howry, Elizabeth, 186
Huddleston, Mr., 320
Huff, Elizabeth, 396
Huff, Emily, 400
Hughes, Charles Evans, 27, 28, 161, 162
Hull, Mr., 337
Hunkins, Hazel, 124, 177, 209, 220, 222, 225, 328, 355, 356, 357, 358,
470
Hunt, Helen, 332
Hunter, Gertrude, 77, quoted 80; 236
Hurlburt, Julia, 151, 225
Hutton, May Arkwright, 154
Hyattsville, Mayor of, 38
Idaho ratifies, 439
Igoe, Representative, 137
Illinois ratifies, 420
Indiana ratifies, 431
_Indianapolis News_, quoted 112
Industrial Workers deputation, 57
Ingham, Mary H., quoted 388, 401, 402, 404, 407, 421, 447, 450
Iowa ratifies, 422
Jack, Mrs. C. C., 409
Jackson, Mrs. Mark, 242
Jacobson, Pauline, quoted 245
Jakobi, Paula, 251, 273, 275, quoted 278, 281
James, Ada, 420
James, D. G., 420
James, Senator, 349
Jameson, John B., 381-2
Jamison, Maud, 220-1, 238, 245, 247, 249, 373, 374, 377, 379, 396
Jerrold, Lilian, 346
Johns, Peggy Baird, 243, 251
Johnson, Senator, 305, 306
Johnson, Willie Grace, 404
Joliffe, Frances, 105, 107-8, 113, 114, 115, 118
Jones, Margaret Graham, 47
Jones, Senator Andreus Aristides, 305, 345, 347, 349, 366, 411
Jones, Senator Wesley L., 40, 305, 360, 411
Jost, Mayor, 109
Judiciary Committee, 35
Juengling, Amy, 251, 404
Kahle, Louise Lewis, 245
Kalb, Benigna Green, 445
Kalb, Elizabeth, 46, 372, 374, 375, 377, 379, 396, quoted 464
Kansas ratifies, 421
Katzenstein, Caroline, 151, 381
Keating, Senator, 92
Keehn, Harriet, 357
Kellam, Mrs. Arthur, quoted 345
Keller, Helen, 158
Kelley, Augusta M., 377
Kelley, Florence, quoted 101-2, 113
Kellogg, Rhoda, 397
Kellogg, Senator, 345
Kelly, Mrs. Nicholas, 379
Kelly, Representative, 71
Kendall, Ada Davenport, 270, 287-9
Kendall, Anna Norris, 204
Kendall, Mrs. Frederick Willard, 242
Kendrick, Senator, 441
Kennedy, Marie Ernst, 404
Kent, Representative, 128
Kent, Mrs. William, 18, 51, 94, 100, 129, 134, quoted 144, 174, 186,
195, 201, 219, 251, 253, 290, 301, 312, 318, 429, 451
Kentucky ratifies, 431
Kessler, Margaret Wood, 243
Keyes, Senator, 415
Kilby, Thomas E., 422
Kimball, Alice, 357
Kin, Dr. Yami, quoted 105
Kincaid, Mrs. B. R., 225
Kindberg, Maria, 107
Kindstedt, Ingeborg, 107
King, Dr. Cora Smith, 34, 90
King, Senator, 343
Koeing, Ruby E., 357
Kruger, Hattie, 251
Kuhn, Anna, 357
Kuli Khan, Mme. Ali, 105
Ladd, Dr., 281
Lamont, Mrs. George W., 167
Lancaster, Elsie, 77, 89
Lang, Mrs. Albion, 449
Latimer, Edna S., 77
Latimer, Mrs., quoted 81-2
Laughlin, Gail, quoted 103; 153, 174
Lawrence, David, 254
Lederman, Minna, 377
Lennox, Ida, 346
Lenroot, Senator, 347
Lewis, Mrs. Lawrence, 13, 51, 66, 129, 201, 220, 223, 251, 279, quoted
280; 292, 312, 313, 356, 357, 379, 381, 391, 394, 421, 430, 443, 451
Lewis, Rose, 409
Lewis, Shippen, 447
Lewis, William Draper, 447
Lieberson, Rose, 357
Lincoln, Kathryn, 251
Lloyd, Lola Maverick, 377
Lockrey, Dr. Sarah Hunt, 357
Lockwood, Mrs. Henry L., 236
Lodge, Senator, 422
