proceed to request your exertions for establishing a free port at
the Isle of France or Bourbon. You will easily obtain sufficient
information in Europe to direct your applications on this subject,
and Mr Constable will, I think, be able to give you some useful
information as to the consequences of it upon this country. I
confess, that it appears to me to be the probable means of
establishing at that port, the most extensive and useful commerce
with India, that has ever yet existed. To France and to America it
will be most particularly useful, because we shall trade freely
and without risk to such port, and you will undoubtedly furnish us
with all those articles of India goods, which we should otherwise
go in search of to India, or procure from other nations. This will
form an object of near twenty millions of livres annually, or
calculating both the export and import cargoes, it will amount to
about thirty millions, and consequently cannot be less than five
millions clear advantage to France; and if it be considered, that
this is so much taken from her commercial rival, we may estimate
it as being an object of ten millions annually. Such being the
importance of it with respect to America, what may we not
calculate on for the other countries, who may incline to trade
thither? But besides this great commercial consideration, there
are others of a political nature; such as the increase of your
seamen; the advantage of a place of arms, marine arsenal, &c. in
that critical position. These I shall not dwell upon, because I do
not wish to go out of my depth.
Returning then to a commercial view of the subject, I consider it
as almost certain, that America would find it more advantageous to
trade with that port than to go on to India; and hence I draw one
very strong inference, that we should not only be by that means
brought into a closer political connexion with France, but that
France would hold a much larger share of all our other commerce,
than she would without such an establishment. I will not trouble
you with my reasons, because I think they will not escape you. But
before I close my letter I must observe, that although this
commerce may and undoubtedly will yield you a revenue, yet there
is danger in beginning with revenue too soon. Let the port be
first made free to all the world, and let good and intelligent
commissioners or intendants be appointed to transmit information
of the commerce carried on. If there be no duties, there will be
no false entries; and thus in two or three years the Court will be
able to act with their eyes open; and in the meantime the
enriching of your own subjects is always of sufficient consequence,
even if revenue be put entirely out of the question. If on the other
hand you only free the port by halves, and leave it subject to duties
and restrictions, the commerce may never take its course that way; and
always remember, that the commission received by your merchants from
such a commerce is alone of vast importance.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE GOVERNOR OF RHODE ISLAND.
Office of Finance, June 21st, 1784.
Sir,
That my official existence has been prolonged to the present
moment arises from the dilatoriness of the States in providing
means to discharge those engagements, which I had taken for their
benefit at the pressing instance of Congress. I hope your
Excellency will believe me when I seriously assure you, that the
greatest advocates for a change cannot more earnestly desire my
dismission than I myself do. I hope that their sincerity and mine
will speedily be put to the trial. They, by granting money, and I
by resigning, can best evince that our professions are founded in
truth. Thus, Sir, it has happened, that the reasons for granting
money to the Union have acquired an additional weight from
considerations personal to me, and perhaps in the only way in
which I could have given to them any efficacy.
Whatever sinister causes may have been suggested to invalidate my
former applications, I humbly hope, that at this period my earnest
entreaty to comply with the requisitions of Congress for funding
the public debt will be considered as flowing from a conviction,
that it is a measure necessary to the peace and happiness of our
country. To me it can produce neither honor, nor power nor profit.
The advantage I may derive will be common with all my fellow
citizens, and I shall share, also, the burden in common with them.
But the numerous class of sufferers in whose particular favor that
burden is to be sustained, will, I hope, meet with an advocate in
every bosom. Justice, policy, humanity, press the measure upon our
feelings and reflection; and if it be objectionable, let it be
considered how seldom any human plans are formed, to which
objections may not be made. Our union, necessary as it is to our
existence, is still liable to objections. And government, without
which we cannot participate in the benefits of society, will
always in something or other give room for clamor and discontent.
