CHAPTER XXIII

THE USURPER

The answer which the country gave the President's Proclamation of

Emancipation was a startling one, even to the patient, careful

far-seeing man of the people in the White House. For months he had

carried the immortal document in his pocket without even allowing his

Cabinet to know it had been written. He had patiently borne the abuse of

his party leaders and the fierce assaults of Horace Greeley until he

believed the time had come that he must strike this blow--a blow which

would rouse the South to desperation and unite his enemies in the North.

He had finally issued it with grave fears.

The results were graver than he could foresee. More than once he was

compelled to face the issue of its repeal as the only way to forestall a

counter revolution in the North.

Desertions from the army became appalling--the number reached frequently

as high as two hundred a day and the aggregate over eight thousand a

month. His Proclamation had provided for the enlistment of negroes as

soldiers. Not only did thousands of men refuse to continue to fight when

the issue of Slavery was injected, but other thousands felt that the

uniform of the Republic had been dishonored by placing it on the backs

of slaves. They refused to wear it longer, and deserted at the risk of

their lives.

The Proclamation had united the South and hopelessly divided the North.

How serious this Northern division was destined to become was the

problem now of a concern as deep as the size and efficiency of General

Lee's army.

The election of the new Congress would put his administration to a

supreme fight for existence. If the Democratic Party under its new

leader, Clay Van Alen of Ohio, should win it meant a hostile majority in

power whose edict could end the war and divide the Union. They had

already selected in secret George B. McClellan for their coming standard

bearer.

For the first time the question of Union or Disunion was squarely up to

the North in an election. And it came at an unlucky moment for the

President. The army in the West had ceased to win victories. The

Southern army under Lee was still defending Richmond as strongly as

ever.

There was no evading the issue at the polls. The Proclamation had

committed the President to the bold, far-reaching radical and aggressive

policy of the utter destruction of Slavery. The people were asked to

choose between Slavery on the one hand and nationality on the other. The

two together they could not again have.

The President had staked his life on his faith that the people could be

trusted on a square issue of right and wrong.

This time he had underestimated the force of blind passions which the

hell of war had raised.

Maine voted first and cut down her majority for the administration from

nineteen thousand to a bare four thousand. The fact was ominous.

Ohio spoke next and Van Alen's ticket against the administration swept

the State, returning fourteen Democrats and only five Republicans to

Congress.

Indiana, the State in which the President's mother slept, spoke in

thunder tones against him, sending eight Democrats and three

Republicans. Even the rockribbed Republican stronghold of Pennsylvania

was carried by the opposition by a majority of four thousand, reversing

Lincoln's former majority of sixty thousand.

In New York the brilliant Democratic leader, Horatio Seymour, was

elected Governor on a platform hostile to the administration by more

than ten thousand majority. New Jersey turned against him, Michigan

reduced his majority from twenty to six thousand. Wisconsin evenly

divided its delegates to Congress.

Illinois, the President's own State, gave the most crushing blow of all.

His big majority there was completely reversed and the Democrats carried

the State by over seventeen thousand and the Congressional delegates

stood eleven to three against him.

And then his Border State Policy, against which the leaders of his party

had raged in vain was vindicated in the most startling way. True to his

steadfast purpose to hold these States in the Union at all hazards, he

had not included them in his Emancipation Proclamation.

One of the reasons for which they had refused his offer of United States

bonds in payment for their slaves was they did not believe them worth

the paper they were written on. A war costing two million dollars a day

was sure to bankrupt the Nation before the end could be seen.

And yet because he had treated them with patience and fairness, with

justice and with generosity, the Border States and the new State of West

Virginia born of this policy, voted to sustain the President, saved his

administration from ruin and gave him another chance to fight for the

life of the Union.

It was a close shave. His working majority in Congress was reduced to a

narrow margin, the opposition was large, united and fierce in its

aggression, but he had been saved from annihilation.

The temper of the men elected to the Legislatures, both State and

National, in the great Northern States was astounding.

So serious was the situation in Indiana that Governor Morton hastened to

Washington to lay the crisis before the President.

"I'm sorry to have to tell you," the Governor began, "but we must face

it. The Democratic politicians of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois now called

to power assume that the rebellion will not be crushed----"

"And therefore?"

"That their interests are antagonistic to New England and in harmony

with the South. Another three months like the last six and we are lost,

sir--hopelessly lost!"

"Is it as bad as that Governor?" the sad even voice asked.