Logan, Mrs. Ellis, 60
Logue, Mary, 394
Lloyd George, 10
Lowenburg, Mrs. Harry, 181
Lowry, Catherine, 209
Ludlow, Dr. Clara E., 70
McCarl, Mr., 431
McCormick, Mrs. Medill, 122
McCormick, Vance, quoted 180
McCoy, Representative, 40, 41
McCue, Anne, 77
McCumber, Senator, 342
McDuffie, Mrs. S. B., 71
McKellar, Senator, 350
McKenzie, Marie, 346
McPherson, Blanche A., 355, 357
McShane, Elizabeth, 251, 253, 375, 402, 404, 407
Mackay, Senator, 436
Mackaye, Mrs. Benton, 203
Mackaye, Jessie Hardy, quoted 365
Mackrille, Ida Finney, 174, 451
Magee, Katherine, 397
Main, Effie Boutwell, 357
Main, Emily Burke, 357
Maine ratifies, 430
Maki, Mayi, 102
Mallon, Winifred, 15, 23, 151
Malone, Dudley Field, 201, 239-42, 254, 259, 267, 282, 287, 290, 300
Malone, Maude, 238
Mann, Representative, 93, 339
Maphis, Director, 334
Marion, Kitty, 222, 223, 225
Marlborough, Duchess of, 73
Maroney, Lieut., 154
Marsden, Edith, 46
Marsh, Eleanor Taylor, 47
Martin, Anne, 15, 23, 94, 108, 115, 129, 131, quoted 134-6; 149, 157,
186, 201, 225, quoted 259; 292, 293, 299, 301, 303, 318, 319, 465
Martin, Senator, 334, 348
Martinette, Catherine, 251
Massachusetts ratifies, 422
Maverick, Lucy, 412, 413
Mead, Mrs. Cyrus, 151
Mellett, Mrs. Lowell, 134
Men’s League for Woman Suffrage, 45
Mercer, Nell, 402, 404
Meredith, Mrs. Sophie, 249, 357
Merritt, H. P., 423
Michigan ratifies, 420
Milholland, Inez, _see Boissevain_
Milholland, Vida, 202, 222, 249, 387, 407
Miller, Alice Duer, 130, 131
Mellett, Mrs. Lowell, 318
Minnesota ratifies, 428
Missouri ratifies, 422
Mitchell, Mayor, 114
Moller, Bertha, 372, 373, 374, 375, 381, 397
Mondell, Representative, 35, 67, 69, 114, 116, 128, 432, 433
Monroe, Lila Day, 148
Montana ratifies, 423
Montessori, Mme. Marie, quoted 105
Montgomery, Senator, 442
Moore, Martha W., 357, 397
Moran, Mrs. F. B., quoted 166
Morey, Agnes H., 151, 251, 381, quoted 388-9, 409, 422, 152, 208, 209,
210, 220-1, 231, 250, 278, 381, 408, 410
Morgan, Mary, 185
Morgan, Representative, 137
Morris, Mildred, 396, 404, 472
Morrison, Secretary, 430
Moses, George H., 381
Moss, Mr. Hunter, 121, 137, 138
Moulton, Arthur L., 79
Moyle, James H., 92
Mullowny, Judge, 226, 243, 248, 249, 252
Munds, Mrs. Frances, 90
Munnecke, Phoebe, 394, 400, 404
Murdock, Senator, 82
Murphy, Gertrude, 397
National American Woman Suffrage Association, 3, 13, 42, 43, 66, 168
National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage, 255-6
National Council of Women Voters, 34, 39
National Federation of Women’s Clubs, 59
Nebraska ratifies, 423
Needham, Grace, 374, 381
Neely, Representative, Kansas, 82, 92
Neely, Representative, W. Va., 137
Nelson, Representative, 132, 133, 137
Newell, Gertrude B., 152
_New Freedom_, quoted 198
New Hampshire ratifies, 428, 435
New Jersey Women’s Deputation, 40-1
New Mexico ratifies, 439
New York ratifies, 421
_New York Tribune_, quoted 114, 122
