accounts, so far as the requisitions previous to 1781 are
concerned, and only to calculate the actual payments, or advances
by the States, with the interest, so that the whole, being formed
into one sum, may be afterwards apportioned among the States. To
which plan, among other objections, I look the liberty to state
the following. First, there is no evident necessity for taking
this step, and therefore it will be prudent to omit it; because in
such cases government risk every unforeseen danger that may
result, and always render their affairs more complicated.
Secondly, the measure may be misunderstood, and occasion clamors,
which will indispose some to adopt the other measures recommended
by Congress; which objection though it ought not to weigh in
competition with what is evidently _proper and right_, must
nevertheless be attended to in things of more doubtful complexion.
Thirdly, there would arise from it a degree of _irregularity_; for
the particular accounts being now all opened in the treasury
books, by the authority of the late Board of the Treasury, it
appears most natural to continue them in their present form, until
the final settlements. Fourthly, all the information necessary to
enable Congress to decide on the accounts when settled will then
be in their power; for the accounts will contain, on one side, the
compliances of the State with the requisitions, together with all
other advances which they have made for the public service, and on
the other side will be the amount of the various requisitions.
Whenever therefore Congress on such full view of the subject,
shall think proper to remit the whole, or any part of the
requisitions, entries will be made in the treasury books
accordingly. Fifthly, it would be rather premature to make the
decision proposed before (by a settlement of accounts) all the
proper materials are brought into view; and until the States have
adopted the proposed measures for funding the public debts.
Because, sixthly, it is conceived that the various requisitions
were adequate to the necessary service; and that although it may
perhaps be wise eventually to convert the whole expenditure of the
war into the form of a debt, in order thereby to prevent the
disputes which might arise on the apportionments, still it must be
remembered, that this step cannot be taken until funds are
obtained. Until that period, therefore, it is perhaps as well to
leave the requisitions; if it be only to show the States why they
are called on for revenues now, viz. because they would not or
could not furnish supplies before. But, lastly, it might prove
dangerous under present circumstances to take any step whatever
with these requisitions. Only partial compliances have been made.
Some States therefore adhere to some requisitions, and some to
others, according to the real or supposed situation of their
accounts. To go no farther, it would hardly be prudent to hazard a
dispute with Massachusetts, by relinquishing the requisitions of
March, 1780, or with some other States by a useless attempt to
enforce them.
The other object, Sir, which you appeared to have in view, is to
relinquish so much of the requisitions since 1781, as might leave
only the sum necessary for fulfilling present engagements. Now
although the resolution, which seems to have been in contemplation,
would not have had this effect, because the requisition for the
service of 1782 was made on estimates, yet I shall assign a few
objections to the plan. The reason urged in favor of it is, that the
demand was so much beyond the abilities of the States, and the
necessities of the service, that it must excite a despair of
compliance, and a diffidence in the prudence of those by whom it was
made. To which it may well be replied, that the ability of the States
is not so hastily to be decided on, because it has never been put to
the proof by prudent and vigorous taxation, because other countries
not so wealthy bear much heavier taxes without inconvenience, and
because these very States have borne it, though under another name;
for the depreciation of the paper money, which wiped away not less
than twelve millions annually, was in effect a tax to that amount.
But further, even admitting the supposed inability, still the
requisition, if not excessive as to its object, ought of necessity
to have been made. Because the States could by no other mode of
reasoning be convinced of the necessity of establishing that
credit, which can alone prevent such great efforts. And because if
such requisitions had not been made, some branch of service must
have been left unprovided for by Congress, on the very face of
their own measures, which would have been a palpable absurdity.
And this leads to the second point, viz. that the demand was
beyond the necessities of the service. Before this position is
assumed it must be considered, not only what expense was actually
paid, but also what was probable when the demand was made, and
what of the expense incurred still remains due. And first, as to
what was paid; we shall find that the military collections in the
Southern States went to a considerable sum, which is not yet
brought into the public accounts, as there was no money to defray
it, owing to the noncompliance of the States. Secondly, the
probable expense was far beyond the actual, because of the
misfortunes of our allies, which rendered it necessary lay aside
the proposed offensive measures, and which could not, if not laid
aside, have been carried into effect, by reason of the lamentable
deficiencies of the public revenue. And thirdly, a very
considerable part of the expense of 1782 is necessarily paid in
1783, and a far more considerable part remains unpaid. For
instance, almost the whole amount of the pay of the army; an army
by no means so numerous as that which the General had called for,
and Congress resolved on. And it would have been indeed very
strange, if Congress had asked only five millions from the States,
including therein every other article, but the pay of the army on
whose exertions everything depended.