A smile flickered across the stern, fine face of the war Governor:

"If you think me a pessimist remember that Van Alen their leader, has

just presided over a Democratic jubilee meeting in Ohio which was swept

again and again by cheers for Jefferson Davis--curses and jeers for the

Abolitionists. His speech has been put in the form of a leaflet which is

being mailed in thousands to our soldiers at the front----"

"You know that to be a fact?" the President asked sharply.

"The fact is notorious, sir. It will be disputed by no one. The outlook

is black. Meeting after meeting is being held in Indiana demanding peace

at any price, with the recognition of the Southern Confederacy--and,

mark you, what is still more significant the formation of a Northwestern

Confederacy with its possible Capital at your home town of Springfield,

Illinois----"

"No, no!" the President groaned.

"Your last call for three hundred thousand volunteers," the Governor

went on, "as you well know was an utter failure. Only eighty-six

thousand men have been raised under it. I was compelled to use a draft

to secure the number I did in Indiana. It is useless to call for more

volunteers anywhere----"

"Then we'll have to use the draft," was the firm response.

"If we can enforce it!" the Governor warned. "A meeting has just been

held in my State in which resolutions were unanimously passed demanding

that the war cease, denouncing the attempt to use the power to draft

men, declaring that our volunteers had been induced to enter the army

under the false declaration that war was waged solely to maintain the

Constitution and to restore the Union----"

"And so it is!" the President interrupted.

"Until you issued your Proclamation, freeing the slaves----"

"But only as a war measure to weaken the South, give us the victory and

restore the Constitution!"

"They refuse to hear your interpretation; they make their own. Van Alen

boldly declares that ninety-nine men out of every hundred whom he

represents in Congress breathe no other prayer than to have an end of

this hellish war. When news of victory comes, there is no rejoicing.

When news of our defeat comes there is no sorrow----"

"Is that statement really true?" the sorrowful lips asked.

"Of the majority who elected him, yes. In the Northwest, distrust and

despair are strangling the hearts of the people. More and more we hear

the traitorous talk of arraying ourselves against New England and

forming a Confederacy of our own. More than two thousand six hundred

deserters have been arrested within a few weeks in Indiana. It generally

requires an armed detail. Most of the deserters, true to the oath of the

order of the Knights of the Golden Circle, desert with their arms----"

"Is it possible?"

"And in one case seventeen of these fortified themselves in a log cabin

with outside paling and ditch for protection, and were maintained by

their neighbors. Two hundred armed men in Rush County resisted the

arrest of deserters. I was compelled to send infantry by special train

to take their ringleaders. Southern Indiana is ripe for Revolution.

"I have positive information that the incoming Democratic Legislature of

my State is in quick touch with the ones gathering in Illinois and

Ohio. In Illinois, your own State, they have already drafted the

resolutions demanding an armistice and a convention of all the States to

agree to an adjustment of the war. It is certain to pass the Illinois

House.

"My own Legislature has put this resolution into a more daring and

dangerous form. They propose boldly and at once to acknowledge the

Southern Confederacy and demand that the Northwest dissolve all further

relations with New England. When they have passed this measure in

Indiana, they expect Ohio and Illinois to follow suit.

"Their secret order which covers my State with a network of lodges,

whose purpose is the withdrawal of the Northwestern States from the

Union, has obtained a foothold in the army camps inside the city of

Washington itself----"

The President rose with quick, nervous energy and paced the floor. He

stopped suddenly in front of Morton, his deep set eyes burning a steady

flame:

"And what do you propose?"

"I haven't decided yet. I have the best of reasons to believe that the

first thing my Legislature will do when it convenes is to pass a

resolution refusing to receive any message from me as Governor of the

State!"

"Will they dare?"

"I'm sure of it. It will be composed of men sworn to oppose to the

bitter end any prosecution of this war. They intend to recognize the

Southern Confederacy, and dissolve their own Federal relation with the

United States. It may be necessary, sir----" he paused and fixed the

President with compelling eyes, "---it may be necessary to suspend the

civil government in the North in order to save the Union!"

The President lifted his big hand in a gesture of despair:

"God save us from that!"

"I came here to tell you just this," the Governor gravely concluded. "If

the crisis comes and I must use force I expect you to back me----"

Two big rugged hands grasped the one outstretched:

"God bless you, Governor Morton,--we've got to save the Union, and we're

going to do it! Since the day I came into this office I have fought to

uphold the supremacy of the civil law. My enemies may force me to use

despotic powers to crush it for larger ends!----But I hope not. I hope

not. God knows I have no vain ambitions. I have no desire to use such

power----"

The Governor left him gazing dreamily over the river toward Virginia a

great new sorrow clouding his soul.

The Southerner: A Romance of the Real Lincoln · 第 23 / 40 章