In the 36th page of the preceding Chronicle it is stated that "In this
yere (1295) the kyng [Edward the first] was defraunded of his lond in
Gascoigne in this manner, sothly: the kyng hadde yoven the forseyd
lond of Gascoyne to the kynges suster of Fraunce, for that she schulde
be yoyned to hym in fre mariage: and be some of his counseill enfeffed
here in the sayd lond of Gascoigne, whiche lond of Gascoigne sche yaf
to Charles here brother, and to other; and the matrymoigne betwen here
and kyng Edward sche sette at noughte, and wolde noughte stonden
therto."--That circumstance is the subject of the following Fragment
of a curious Poem preserved in the archives of the Corporation of the
City of London, in the MS. entitled _Liber Custumarium_, fol. 84; from
which it has been extracted by the obliging permission of Henry
Woodthorpe, Esq. the Town Clerk. The leaf which contained the
concluding stanzas has been lost; but judging from the number of those
which remain, it originally consisted of about nine more verses. It is
written in the hand of the period in which the events to which it
alludes took place, and as the documents in the volume from which it
is copied end in the succeeding reign, there is every reason to
presume that it was entered in the Records of the City of London
within a short period after it was composed. Every line of each verse
contains the same letter in the middle of the line, and every line
ends with the same letter: these two letters are placed in the middle
and at the end of each verse, separated from the words to which they
belong, but connected with them by lines in the manner in which the
first verse of the Poem is here printed, and which has been considered
sufficient to show the singular manner in which it was originally
written.
HIC INCIPIT QUIDA' RISMUS F'TUS DE P'DIC'ONE VASCON' ET DE RIUSD'
CONQUESTU P' R' E' FILIU' REG' H'.
Satis novit seculu______ ____De lingua Galloru_____
\_ _/ \_
Qualiter fit speculu___ \ / ___Patens traditoru_____ \
\===m===/ \===m
Quia p' p'fidia________/ _/ \_ \___Pessimam ip'oru______/ _/
_/ \_ _/
Jam p'dit Vasconia____/ \__Princeps Anglicoru__/
Rex fidem adhibuit Dictus Gallicorum
Egit quod non debuit Nam fraus miserorum
Seriem composuit Quorumdam verborum
Que Regi transposuit Cetus nunciorum
Per verba credencie Nuncii dixerunt
Q'd magnates Francie Simul tractaverunt
Qdq; Regi Anglie Dare voluerunt
Natam Regis Gallie Heu q'd hic venerunt
Ad hec dux Burgundie Quidam nunciorum
Ait q'd in flumine Multi Northmannorum
Perierunt pridie Per nautas Anglorum
Additis hastucie Causis Bayonorum
Ut ergo concordia Pacis jam addatur
Et omnis discordia Prorsus repallatur
Celsitudo regia Francie precatur
Q'd sibi vasconia Totalis reddatur
Proponit brevissime Vos tunc reseisire
De terra vasconie Nec quid deperire
Ius v'r'm certissime Potestis hoc scire
Si q'd petit p'pere Placet exaudire
Si seisinam habeat Per sex septimanas
Tunc mandare placeat Q'd transire lanas
Gens anglor' faciat Et sic causas vanas
Pars utraq; deleat Res collando sanas
Ait vir considera Rex que petierunt
Nova sunt non vetera Hec que tibi ferunt
Pulcram inter cetera Tibi promiserunt
Prout dicit littera Quam Galli miserunt
Hoc audito Langetum Statim prosilivit
Ad regem consilium Dedit sicut scivit
Et Lacy p' sompnium Certe non dormivit
Quin eiusdem devium Seisine nutrivit
Puellam rex diligens Vinculis amorum
Penitus consensiens Dictis consultorum
Fieri precipiens Litteras servorum
Pro dolor nam nesciens Erat futurorum
Demum in Vasconia J. Lacy p'rexit
Litteras ab Anglia Secumq; devexit
Ac sub manu Gallia Vascones contexit
Anglis inutilia Heu' q'd tot aspexit
Gallici Vasconiam Sibi subjugarunt
Et in manum Anglicam Dare recusarunt
Neq; regis filiam In spousam pararunt
Regi dare quoniam Ip'm subsannarunt
Exp'tem Vasconie Foris judicarunt
Magni pares Francie Et exheredarunt
Regem n'r'm Anglie Parum hunc amarunt
Nam causam malicie Sibi demonstrarunt
Audiens p'fidiam Rex exheredatus
Quam habet p' F'nciam Satis est iratus
Jurat p' ecc'iam Non erit letatus
Quousq; Vasconiam Fuerit lucratus
Rex vocat Pontifices Ad parliamentum
Et Anglorum Comites Flores sapientum
Quinq; Portus fomites Barones p' centum
Volant ut irundines In mari p' ventum
Clerus et milicia Gentis Anglicane
Vovent cum leticia Q'd seroq; mane
Parantur ad omnia Que genti p'phane
Francie sunt noxia Nam sup'bit vane
Rex Anglor' nobilis Vocatus Edwardus
Ferox est et stabilis Tanq'm leopardus
Fortis et non debilis Velox et non tardus[135]
Senciet id flebilis Pomposus Picardus.
