In the former part, he alludes to a letter of the 27th of October

last, in which he had stated to me the claims of individuals for

damages done by the army. Instances are mentioned peculiarly

distressing, and of a nature to require compassion while justice

demands for them somewhat more. I did not on the receipt of this

letter address Congress on the subject of it, because the making

any particular provision for the cases of individuals, is laboring

to very little purpose, and by stilling the cries of one only

raises the clamors of hundreds. This indeed was the remote cause

of the Quarter Master's letter, for the resolution passed in the

case of Stephen Moore, had given activity to the complaints of all

those who knew of that resolution, and labored under similar

grievances. But a stronger reason for not troubling Congress on

the subject, was that I had already brought it before them in a

letter of the 12th of August last. The following is an extract

from that letter.

"There is, however, among the commissioner's questions to me, one

which Congress alone can answer in the affirmative; viz. _are

charges for buildings, fences, wood, &c. damaged or destroyed by

Continental troops or militia, to be allowed?_ Considering the

extent and magnitude of this object on the one hand, and on the

other, what serious injuries have been sustained by some

individuals, the question is equally intricate and important. No

answer has yet been given, although not unfrequently agitated, as

the journals will testify. Whether Congress will leave it on the

present footing, or order such damages to be allowed, or (making a

distinction between wanton devastations and necessary impressure)

leave the officer to account in one case and the public in

another, or finally whether they will take a course between all

these and order the accounts to be liquidated and reported, but

the balances not to be finally allowed and certificates given,

until their further order, are questions which it is in their

wisdom to determine by that extensive view of things which they

possess."

I shall take the liberty to observe to your Excellency, that

claims of this kind become daily more urgent. The people

recovering by degrees from their despondency as to the settlement

of their old accounts and beginning to feel some hope of eventual

payment, and of consequence a firmer reliance on and belief in the

justice of the United States, naturally look forward from the

measures already taken to those which prudence and equity may

still further dictate. Some provision ought certainly to be made;

but I must repeat that the object is not only great as to the

pecuniary amount; but extensive as to place, persons, claims and

circumstances. The caution hitherto preserved was therefore wise,

but it can no longer be adhered to, because the idea held up to

every applicant, was that after a termination of the war, and not

before, provision should be made.

I take leave also, further to observe to your Excellency, that

there is a material distinction to be made, even among such of

these claims as are otherwise similar, according to the times in

which the respective causes of them may have originated, as

whether they were previous or subsequent to the commencement of

the year 1782; claims for supplies obtained during the latter

period, ought certainly to be considered as within the appropriations

of money demanded for the current service, the quotas of which yet

remain unsatisfied. In order then that this matter may come before the

United States in Congress in such regular form, as that some decision

may be made, I shall submit to their wise consideration the following

Act.