Having said thus much on what has been assumed with respect to
these estimates, and which I can defend the more hardily, as by
accident they did not pass through my office, I proceed now to
state the objections against remitting them. And first, let it
always be kept in view, that the States not having granted the
funds necessary for securing to our army the interest of their
dues, that army has a just right to insist that the requisition
for the principal be not relinquished, until such grants be made.
Secondly, it must be remembered, that Congress have not yet any
standard for making a final apportionment, and therefore it must
be very useless now, to touch requisitions which must speedily be
retouched again. Thirdly, the States which have complied more
fully than others, would undoubtedly, in such cases, relax from,
and perhaps totally withhold their efforts; from the conviction
that deficient States would always be able to obtain from Congress
a vote favorable to themselves, and consequently unfavorable to
others; which idea, grounded too much on past experience, is one
great cause of that inattention which led us to the brink of
ruin. Fourthly, this mischief would not only arise among the
States, but it would exist also amidst and within them, for a
relaxation of the whole quota would naturally render new interior
apportionments necessary. Not to mention the delays and disputes
thereby occasioned, the remainder of what would then be to pay
would be thrown of course upon remote counties, where the powers
of government are weak, the collections languid, and the revenue
in every respect feeble and unproductive. Great deficiencies would
arise from these causes, both in the periods and the amount of
payments, and either would be sufficient to cause another national
bankruptcy. But, fifthly, there can be no reason for the measure
proposed; because it is much more simple to leave the present
demands for ten millions of dollars upon their present footing,
until the apportionment of that whole sum can be made _finally_ to
pay (from whatever is brought in) the amount of all existing
engagements, to go on (should collections be sufficient) and pay
off a part of our debts, and finally to make no new requisitions,
until these be completely complied with. By that period Congress
will be able to deride with accuracy on the sums necessary for
annual service; they will be able to apportion their demands
accordingly, and, what is of infinite importance, they will have
set an example of persisting regularly in a measure, until a full
and final compliance.
I am, Sir, respectfully, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
GEORGE WASHINGTON TO ROBERT MORRIS.
Rocky Hill, August 30th, 1783.
Sir,
I take the earliest opportunity of informing you, that Baron
Steuben has returned from Canada, without being able to accomplish
any part of the business he had in charge. In consequence of
which, and of the late season of the year, I have judged it
impossible to take possession of the western posts this fall, and
have ordered a stop to be put to the movement of troops and
stores, and to the preparations which were making for that
purpose; of which I have given notice to the Quarter Master
General, and to the contractors, and have taken every other
precaution in my power to prevent the accumulation of unnecessary
expenses.
I am, &c.
GEORGE WASHINGTON.
* * * * *
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Office of Finance, September 2d, 1783.
Sir,
I received your Excellency's favor of the 25th and 30th of last
month. The latter was by far the more agreeable, for I confess to
you, Sir, that I beheld the attempt to garrison the western posts
with pain, and went into so much of it as concerns my department
with infinite reluctance. I persuade myself that the only
effectual means of getting a good American establishment of any
kind is, to be so long without it that a sense of the want shall
stimulate the States into the means of forming it. At present all
we can do is, to close the past scene, if possible, with
reputation.
I am, very sincerely, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
CIRCULAR TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF ACCOUNTS.
Office of Finance, September 4th, 1783.
Sir,
As the Commissioners, both on the Accounts of the Departments and
on those of the States, are now almost all appointed, and in the
execution of their respective offices, I shall take the liberty of
adding a little to their important employment. And this I do with
a view to the future service of the Union, under whatever hands
the administration may fall.
In the course of the business committed to your care, you will
have occasion to travel into different places, and therefore you
will have an opportunity to render an accurate account of many
particulars, which it is important to know. A well regulated
system of finance requires, that money be raised with ease to the
people, and expended with economy to the public. An intimate
acquaintance with the state and the resources of a country, is
alike essential to both of these objects.
The state of the country is either _geographical_, _moral_,
_political_, or _commercial_. The geographical state comprehends,
1st. The general extent, divisions, and subdivisions.
2dly. The mountains, rivers and roads, with their respective
courses and distances.
3dly. The kind and quality of the soil; and
4thly. The natural advantages or disadvantages for husbandry,
manufactures, or commerce, including therein, mines, minerals,
quarries, salines, and the like.
The moral state of the country comprehends,
1st. The population, whether numerous or, not, and whether by
natives or emigrants.
2dly. The manners; which include the mode of life and occupation
of the people, from those who live by hunting or grazing, to the
husbandman, and so on to the most perfect mechanics.