Nevada ratifies, 433
Nolan, Mrs. Mary A., 251, 313, 272, quoted 400; 404, 407
Northcliffe, Lord, quoted 301
North Dakota ratifies, 430
Noyes, Ruth, 77
Nugent, James R., 435
Oakes, Margaret, 357, 390
O’Brien, Matthew, 238, 259, quoted 260; 279, 378
Occoquan Workhouse, 263-78
Odell, Mrs. George, 318, 374
Ohio ratifies, 421
Oklahoma ratifies, 439
Older, Mrs. Fremont, quoted 105
Oregon ratifies, 431
Overman, Senator, 363
Owen, Senator, 441
Page, Mrs. Frank, 409
Page, Senator, 345
Palmer, Attorney General, 441
Pankhurst, Mrs. 9
Panama-Pacific Exposition, 100
Papandre, Elizabeth, 181
Patterson, Lulu, 346
Paul, Alice, résumé of achievements, 4-5;
youth and training, 7-8;
work in England, 8-9;
meeting with Lucy Burns, 9;
Scottish campaign, 10-11;
experiences in Glasgow, 11;
starts work for Constitutional Amendment in Washington, 12-13;
Convention of National American Association in Philadelphia, 13;
Chairman Special Committee of National American Woman Suffrage
Association, 13;
description and tributes, 14-16;
starts work in Washington, Dec., 1912, 18;
methods of working, 19-28;
and President Wilson, 32;
leads Congressional Committee Deputation, 33;
deputation of New Jersey women, 41;
plans for 1914, 51;
preparations for demonstration May 2, 1914, 66;
Congressional Union deputation, 69;
quoted, 74-77;
outline for 1915, 99;
Telegraph Editor of _San Francisco Bulletin_, 106;
and Judiciary Committee, Dec., 1915, 116-22;
Congressional Union National Convention, 128;
and William Elza Williams, 133;
quoted 142;
formation of Woman’s Party, 149-51;
Hughes campaign, 161-2;
White House picketing, 196;
National Woman’s Party organized, 199;
declaration of war with Germany, 206;
assaulted while picketing, 232;
arrested, 245;
quoted 246-7;
in prison, 249;
interviewed in prison, 254;
in psychopathic ward, 268;
in Occoquan, 284;
hunger-striking, 285;
lobbying, 318;
Susan B. Anthony Amendment passes House of Representatives, 340;
quoted 358;
Lafayette Monument meetings, 360-3;
arrested, 377, 379;
and Senator Borah, 382-3;
watchfires, 393;
President Wilson’s homecoming demonstration, 408;
Metropolitan Opera House demonstration, 412-3;
Utah ratification, 428;
Maine ratification, 430;
Delaware ratification, and Senator Harding, 449;
Cox and Harding campaign, 453
Peck, Mildred, 346
_Pendleton Tribune_, quoted 91
Pennsylvania ratifies, 421
Penrose, Senator, 421
Pepper, George Wharton, 447
Perry, Emily, 318
Pflaster, Mrs., 312, 397
Phelan, Senator, 342, 429
Phelps, Edith, 390
Philippine Bill, 93
Picketing, details, 464-8
Pierce, Vivian, 46, 124; quoted 177; 220, 238, 244, 312, 328, 372, 373,
374-7, 375, 381, 429, 431, 443
Pinchot, Mrs. Amos, 145
Pincus, Jane, 77, quoted 83
Piunti, Adelina, 396
Poindexter, Senator, 434, quoted 441
Polk, Mrs. Stewart, 373
Pollitzer, Anita, 124, 328, quoted 329-34; 379, 380, 415, 429, 430,
431, 432, 433, 434, 440, 443, 445, 452, 453, 454, 455, 460