I hope, Sir, this application from me will be at least excused. It
is the last. It is the general result of what I feel to be my
duty. Those who come after me will, I hope, have that influence,
which I have not; and succeed where I have failed. But whether
they succeed or whether they fail, they cannot more earnestly
desire the good of America than I do.
I am, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO M. DE MARBOIS, CHARGÉ D'AFFAIRES FROM FRANCE.
Office of Finance, August 17th, 1784.
Sir,
I had yesterday the honor to receive your letter of the 15th, by
which I perceive that you misunderstood me a little in the
conversation alluded to. On that occasion, Sir, I expressed my
intention to take arrangements for the payment of four hundred
thousand livres, being the interest due in November next, upon the
loan of ten million livres, guarantied by his Most Christian
Majesty; but I could not have told you that they were actually
taken, because that is not the fact. Indeed I did expect, that
certain attachments which have been laid upon the property of the
United States in France would have been taken off; and that in
consequence of orders formerly given, Mr Grand would have received
through Mr Barclay the necessary funds. Should this be the case he
will pay that interest of course, having already done so last
year, in pursuance of a general authority to that effect. If,
however, the suspense occasioned by those attachments should cause
any delay, the King's Ministers who were long ago informed of
them, will doubtless excuse the inconveniences which may result
from it. The arrangements now to be formed must be in a double
sense eventual, and depend not only upon the fate of the
attachments, but also upon the state of those funds, which may be
in Europe at the disposition of the United States.
I should be happy, Sir, in the opportunity of satisfying your
desire, to be informed of the measures taken with respect to those
sums, which the King was pleased to lend, and which (with the
interest accruing thereon) are payable at the several epochas
specified for the purpose in the conventions made on that subject,
between our respective Ministers; but not having received the
orders of the United States in Congress, I cannot presume to
anticipate what they may think proper to say. I will immediately
do myself the honor of transmitting to his Excellency, the
President, a copy of your letter; and as I cannot doubt, that both
those measures which they have already taken, and those which
they may hereafter adopt, must be perfectly consistent with their
honor, I shall indulge the hope, that they will meet the
approbation of their august ally.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, September 30th, 1784.
Sir,
I had the honor of mentioning to Congress, upon the 4th of May,
the advices then just received from Holland, and to pray their
sentiments upon the loan, which Mr Adams had (upon a view of all
circumstances) found it necessary to open. I was the more anxious
on this subject, as I saw a probability of the speedy completion
of this loan for two millions of guilders, and therefore if not
approved of, no time should have been lost in stopping the further
progress.
Since writing that letter, I have received the scheme of the loan,
and the copy of the obligation, both of which are here enclosed
for the inspection and consideration of the United States in
Congress. It is probable, that not only this loan, but also the
former loan of five millions will both be filled before any
determinations of Congress can arrive in Europe; for the
concurrence of many States to the measures proposed by Congress,
and the resolutions of several legislative bodies expressing their
sense of the necessity of enabling the United States punctually
and honorably to discharge their engagements have reanimated that
credit, which for evident reasons had languished and died away.
The public accounts will sufficiently explain the situation of
money matters, and the gentleman charged with the department of
the finances will of course furnish such information as may from
time to time be required; I shall not therefore go any further
into the details of this business, but must express to Congress my
opinion of the loan generally; and certainly, if we consider the
very untoward circumstances in which it was undertaken, very great
praise is due to the persons concerned in proposing, adopting, and
pursuing it. This sentiment, which I have constantly felt has not
been declared until the present moment, because no suspicion can
now arise, that what I say, is dictated by a view to influence
their future exertions, seeing that my political existence must be
at an end before the contents of this letter can possibly be
transmitted.