3dly. The husbandry; by which is meant the particular kinds which
may be practised, and the degree of improvement in each. The
various climates and productions of the States, as well as their
different periods of settlement and relative population, have
rendered this article extremely various.
4thly. The arts; by which is not so much intended the fine, as the
useful arts. It may, however, be not amiss to mention any peculiar
or remarkable excellence in the former. The useful, or mechanic
arts, being in some places considerably advanced, and in others
hardly established, and the wealth of the country depending much
upon them, it will be well to know the subject intimately.
5thly. The buildings; these may be either public or private. The
former may be noticed, but of the latter an accurate information
will be necessary, seeing that in general much information as to
the abilities of a people may be derived from a knowledge of the
houses they have built; whether these be of logs, for shelter of
the new and indigent cultivator; or of stone, for the accommodation
of the established and wealthy husbandman. So also, whether the
windows be glazed or not, the state of the several outhouses, &c. And,
6thly. The improvements; which will comprehend, of land, from the
first clearing of a forest, to the watering and dyking of meadows
and swamps; and of buildings, from a common saw mill, to all the
various furnaces, forges, mills, and machines, which may be met
with in the progress of your inquiries.
The political state of the country comprehends,
1st. The constitution of government; which is not merely the paper
form, but the practice under it; and that will depend much upon
the tendency of the people towards aristocratical or democratical
dispositions. The former may be expected, where large tracts of
territory are in the hands of a few, and the latter where a
considerable equality of fortunes is found in cities. But neither
of these circumstances, though forcible, is conclusive, and
therefore it is, that the knowledge collected on the spot by
conversation and observation, becomes useful.
2dly. The magistracy; by which is meant not only the mode of
appointment, the names, the powers, and the jurisdictions, but
what is far more important, the authority, which materially
depending upon the respect paid to the magistracy, must be much
influenced by the personal character of the magistrates; and by
that character is not so much intended the reputation of a few
individuals, as of the whole corps, and for a considerable space
of time.
3dly. The interior police; which is intimately connected with, and
mutually acted upon by the former. This differs widely in the
different States, and is the more necessary to be known, as
various branches of it may either facilitate or oppose the public
measures.
4thly. The revenue; and under this head is particularly to be
noted the modes of laying, levying, and collecting taxes, the time
and the expense which are employed, and the delays and the frauds
which happen. To these will be added, the amount brought into the
treasury, and, as far as may be, the quantum appropriated to
public uses; and,
5thly. The credit, both public and private; the former of which
has a close connexion with the revenue.
The commercial state of the country, comprehends,
1st. The produce; under which term is included not only the raw
material, but the ruder manufactures; such for instance, as flour
from wheat, iron from ore, and the like.
2dly. The roads and navigation to the several ports; on the
facility whereof must greatly depend the prices of things, and
even the practicability of obtaining them.
3dly. The imports and exports, with the places to and from which
the same are made; the former as precisely as possible, and the
latter in such general terms as may convey a tolerably just idea
of the principal branches and connexions of foreign commerce.
4thly. The value of lands; which though a result from various
heads already mentioned, has a more intimate connexion with
commerce; and,
5thly. The value of money; by which is not so much meant the
coins, as the rates of interest actually paid, and the facility of
obtaining money on interest.
The resources of a State are twofold, being either those which
exist and may be drawn forth and applied in peace, for the various
purposes which may then occur to meliorate or beautify the
country, such as the opening of interior navigation, mending of
roads, and erecting of buildings; or those, which can be exerted
for the purposes of war, either offensive or defensive. The
resources in peace will appear from due reflection on the
information already asked; as will indeed, in a great degree,
those for war, particularly offensive war. But still there remain
some particulars worthy of notice; such as,
1st. The number of men which may be brought into the public
service; being either seamen or soldiers; and consequently the
number of each should be distinguished.
2dly. The quantity of provisions and the kinds.
3dly. The forage of different kinds; and,
4thly. The various means of transportation, such as horses,
wagons, boats, &c.
Having thus, Sir, pointed out the principal objects on which I
wish for information, I must now request, that you will endeavor
to collect it as speedily and as perfectly as your means and
opportunities may permit, and that you will transmit it as fast as
it is obtained, but always in letters which contain no other
matter, and arranged regularly under the several titles which have
been mentioned; but as it is impossible to foresee the various
matters which may arise, and the occurrences which will impress
themselves on an intelligent and inquisitive mind, you will be
pleased under the head of _Miscellaneous Observations_, to
transmit any such things as you may think useful or important to
be known.