[Footnote 135: A similar description of Edward the First, which was
suggested by his arms, occurs in the "Roll of Carlaverock," a poem
composed in the year 1300.
"En sa baniere trois luparte
De or fin estoint mis en rouge
Courant felloun fier et harouge
Par tel signifiance mis
Ke ausi est vers ses enemis
Le Rois fiers felouns et hastans
Car sa morsure n'est tastans
Nuls ki ne en soit envenimez."]
* * * * *
P. 37. Anno 24 Edward I, 1296. "Also in this yere S^{r}. Thomas
Turbevyle for treson was drawen and hanged."
Of the conduct which caused Sir Thomas Turbeville's execution, the
following fragment of a curious contemporary poem in the Cottonian MS.
_Caligula_ A. xviij, presents perhaps the most accurate information
which is extant. It immediately precedes, and is written in the same
hand as, the only _contemporary_ copy of the Roll of Carlaverock which
is known to exist, and hence it is highly probable that it was
composed by the same person. Under any circumstances, however, it
cannot fail to be deemed to possess sufficient interest to render it a
valuable illustration to the passage in the text.
Seignurs e dames estutez
De un fort tretur orrez
Ke aveit pur veu une treson
Thomas Turbelvile ot a non
A Charlys aveit p'mis
E jure par seint Denys
Ke il li freit tute Englet'e
Par quentise e treson conquere
E Charles li premist grant don
Teres e bon garison
Li treitre a Charlis dit
Ke il aparillast sanz respit
De bone nefs grande navie
E de gent forte co'paignie
E il le freit par tens garner
Ou il dussent ariver
En Engleter sodeinement
Li traiture sanz targement en Englet'e tot se mit
Au rei sire Edewars vint e dist
Ke si apres li vodera fere
Tutes ses choses deust co'quer
Ki sire Charlis li aveit
A force e a tort tollet
Issi ke' li losengur de ambe part fu t'tur
Sire Edeward nentendi mie
Del treitre sa tricherie
Ke il aveit issi purveu
A grant honur le ad receu
E en sa curt fut grant mestre
Q'nt ot espie tut son estre
E le conseil de Engleter
Li treitre feseit un bref fere
A sire Charlis priveme't
On ariver devisse't sa gent
En Engletere e li pais prendre
A sire Edeward fu fet entendre
Cum den le ont destine
E le bref ly fut mustre
E tout ensemble la treson
Li rei fit prendir cel felon
Thomas le treitur deva't dit
Ke fist fere cel estrit
A Lundres par mie la citee
Treigner le fist en une coree
De une tor envolupe
Nul autreme't ne fut arme
Haume nont ne habergun
Cillante pierres a g'nt fusui'
Aveit il entur son flanc
Ke li raerent le sanc
Apres fu li traiture pendu
E le alme a la Belzebub rendu
Je aveit autre gareson
Issi deit len servir felon
En furches peut li malurez
Des chenes e de fer liez
Nul home nel deit enterrer
Tant cu' son cors porra durer
Iloec pendra cel trichur
Ten garison ad pur son labour
Ore puira Charles pur ver
Apres li longem't garder
Einz kil venge pur sa treison
Demander de li garison
Sire Edeward pur la g'nt navye
De France ne dona une aylle
De vaillante gent fist la mer
De tut part mut ben garder
De Engleter sunt failliz
Ly Franceys e sunt honiz
En la mer grant tens flote'nt
Li cors plusurs de eus tuere't
A Dovere firent sodoineme't
Une assaut e de lur gent
Plus de v sent y perdirent
Unkes plus de prou ne firent
Ore sunt tuz ieo quide neez
Ou en lur teris retornez
E penduz pur lur servise
Ke Engleter naveyent prise
E ceo Charles lour p'mist
Si nul de ens revenist
Sire Charles bon chevaler
Lessez ester ton guerrer
Acordez a ton cosin
E pur pensez de la fin
Si Engleter guerirez
James ben nes pleyterez
Je ne firent voz ancestres
Ke se tindrent si grant mestres
Ly ducs Lowys ton parent
E stace le moyne enseme't
E autres Franceys assez
Ke ne sunt pas ici nomez
Damne deu omnipotent
Vo' doynt bon acordement avie.