Pollock, Senator, 330, 382, 404, 415
Pope, Mrs. Horton, 372
Pottier, Berry, 409
Pou, Mr., 69, 127, quoted 306
Price, Lucy, 341
Pride, Mrs. Marcella, 383
“Prison Special,” 407
Puffenbarger, Mrs., 442
Pugh, Judge, 236, 237
Pullman, Major, 210, 234
Purtelle, Edna M., 357
Quay, Mrs. R. B., 251
Raker, Mr., 338
Rankin, Hon. Jeannette, 300, 318
Read, Mrs. Percy, 152
Reading, Lord, 346
Reams, Captain, 259
Reber, Mabel, 453
Rector, Mrs. James, 452, 453
Reed, Mrs. Percy, 389
Reed, Senator, 109, 321, 349
Reyneau, Mrs. Paul, 225
Rhode Island ratifies, 431
Ridley, Colonel, 357, 362, 385
Riegel, Ella, 152, 402, 404, 407
Robb, Justice, quoted 259
Roberts, Governor, 450, 456, 457
Robertson, Mrs. C. T., 251
Robinson, Senator Helen Ring, 42
Roewer, Mrs. George, 409
Rogers, Mrs. John, Jr., 152, 154, 181, 226, 290, quoted 301, 387; 402,
404, 407
Roosevelt, Theodore, 25, 155, 161, 216, 343
Root, Elihu, 229
Ross, Margery, 20, 124, 394
Rossett, Margaret, 401
Rowe, Clara Louise, 124
Rumley, Dr. E. A., 300
Russell, Isaac, 428
Russell, Mrs. Charles Edward, 134, quoted 136
Russian Commission, 208
Russian, E. T., 401
Russian, Mrs. H. D., quoted 401, 409
Rye, Governor, 351
_Salt Lake City Republican Herald_, quoted 89
Samardin, Nina, 242
_San Francisco Bulletin_, quoted 106
Sargent, Senator, 36
Schuyler, Margaretta, 412
Scott, Melinda, quoted 57
Scott, Mrs. George, 251
Scott, Mrs. Townsend, 152, 181, 220, 389
Scott, Ruth, 396
_Seattle Times_, quoted 88
Seldomridge, Representative, 92
Shafroth-Palmer Resolution, 54-6
Shafroth, Senator, 54, 382
Shaw, Anna Howard, 13, 37, 42, 44
Shaw, Lois Warren, 409
Sheinberg, Belle, 251
Sheppard, Senator, 343
Sherman, Senator, 411
Sherwood, General, 215
Shields, Lucile, 223, 400
Shields, Mrs. Alex, 396
Shields, Senator, 351,
letters quoted 352-3; 375
Shippen, Mrs. Eugene, 389
Shoemaker, Martha, 404
Short, Mrs. J. H., 251
Siddons, Judge, 378
Sisson, Mr., 320
Smailes, Mr., 333
Small, Ruth, 381, 409, 410
Smith, Elizabeth, 233, 252
Smith, Hoke, 317
Smith, Senator Ellison D., 330
Smith, Senator John M. C., 347
Smith, Senator Marcus A., 83, 90, 92, 347
Smoot, Senator, 428
Smyth, Chief Justice, 259
South Dakota ratifies, 431
Spargo, John, 300
Spencer, Dr. Caroline, 181, 244, 248, 390, 396
Spencer, Senator Selden, 438
Sproul, Governor, 421
Stafford, Kate, 251
Steele, Representative, 128, 137
Sterling, Senator, 430
Stevens, Counsel, quoted 259
Stevens, Doris, 77, 78, 106, 124, 145, 195-6, 201, 249, quoted 267,
278, 292, 293, 328, 343, 344, 380, 390, 413, 414, 448
Stevens, Governor, 429
Stimson, Secretary of War, 29
Stokes, Edward Caspar, 435
Stone, Lucy, 103
Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 103
Stubbs, Jessie Hardy, 66, 77, quoted 78; 79
Sturgess, Georgiana, 231
Sturtevant, Eva E., 357
Stuyvesant, Elizabeth, 220, 223, 230, 231, 232, 233
Suffrage Amendment, 3, 34-6, 43, 161, 404-5, 417, 421