Whereas, the late wasteful and expensive war, is now by the

blessing of divine Providence finally terminated, and whereas,

divers citizens of these States have during the course thereof

sustained various injuries and damages, as well by the armies of

the United States as otherwise, by the operations and effects of

the war. And whereas, no provision can as yet be made for the just

relief of the sufferers, neither can it be determined to whom such

relief may be due. And whereas, it is the indispensable duty of

every Government, in all things to the utmost of their power, to

do what to right and justice may appertain. Be it therefore

ordained by the United States in Congress assembled, and it is

hereby ordained by authority of the same, that each and every of

the commissioners who are or may be appointed in pursuance of the

resolutions of Congress of the 20th day of February last, be and

they hereby are authorised and directed to receive within the

States, to and for which they are or may be appointed respectively,

all claims and demands made by individuals for damages done to or

sustained by them within such State, during the late hostilities and

by reason thereof; whether the same have been committed and done by

officers or soldiers, acting under the authority of Congress, or by

the enemy. And be it further ordained by the authority aforesaid, that

the said commissioners do require and receive such evidence with

respect to each and every such claim as they shall judge fitting and

proper according to the nature and circumstances of the case

respectively, and where due evidence is produced in support of such

claims, that they do liquidate and adjust the same according to equity

and good conscience. Provided always, that the said commissioners

shall not give to the claimants any certificates or other evidence of

such adjustment. And be it further ordained by the authority

aforesaid, that the said commissioners respectively do from time to

time make return to the Superintendent of our finances, of the amount

of each and every such claim, and the time when the same arose,

whether previous to the 1st day of January, 1782, or subsequent to the

last day of December, 1781; specifying clearly in the said return the

nature of every claim in such full and ample manner, as that when the

same shall be laid before the United States in Congress, for their

investigation, they may be thereby enabled to make such further order

in the premises as to right and justice may appertain.

Before I close this letter, I will trouble your Excellency one

moment longer to assign my reasons for extending this provision

to the case of damage done by the enemy. The investigation does by

no means imply any recompense from the United States. But if there

should be cases where such recompense is proper, the materials on

which to judge will by this means be prepared. The object however

is to ascertain the damages done by the enemy, which will in this

way come forward, so as that an account thereof can be made out

with exactness to answer any purposes, which future negotiations

with Great Britain may render necessary. To this I would add, that

the expense of the business will be so trivial as not to be worthy

of consideration, when compared with the advantages to result from

it.

I have the honor to be, with perfect esteem, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, January 24th, 1784.

Sir,

The re-establishment of peace having at length given room for the

proper investigations, it becomes in me a duty of public justice

to mention to Congress the situation of those persons in Canada,

or out of it, who are creditors to the United States for property

furnished or services rendered in that country. To these may

perhaps be added those who have claims for damages sustained.

Persuaded, as I am, that unless some general arrangements be taken

on this subject, it will occasion a great expense of time and

money, together with the loss of reputation, I think economy as

well as justice calls for a due attention to the subject in the

present moment.

I submit then the following ideas, not as being a perfect plan,

but merely as hints to be perfected by the wise care of the United

States. And first, it might be proper, that a commissioner were

appointed _to go into Canada_ for the purpose of examining into

the several claims above mentioned, with power to liquidate the

same, and to give certificates of the amount. If it be a desirable

thing that justice be done, it is a necessary thing that the

inquiries be made on the spot. There and there alone, can the due

investigations take place, so as to prevent either the public or

individuals from being defrauded. Besides it will not cost more to

maintain a commissioner there than it will here, and many who have

been both distressed and oppressed are confined to that spot by

their circumstances. It may also appear to be of some importance,

that by doing justice to these people unsolicited we secure their

affections; which will prevent Great Britain from using them

hereafter against us. Neither will it escape the attention of

Congress, that such a commissioner may transmit useful intelligence.

But this being rather in the Department of Foreign Affairs, I shall

not enlarge on it.

A natural question will probably arise, as to the means of

payment. This may be answered by applying a like question to the

case of other public debts. But I conceived that another, if not a

better answer may be given. If a new State were set off about

Detroit, and the lands sold to all inclining to purchase, with

permission to pay in certified Canadian debts, not only as

specie, but even at a premium of five per cent, the lands would

pay the debts, and the United States would gain more than the

amount of the payment by the very act of making it. For an equal

if not greater number of persons than the creditors in Canada,

would become settlers from that country, and bring with them

property beyond their purchase money. Nor is that all; such State

would became a barrier of infinite importance. It would secure

eternal peace with the Indians, and it would secure the Indian

trade. For it would soon place the principal traders at that spot

in the character of American citizens.

With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Office of Finance, February 2d, 1784.

Sir,

I have delayed answering your Excellency's favor of the 4th of

last month, in the hope that I might have been able to announce to

you the having sent off the duplicate of the definitive treaty.

Hitherto no opportunity has offered. But as Colonel Harmar has

sailed, and probably Lieutenant Colonel Franks, I am not so

anxious on that subject as I have been.