I have invariably in my official correspondence, (as indeed upon
every other occasion, both public and private) expressed the
conviction which I feel, that however the several States may, from
a difference in local circumstances, differ in their opinions
about the mode of providing for public debts, all of them will
concur in the just sentiment, that these debts ought to be most
punctually discharged. There cannot, therefore, be any doubt, that
the proper provisions will be made, and I am grounded in the
assertion that when made, the public credit of America will be the
best of any in the world, that it will cost less to maintain it by
us, than by any other nation, and that considering the infant
state of our cultivation in general, and the frontiers in
particular, it is of more importance to us than it can be to any
other country. It is also a commercial problem, which admits of
absolute demonstration, that the punctual payment of interest on
our debts will produce a clear annual gain of more than such
interest can possibly amount to. So that the eternal and immutable
principles of truth and justice, being for a moment out of the
question, and stifling those sentiments of humanity, which arise
from a view of what the public creditors must suffer, should their
dues be withheld, (if indeed it be possible to stifle such
sentiments,) still it will indisputably appear to be the interest
of the merchant, as well as of the husbandman and mechanic, to pay
their just proportions towards discharging the public engagements.
For this plain and simple system of common honesty, while it
invigorates the springs of our credit, strengthens also the bands
of our union, proceeding with equal motion towards the public weal
and private prosperity.
That the labors of our great and glorious revolution may thus be
crowned by the impartial hand of justice, and the last stone be
thus placed in the arch of our extensive empire, is the ardent
wish of your Excellency's most obedient, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Office of Finance, September 30th, 1784.
Dear Sir,
This is rather a late day to acknowledge your favors of the 25th
of December and 15th of June last, but I have always intended in
my acknowledgement of them to close our public correspondence, and
I have always been disappointed in my expectation of being able
speedily to quit this office. That period, however, so ardently
desired, is at length nearly arrived, and while I look back on
cares and dangers past, I feel an increased emotion of joy in the
prospect of future hopes and expectations. But I cannot review the
past scene without strong feelings of gratitude and respect for
the able and active efforts, which you have made to support the
finances of this country. I would to God that your just sentiments
on property and taxation were as fully felt as they must be
clearly understood in America; but time is as necessary to mellow
the judgment of a country as of a man. Happy indeed shall we be if
it produce that effect among us.
I am much obliged by your explanation of M. Chaumont's accounts,
which are lodged at the treasury. If any insinuations have been
made injurious to you upon your connexion with M. Chaumont, they
have not reached me, and I am persuaded that none such can make
any impressions which ought to give you pain.
I have not remitted bills for the salaries of foreign ministers,
because the resolutions of Congress having varied, and Mr Grand
having informed me that he should pay them, I have left it as an
account unsettled to be arranged by Mr Barclay. And as I cannot
doubt that the attachments will have been taken off, and as I have
given Mr Grand a credit on the commissioners of the loan in
Holland for four hundred thousand livres, and directed Messrs Le
Couteulx to pay over to him a balance in their hands, I have no
doubt that he will be in cash for the purpose. I agree with you
that a fund ought to be set apart for contingencies, and had I
continued, and been supported in my administration, such a fund
should certainly have been provided. I am at the same time an
enemy to contingent accounts, and therefore I should have urged
the ascertainment of every allowance as far as possible, thereby
curtailing the account of contingencies. But after all, it cannot
be annihilated. Congress have hitherto made no determination on
this subject. Indeed it is very difficult, and even almost
disreputable for them to make arrangements of expenditure, while
the means of expenditure are so shamefully withheld by their
constituents. These things, however, will mend, at least I hope
so.
I have already said that I expected the attachments laid on the
public goods would be discharged. Your letter to the Count de
Vergennes on that subject is perfect, and if that minister did not
immediately obtain a compliance with your request, I presume it
must have been occasioned by some circumstances purely domestic,
which we in this country cannot guess at, for certainly nothing
can be more astonishing than to find a subject countenanced in
arresting the property of a sovereign power in this enlightened
age, and in the country, which of all others has been most eminent
for a sacred regard to the rights of nations.