“Suffrage Special” Western tour, 152
_Suffragist_, established, 46; quoted 45, 49, 52, 60, 68, 94-5, 114,
134, 164-5, 167, 169, 178, 215, 237, 244
Sullivan, May, 357
Sutherland, Mary, 390
Sutherland, Senator, 114, 116, 162, 344, 440
Sykes, Louise, 409
Taggart, Representative, 117, 119, 137
Tarbell, Ida M., quoted 158
Taylor, J. Will, 454
Tennessee ratifies, 456;
Anti-Suffrage suit, 463
Terrace, Matilda, 357
Texas ratifies, 422
Thomas, Representative R. Y., 137
Thomas, Senator Charles S., 92
Thompson, Mayor, quoted 111
Thompson, Mrs. Sinclair, 124
Todd, Helen, 117, 152, 167, 174
Torrence, Olivia Dunbar, 251
Trammell, Senator, 330
Trax, Lola C., 77, quoted 79
Trinkle, Senator, 334
Tumulty, Joseph, 145, 147, 346, 351, 416
Turner, Banks, 459-60
Turner, Mrs. H. L., 409
Ueland, Mrs. Andreas, 117
Underwood, Senator, 349
Unterman, Elsie, 400, 401
Utah ratifies, 429
Van Gasken, Dr. Frances G., 63
Van Orsdel, Justice, 259-60
Van Winkle, Mina, 167
Vardaman, Senator, 350, 415
Vaughan, Mrs. William P., 330
Vernon, Mabel, 8, 46, 66, quoted 85; 106, 111, 117, 124, 147, 157, 166,
181, 201, 210, 220-1, quoted 263; 292, 293, quoted 300; 303, 328,
407, 443, 447
Ver Vane, Elsie, 396
Volstead, Representative, 121, 137
Waddill, Judge Edmund, 254, 280, 282, 290
Wadsworth, Senator, 375, 411
Wainwright, Mrs. Richard, 300, quoted 303; 363, 432
Walker, Amelia Himes, 225
Walker, Mrs. R., 407
Walker, Representative, 137
Walker, Seth, 455, 456, 459, 462
Wall, Henrietta Briggs, 389
Wallace, Alfred, quoted 157
Wallace, W. R., 89
Wallerstein, Bertha, 401, 404
Walling, Ada, 346
Walmsley, Elizabeth, 400
Walmsley, H. R., 377
Walsh, Frank P., quoted 104, 110, 444
Walsh, Senator, 113, 416, 441
Warren, Mary, 103
Warren, Mrs. Mortimer, 409
_Washington Post_, quoted 43, 181
Washington ratifies, 443
Watson, Madeline, 232, 236
Watson, Mrs. William Upton, 404
Weaver, Eva, 396
Weaver, Mrs. C., 396
Webb, Representative, 117-8, 127, 130, 137, 301, quoted 302
Weed, Eleanor Hill, 357
Weed, Helena Hill, 15, 77, quoted 84-5, 156; 222, 223, 251, 357, 392,
404, quoted 406-7; 449
Weeks, Cora, 251, 404, 407
Weeks, Senator, 411
Welling, Congressman, 429
West Virginia ratifies, 439
Whaley, Representative, 137, 320
Whitcomb, Camilla, 251, 409
White, Mrs. John Jay, 37, 106
White, Sue, 46, 295, 296, 351, 389, 403, 404, 407, 445, 450, 452, 453,
456, 457
Whitehouse, Mrs. Robert Trent, 409, 430
Whitman, Governor, 113
Whittaker, Superintendent of Occoquan, 227, 259, 264, 280
Whittemore, Margaret, 77, 78, 124, 222, 382, 397
Whittemore, Mrs. Nelson, 152
Wiley, Dr. Harvey, 271
Wiley, Mrs. Harvey, 60, 251, quoted 252; 253, 260, 386
Williams, Genevieve, 251
Williams, Senator, 118, 127, 128
Williams, William Ezra, 133-4, quoted 135-7
Willis, Senator, 334
Wilson, Woodrow, 3;
election campaign, 28;
inauguration, 29;
attitude toward Woman Suffrage, 31-2;