* * * * *
P. 57. "This same yere [anno 14th Edw. III. 1340] the kyng faught with
the Frensshmen at Scluse, where there were sclayn of Frensshmen xxx
m^{l}; and the kyng toke and scomfyted at the sayd bataill of Scluse
cccx schippes." Of this passage, the following letter from king Edward
the Third to Edward the Black Prince, giving an account of his victory
over the French fleet at Sclyse, on Saturday the 24th of June
1340,--which, with the permission of Henry Woodthorpe, Esq., the Town
Clerk, has also been extracted from the City Archives, letter F. fol.
39,--is an interesting illustration. This document, which has escaped
the attention of Historians, presents an authentic detail of that
memorable event; and it is evident from it that Robert de Avesbury,
the contemporary writer upon whom the greatest reliance has hitherto
been placed, has fallen into some errors in his narrative of the
transaction. He informs us that on the day after the battle a rumour
of it reached London, but that it was discredited until the ensuing
Wednesday, namely the 28th of June, when the Prince of Wales received
a letter from the king informing him of his success, of which letter
that writer asserts that the annexed was a copy:
"Edwardus Dei Gracia Rex Angliae et Franciae et Dominus Hiberniae, &c.
Effusam circa nos hiis diebus propiciacionis divinae clemenciam, ad
vestri contemplacionem et laeticiam, vobis ducimus intimandam. Scitis
autem, immo vos et alios[136] fideles nostri quadam participacione
sensitis, quantis fuimus et sumus guerrarum lacessiti turbinibus, et
velut in mari magno procellosis fluctibus agitati. Sed licet sint
mirabiles elaciones maris, mirabilior tamen in altis Dominus, qui
procellam convertens in auram, jam inter tot adversa clementissime nos
respexit. Nam cum pridem ordinassemus passagium nostrum necessarium
versus partes Flandriae, Dominus Philippus de Valesio, persecutor
noster infestissimus, hoc praevidens, classem maximam navium armatarum
quam in expugnacionem nostram nostrorumque fidelium misit, ut vel sic
nos caperet, vel nostrum transitum impediret. qui transitus si, quod
absit, fuisset impeditus, ardua negocia, quae prosequimur, fuissent
penitus in ruina: quinimmo nos et nostri fuissemus verisimiliter
confusionis[137] magnae subjecti. Sed Deus misericordiarum, videns nos
in tantis periculis constitutos, graciosius et cicius, quam humana
racio judicare poterat, misit nobis magnum navale subsidium, et
insperatum numerum armatorum, ac semper ventum prosperum juxta votum,
et sic, sub spe coelestis auxilii, et justiciae nostrae fiducia,
dictum portum navigio venientes, invenimus dictam classem et hostes
nostros ibidem paratissimos ad praelium in multitudine copiosa; quibus,
in festo Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistae proximo praeterito, ipse
spes nostra Christus deus per conflictum fortem et validum nos
praevalere concessit, facta strage non modica dictorum hostium, capta
eciam quodammodo tota dicta classe, cum laesione gentis nostrae modica
respective, sicque tucior de cetero patebit transitus nostris
fidelibus supra mare, et alia bona plurima sunt ex hoc nobis et
nostris fidelibus verisimiliter proventura, de quo spes pulcherima jam
arridet. Nos autem, tantam coelestem graciam devotissime
contemplantes, ipsi Salvatori nostro laudes et gracias humiliter
exsolvimus, deprecantes, ut, qui jam et semper in oportunitatibus
copiosis graciis[138] nos praevenit continuatis, nos auxiliis
prosequatur, et nobis regere temporaliter sic concedat in terris, ut
in eo laetemur aeternaliter in excelsis. Dileccionem vestram attente
rogamus et per Dei misericordiam obsecramus, quatinus soli Deo vivo,
qui tantum signum nobiscum fecit in bonum, in devotae laudis praeconium
assurgentes, nos, jam in remotis agentes, et nedum jura nostra
recuperare, sed sanctam ecclesiam catholicam attollere, et in justicia
populum regere cupientes, sibi devotis oracionum instanciis
recomendare curetis, facientes pro nobis missas, et alia piae
placacionis officia misericorditer exerceri, et ad hoc clerum et
populum vestrae diocesis salutaribus monitis inducatis, ut Deus ipse,
miseratus nobis, progressum felicem et exitum annuat graciosum, detque
servo suo cor docile, ut recte judicare possimus et regere et sic
facere quod praecipit, ut mereamur assequi quod promittit. Teste
Edwardo duce Cornubiae et Comite Cestriae filio nostro carissimo Custode
Angliae apud Waltham Sanctae Crucis xxviii^{vo}. die Junii, anno Regni
nostri Angliae xiiii^{to}. Regni vero Franciae primo."