With sincere esteem, I am, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO MESSRS LE COUTEULX & CO.

Office of Finance, February 12th, 1784.

Gentlemen,

Previously to my letter of the 13th of January, I had received

yours of the 10th of September and 18th of October. In one of my

said letters I requested you to come under acceptance for Mr

Ross's bills, although my public bill in his favor should not be

accepted. But Mr Ross assures me that he has not yet drawn, and

promises that he will not draw on the credit of that bill until my

advices from Europe shall warrant it. So that my precaution in

this respect was unnecessary. Neither is that bill to be protested

if not paid when it falls due, but it is to be held by you for Mr

Ross's future orders. Those advices which I have lately received,

are far from being agreeable, and it is probable that my letters

written to Dr Franklin in consequence of them may induce him to

apply for your friendly aid to prolong the time of payment of some

bills, which I had drawn on the credit of that loan, and which to

my great surprise the negotiators of it were not in cash to

answer. Should he make any such application, Gentlemen, I am to

request that you will come in with your extensive credit, to

support that of the United States; and you may rely that I will

take care, by proper and speedy remittances, finally to absolve

your engagements.

I have this day given to the house of Peter Whitesides & Co. my

bill on you, (number ninetyseven) payable at ninety days' sight,

and for three hundred thousand livres. I am to desire your

acceptance of that bill, which I have drawn, to prevent, if

possible, the protest of bills drawn by that House in consequence

of one of my said bills on Amsterdam; to put you in cash for that

sum, I have purchased already seven hundred hogsheads of tobacco,

now lying ready for shipment at Alexandria in Virginia, and

directed farther purchases, as also the chartering of vessels to

carry it to Europe. I shall make you a shipment of from seven to

eight hundred hogsheads as soon as the weather will permit, for at

present all our navigation is shut up by the ice. This tobacco

shall be shipped to your order at L'Orient, and I think, that with

every allowance for delay, it must leave the Chesapeake by the 1st

of April at farthest, and will arrive within two months after the

bill shall have been presented. The sales of it will therefore put

you in cash to answer the bill. But to render the matter as safe

as possible, you shall have early advices, so as to make the

insurance, which will answer the bill should the tobacco fail.

After all, Gentlemen, it is possible that you may be in advance

for a short time. But I make not the least doubt, that you will

cheerfully go into the proposed operation, at present necessary to

the United States, and which (that necessity out of the question)

is in itself among the best kinds of commercial transactions. In

order, also, to place you more perfectly at your ease, I agree to

make good any expense, which may be incurred, by negotiations to

prolong the payment, should it be inconvenient for you to make the

actual advance, and should such advance become necessary by

accidents of the sea or other unforeseen circumstances. But at

all events my said bills must be honored.

With esteem and respect, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO MR GRAND.

Office of Finance, February 12th, 1784.

Sir,

The last letter which I have received from you is of the 12th of

September, and in that you have left a blank for the amount of

funds received from Amsterdam, and inform me, that you expect

again to apply for more, as Mr Barclay could not tell what sum he

should be able to pay you nor when. My letters from Messrs Wilhelm

and Jan Willink, Nicolas and Jacob Van Staphorst, De la Lande and

Finje, announce to me a sum remitted to you beyond the idea which

I had formed of your wants; and the consequence of it is, that

bills I had drawn on them remained unprovided for. Not having

received letters from you in so long a time, it is impossible for

me to guess at the exact state of your accounts; but if Mr Barclay

has placed in your hands the sums which I expected he would have

done, it appears to me that the United States must have been

considerably in advance to you, at the very moment when my bills

were in the critical situation above mentioned. I shall not,

however, draw any conclusions on this subject before I receive

those advices from you, which I am in the hourly expectation of.