From your last letters to your friends, I find that your return to
this country is somewhat doubtful; I am therefore disappointed in
one of the greatest pleasures, which I had promised myself. But,
Sir, in whatever country you may be, and whether in public or in
private life, be assured of my warmest and most respectful esteem,
and that my best wishes for your happiness shall be clothed with
the utmost efforts in my power to promote it on every proper
occasion.
I am, Sir, with perfect respect, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, September 30th, 1784.
Sir,
I do myself the honor to enclose for the inspection of Congress a
copy of a letter of the 14th of last month from the Marquis de
Lafayette; and with it I send the originals, which were delivered
by him to me. The unexampled attention to every American interest,
which this gentleman has exhibited, cannot fail to excite the
strongest emotions in his favor, and we must at the same time
admire the judgment which he has shown in the manner of his
applications, as well as the industry in selecting proper
materials. There can be little doubt, but that his interest at his
own Court must always prove beneficial to this country, while the
same cordiality shall continue which now subsists between him and
the Venerable Plenipotentiary now resident at Passy.
I shall not hazard opinions upon the matters which have employed
the attention of M. de Lafayette, as a negotiator from this
country to that which gave him birth. It would be intruding
sentiments which will suggest themselves. But while I feel the
delicacy and perhaps the danger of asking from France the
moderation or abolition of particular duties, thereby establishing
a precedent for similar requests on her part, I hope Congress will
pardon a wish prompted by the general interests of commerce, that
the statement of all those duties might be translated and
published, for the government of those who may form expeditions to
those different ports now opened to us.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
ADVERTISEMENT.
Philadelphia, October 11th, 1784.
The subscriber having taken measures to provide for the payment of
his various engagements on behalf of the United States, and
particularly for such of his notes as may be in circulation, gives
this public notice to all who may be concerned therein, that
although he be no longer in office, yet those notes will all be
duly paid at maturity; and for such payment he hereby pledges
himself personally to the holders, and therefore requests that if
any attempt should be made to obtain them by any suggestions at
less than the specified value, such attempts may be defeated.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.
Office of Finance, November 1st, 1784.
Sir,
I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency, and pray you
will deliver to the United States in Congress, the commission by
which I was appointed Superintendent of their Finances. It gives
me great pleasure to reflect that the situation of public affairs
is more prosperous than when that commission issued. The
sovereignty and independence of America are acknowledged. May they
be firmly established, and effectually secured. This can only be
done by a just and vigorous government. That these States,
therefore, may be soon and long united under such a government, is
my ardent wish, and constant prayer.
With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
END OF THE TWELFTH VOLUME.
* * * * *
Transcriber's note:
Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals.
Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been
retained except in obvious cases of typographical error.
The cover for the eBook version of this book was created by the
transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
Omitted words, shown as blank spaces in the original, have been
transcribed as four hyphens ( ---- ) in the following cases:
Page 59: As I am not positively instructed that this loan has
succeeded, I do not venture to draw bills on you; but in case you
shall be in cash for the United States, which I expect will
happen, you will pay to Messrs ---- & Co., for account of John
Ross, the sum of two hundred thousand livres; to Messrs Le
Couteulx & Co., for account of William Bingham, one hundred
thousand livres, and to John Holker, for account of John Holker
fils, the sum of one hundred thousand. From each of these persons
you will take quadruplicate receipts, in the form following;
"Received of ----, banker, by order of the Superintendent of the
Finances of the United States of North America, on behalf of ----
the sum of ---- being so much paid by the said States to him, the
said ---- for which I have signed four receipts, all of this tenor
and date. Done in Paris this ---- day of ---- 178--." You will
be pleased, Sir, to forward to me three of the copies by different
opportunities.
Page 62: in my letter of the ---- last
Page 62: the invoice sent in my letter of the ---- last
Page 63: the ---- last, because I feel a conviction
Page 66: 1782 is ---- dollars, payable
Page 258: by the time Mr ---- reaches the Havana
Page 259: that Mr ----'s bills be protested
Page 397: from a tour ---- have been making
"... the subject of paying all balances ..."