I am, Sir, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Office of Finance, September 20th, 1783.
Sir,
I have been duly honored with your Excellency's favors of the 5th,
10th, and 11th of July. I have taken the liberty to make some
extracts from the two latter, which are transmitted in a letter to
the Governor of Massachusetts, a copy whereof is enclosed. Permit
me, Sir, to give my feeble approbation and applause for those
sentiments of wisdom and integrity, which are as happily expressed
as they are forcibly conceived. The necessity of strengthening our
confederation, providing for our debts, and forming some federal
constitution, begins to be most seriously felt. But unfortunately
for America, the narrow and illiberal prejudices of some have
taken such deep root, that it must be difficult and may prove
impracticable to remove them.
I agree with you, Sir, in opinion, that the late peace was not,
all circumstances considered, a bad one for England. It is
undoubtedly a peace equally glorious to, and necessary for,
America. All ranks of men in this country feel, as well as
perceive, the benefits of it, and the fault finders (for such men
there always will be) are borne down by the general torrent of
applause.
I was happy to learn by the Washington packet, that you intended a
short trip to Amsterdam for the purpose of urging on the loan. I
hope you may have met with the success due to your zeal and
abilities; I shall ask no greater.
With perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.
* * * * *
TO B. FRANKLIN.
Office of Finance, September 30th, 1783.
Sir,
I am to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of the 7th of March
and 27th of July. For both of them, accept my thanks. You express
an apprehension lest the union between France and America should
be diminished by accounts from your side of the water. This
apprehension does you equal honor as a statesman and as a man.
Every principle, which ought to actuate the councils of a nation,
requires from us an affectionate conduct towards France, and I
very sincerely lament those misapprehensions, which have
indisposed some worthy men towards that nation, whose treasure and
blood have been so freely expended for us.
I believe the truth, with respect to some, to be this. A warm
attachment to America has prevented them from making due
allowances in those cases where their country was concerned. Under
certain prepossessions it was natural for them to think, that the
French Ministry might do more for us, and it was quite as natural
for the Ministers to think, that we ought to have done more for
ourselves. The moment of treaty with England was of course the
moment of profession with English Ministers. I fear that the
impressions made by these were for a little while rather more deep
than was quite necessary. But the same love of America, which had
raised such strong irritability where her interests were
concerned, will of course stimulate it to an equal degree when
those interests are assailed from another quarter. I think I may
venture to assure you, that the esteem of this country for France
is not diminished, and that the late representations have not been
so unfavorable as you fear.
Our commerce is flowing very fast towards Great Britain, and that
from causes which must forever influence the commercial part of
society. Some articles are furnished by Britain cheaper, many as
cheap, and all on a long credit. Her merchants are attentive and
punctual. In her ports our vessels meet with despatch. I say
nothing of language and manners, because I do not think their
influence so strong on commerce as many people suppose, but what
is of no little importance is, that the English having formed our
taste, are more in a capacity to gratify that taste by the nature
and fashion of their manufactures. There is another circumstance,
also, which must not be forgotten. The great demand for French
manufactures during the war increased the price of many, and some
time will be required before it can, by a fair competition, be
discovered, which of the two countries, France or England, can
supply us cheapest. The delays in the public bills is a further
circumstance which militates (a momentary obstacle) against the
trade with France.
I must, therefore, mention to you, also, a matter which is of
great effect. Until we can navigate the Mediterranean in safety,
we cannot trade in our own bottoms with the ports of France or
Spain, which are on that sea. And we certainly will not trade
there in foreign bottoms, because we do not find the same
conveniences and advantage in so doing, as in our own vessels;
unless, indeed, it be on board of English ships. This may be a
disagreeable fact, but it is not the less a fact.
I believe that informations are transmitted hence to the Court,
which they ought not to rely on. Their servants doubtless do their
duty in transmitting such information, but I am persuaded that
they are themselves not well informed. Indeed it is quite natural,
that men should mistake when they examine and treat of a subject
with which they are unacquainted. And it cannot well be supposed,
that political characters are competent to decide on the
advantages and disadvantages of allowing to, or withholding from
us, a share in the carrying trade. On this subject I will make a
further observation, and you may rely on it, that I speak to you
with candor and sincerity, not with a view to making any
impressions on the Court. You may communicate or withhold what I
say, and they may or may not, apply it to their own purposes. If
anything will totally ruin the commerce of England with this
country, it is her blind attachment to her navigation act. This
act which never was the real foundation of her naval superiority,
may and perhaps will be the cause of its destruction. If France
possesses commercial wisdom, she will take care not to imitate the
conduct of her rival.