As I do not know whether any effectual measures have yet been

taken to provide for the bills, which I had drawn, and which the

Houses in Amsterdam were not in cash to answer, owing to a sudden

failure of the loan intrusted to their management, I have written

to Dr Franklin on that subject, and am now to request your aid in

the business, so that time may be given for the arrival of those

remittances, which I am making to provide for the consequences,

should the loan continue unproductive. On this occasion I

confidently rely on your efforts, and I persuade myself, that the

credit of the United States, so long preserved in Europe, through

doubtful and dangerous events, will not now be suffered to expire

for the want of a very little timely aid and attention.

I am, Sir, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO MESSRS WILLINK & CO.

Office of Finance, February 12th, 1784.

Gentlemen,

On the evening of the 9th instant I received your letters of the

20th of November and 1st of December. The intelligence contained

in these letters, so far as concerns the loan under your

direction, and the bills which I had drawn upon the credit

thereof, is very far from being agreeable.

The tenor of your last letter, renders it necessary for me to

obviate the constructions put on my conduct in drawing to that

extent. And this is easily done, for it appears by your letters

now before me, that the total of those bills for a million, did

not exceed the funds actually in your possession, by above six

hundred thousand guilders, and if the second expedition of tobacco

be deducted, that excess cannot be considered as going beyond five

hundred thousand. Now, Gentlemen, I have already told you, that

Mr Grand's drafts exceeded my expectation; but we will put this

out of the question for the present, as I shall write on that

subject to him; but you will observe, that your letters announcing

the decline of the loan did not reach me until the close of the

last year; and therefore I could not have calculated on so great

an alteration. The occurrences in this country, which occasioned

it have never appeared of any consequence to us who are on the

spot, although, by exaggeration, they have staggered the minds of

people in Europe. You will observe also, Gentlemen, that when my

letter of the 1st of October was written, I had not received any

letter from you of later date than the 11th of June. The

intelligence mentioned in my letters as having come through an

indirect channel, was contained in a letter from Mr Adams himself,

and your letters written in the months of July and August

confirmed that intelligence. All this will appear if you compare

our correspondences, and place yourselves in the situation, which

the long passage of your letters of the 4th, 11th and 26th of

September placed me. The two first of these did not come to hand

until a very few days ago, as you will observe that they are not

acknowledged until the 9th instant. It has therefore been alike

impossible for me to conjecture the hard fate of my bills, or to

provide against it by seasonable remittances.

But as I have already mentioned, the sum total of the advance,

which those bills could have occasioned would not exceed five

hundred thousand guilders, payable in all the month of March,

supposing that the loan should produce nothing in the whole

winter. By a circuitous negotiation this payment might have been

prolonged without difficulty, and you will see that the measures I

am taking, even at this late period, would have produced the

necessary funds in season. I have not indeed any right to expect,

that you would risk so heavy a sum in reliance on me, but if you

had done it I should have felt the obligation, and I think my

conduct would have been such as to convince you that the

confidence was not misplaced.

Under the present very disagreeable circumstances, and not knowing

whether Dr Franklin has complied with your proposals, I cannot

take such decisive steps as I otherwise might. I enclose, however,

a copy of the letter which I have written to him, and I shall

proceed to make remittances, as soon as the weather, which now

shuts up our navigation, will permit. The advices which I shall

receive from Europe, while ships are lading, and which I daily

expect, must govern me in the consignments; which is the reason

that I can say nothing positive on that subject.

If Dr Franklin has complied with your proposals, you will of

course have accepted my bills to the extent of the million

guilders. If he has not, it is possible that my letters to him may

still arrive in season to prevent the protests for nonpayment. If

however this should not be the case, I wish you to call on those

who held the bills, and tender payment, on return of the bills, or

on giving an indemnity against them; in which case you will also

pay the costs of protest, interest which may have accrued, and the

like. If they will not do this, you will then be pleased to

transmit notarial certificates of your tender of such principal,

interest and costs; and if your payments are accepted, to transmit

immediate accounts thereof.