reply to New Jersey deputation, 41;
reply to Industrial Women’s deputation, 58-9;
reply to Club Women’s deputation, 60-2;
reply to Democratic Women’s deputation, 64-5;
and the Filipinos, 94;
votes for Woman Suffrage, 108;
receives San Francisco petition, 115-6;
delegation of New York women, 144-7;
visits Kansas, 147-8;
letters, 162-3;
addresses National American Woman Suffrage Association, 169-71;
letter to National Woman’s Party Conference, 172-4;
receives resolutions passed at Inez Milholland Memorial, 188-9;
acknowledges resolutions of National Woman’s Party, 205;
declares for Federal Amendment, 256;
becomes actively interested in Woman Suffrage, 302;
receives Woman’s Committee of the Council of National Defense, 345;
reply to French Union for Woman Suffrage, 348;
correspondence with Senators re Suffrage Amendment, 351-4;
delegation of Southern and Western Democratic Women, 363;
address to Senate re Woman Suffrage, 367-70;
letter to Senator Hennessy, 381-2;
message to Congress Dec. 2, 1918, 384;
sails for France, 385;
reply to delegation of French Working Women, 398-9;
burned in effigy, 403;
returns from Europe, 408;
Boston demonstration, 408-10;
leaves for Europe, 412;
cabled message to Congress quoted, 416;
ratification in Alabama and Georgia, 422-4;
requests Delaware ratification, 444;
requests Tennessee ratification, 451
Wilson and Marshall League, 64
Winslow, Rose, quoted 58; 77, 174, 177, 245, quoted 247-9, 283
Winsor, Ellen, 357, 396
Winsor, Mary, 229, 238, 357, quoted 359, 407, 453
Winston, Mrs. A. P., 393, 394
Winston, Mrs. K. G., 375
Winthrop, Hannah, 103
Wisconsin ratifies, 420
Wold, Clara P., 46, 355, 357, 373, 374, 375, 379, 380, 389, 404, 449
Wold, Cora, 357
Wolfe, Clara, 343
Woman’s Committee of the Council of National Defense, 345
Woman’s National Democratic League, 165
Woman’s Party, 15, 28, 29, 172-4, 158-9, 199, 259, 311, 275, 380, 428,
452, 457-9, 467, 469
Woman Suffrage Committee, 35, 36, 43
Women’s Trade Union League, 57
Woolley, Robert, 415
_Wyoming Leader_, quoted 87
Wyoming ratifies, 433
Wyoming State convention, 20-1
Young, Joy, 124, 223, 245, 297, 298
Young, Matilda, 245, 252, 375, 377, 379, 393, 395
Younger, Maud, 15, 21, 25, 28, quoted 104; 124, 131, 144, quoted 156;
174, 177, 184, 201, quoted 255; 290, 292, 294-6, 298, quoted 303-5;
quoted 324; 351, 363, 381, 400, 469; _Revelations of a Woman
Lobbyist_ quoted, 132, 138-42, 189-90, 319-24, 337-9, 341-5, 347-50,
366-71, 417
_Yuma Examiner_ quoted, 91
Zinkham, Warden at Washington Jail, 250, 258, 359
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● Transcriber’s Notes:
○ Missing or obscured punctuation was corrected.
○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.
○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only
when a predominant form was found in this book.
○ Text in italics is enclosed by underscores like this _italics_).