With respect to the three bills, numbered one hundred and

ninetyone, one hundred and ninetytwo, and one hundred and

ninetythree, dated the 21st of October, for two hundred and fifty

thousand guilders each, I have agreed with the Houses to whom I

sold them, that they shall still lay to be accepted or not, as may

hereafter be determined, and in the meantime the United States are

to pay the interest of their advances to me until they can

reimburse themselves, or are repaid by me, whichever shall

eventually happen. The bill number one hundred and ninetyfour,

dated the 12th of December last, for one hundred thousand current

guilders, I purchased and remitted on my own private account, and

have given orders that it be not returned to this country; so that

on that subject you may also be at ease. I shall receive on my

private account the interest of the forty thousand dollars paid

for this bill, on the same principles with which I have settled

for the other bills just mentioned. And by the way, you will see

how great was my confidence in the success of your operations,

when I have involved my own private fortune in the purchase, not

only of that bill, but also of four hundred thousand guilders out

of the million. All which was done because the demand for exchange

on London being greater than on your city, I bought those bills,

remitted them, and drew on my private account to replace my funds,

merely with a view to facilitate the public service. In addition

to the bills just mentioned, there is one which I request may meet

due honor; it is number one hundred and ninetyfive, dated the 2d

instant, payable at six months' sight, and for fourteen thousand

three hundred and nineteen current guilders. This bill was drawn

to replace bills drawn above two years ago at six months' sight on

the American Minister at Madrid and protested for certain

circumstances attending the negotiation of them; wherefore I was

under the necessity of replacing them with twenty per cent

damages, by a bill of equal dignity.

I am, Gentlemen, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO MESSRS WILLINK & CO.

Office of Finance, February 12th, 1784.

Gentlemen,

I am to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 14th of

October. My letter to you and the other Houses, will convey

sufficiently my sentiments as to the disagreeable consequences

occasioned by the ill success of our loan. I shall not here dilate

upon that subject, which, for the present, I can only lament; for

I agree, Gentlemen, with you, that urgency on your part would

rather damp the spirits of monied men than increase their

exertions.

I see clearly, that if it were possible to convey an adequate idea

of the wealth, extent, and power of this country, it would do a

great deal towards exciting the favorable attention of mankind.

But this is a very difficult thing, for the British Ministers, and

even their Generals _in the country_, with all the pains they

could take, and all the intelligence they could procure, were

extremely ignorant of our resources. This is among the reasons why

they pursued the conquest of America full three years after every

sensible man in it saw that the thing was impossible.

However, as you desire an account of our products, I will refer

you to a very unexceptionable testimony, that of the British

Ministers themselves, in a pamphlet lately published under the eye

of the Court, by Lord Sheffield; in which the writer attempts to

prove that we must trade with them whether they treat us well or

ill. To show this, he gives certain facts, which, at least, prove

that the British are our worst customers, so far as the sale and

consumption of our produce is concerned. He proves, also, that if

they have any advantage over others, it is what your countrymen

may have in an eminent degree over them; I mean the securing a

great part of our trade by giving credit to our solid mercantile

houses.

But to return from that digression to the principal object of this

letter, viz. the actual and probable resources of America. Let it

be remembered, that a century ago the place from which this letter

was written was an unlimited forest; that the whole State of

Pennsylvania did not produce enough to support five hundred men

after the European manner, and that every other part of America

was, a little earlier or a little later, in the same situation.

But now this very city is worth more than all the public and

private debts put together, which we owe to Europe.

M. Van Berckel has convinced me, Gentlemen, of your good will, and

zealous endeavors to promote the interests of America. And I

flatter myself that not only his representations, but my own

conduct, will convince you of the just sense I entertain of those

endeavors.

With esteem and respect, &c.

ROBERT MORRIS.

* * * * *

TO B. FRANKLIN.

Office of Finance, February 12th, 1784.

Dear Sir,

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