[Footnote 136: _Sic._]
[Footnote 137: _Sic._]
[Footnote 138: _Sic._]
It is however manifest from that document having been tested by the
Prince of Wales, that it was rather a proclamation issued in
consequence of the dispatch from the king to the prince, than the
dispatch itself, of which the letter now for the first time printed
may be deemed the only copy which is extant. Nor must it be forgotten
that the date affixed to the article given by Avesbury tends to excite
a suspicion of its authenticity; for it is tested by the prince at
Waltham Holy Cross upon the precise day, the 28th of June, on which
the king's letter was written, and which could not therefore possibly
have arrived on the day in question at Waltham. It is somewhat
singular that as the battle was concluded on the 25th of June, the
king should not have written until the 28th; but this may perhaps be
accounted for by those arrangements which his success would
necessarily have required, and which may be supposed to have engaged
the monarch's whole attention for some days. The letter in Avesbury's
Annals gives no particulars of the battle, though that writer relates
that the enemy were beaten; that more than thirty thousand of them
were slain; that many leapt into the sea from fear and were drowned;
and that their fleet consisted of two hundred large ships, on board of
one of which four hundred dead bodies were found. The Royal dispatch,
however, affords much more minute information, and corrects the
statements both in Avesbury and in the preceding Chronicle. It asserts
that the French fleet amounted to one hundred and eighty sail; that
they were nobly defended the whole of a day and a night; that they
were all captured in the engagement excepting twenty-four which took
to flight, and part of them were subsequently taken at sea; that the
number of the men at arms and other armed persons amounted to
thirty-five thousand, of whom five thousand escaped; that the English
ships captured by the French at Middleburgh were then retaken; and
that among the prizes were three or four as large as 'the
Christopher,' which we may infer was then the largest ship of the
English navy.
It is unquestionable from what has been said, that this document
supplies some important facts in the history of the times, whilst its
entry among the Records of the City of London tends to establish that
the Mayor of the city was accustomed at that early period to receive
an official account of every public transaction, and of which another
example will be found in a subsequent page.
The events which led to the battle of the Swyne, or as it is more
generally termed of the Scluse, are too familiar to require
repetition.
"NOTA DE BELLO AQUATICO:--
L'RA D'NI E' DIRETT'
FILIO SUO DUCI CORNUB'
DE BELLO SUP' MARE
P'CUSSO DIE NATIVIT'
S'C'I JOH'IS BAPT'
"Tresch' fitz no' pensoms bien q' vo' estes desirons assavoir bones
novelles de no' et coment il no' est avenuz puys n're aler Denglet're
si vo' fesom savoir q' le Joedi'[139] ap's ceo q' no' dep'times du
Port Dorewe[-ll-],[140] no' siglames tut le iou ret la nuyt suaunte,
et le vendredi[141] en tour hour de noune no' venismes s' la costere
de fflaundres devant Blankebergh ou no' avioms la vewe de la fflote de
nos enemys qi estoyent tut amassez ensemble en port del Swyne et p'
ceo q' la Tyde nestoit mis adonges p' assembler a eux no'
yherbergeasmes tut cel noet le samady le iour de seint Johan[142] bien
ap's houre de noune a la Tyde nous en noun de Dieu et en espoire de
n're droite querele entrames en dit port s' nos ditz enemys qi avoyent
assemble lours niefs en moult fort array et lesqu'x fesoient ml't
noble defens tut cel iour et la noet ap's, mes dieu p' sa puissaunce
et miracle no' ottroia la victorie de mesmes no[z/] enemys de qai no'
m'cioms si devoutement come no' poems. Et si vo' fesoms savoir q' le
nombre des niefs galeyes et g'nt barges de nos enemys amounta a
ix^{xx} et ditz, lessqueles estoient toutz pris sauve xxiiij. en tut
lesqueles senfuirent et les uns sont puye pris s' mier et le nombre
des gentz darmes et autres gentz armez amounta a xxxv Mi[-ll-] de
quele nombre p' esme cink' M^{l} sont eschapees, et la remenaunt ensi
come no' est donc a entendre p' ascuns gentz q' sont pris en vie, si
gissent les corps mortz et tut pleyn de lieux s^{r} la costere de
fflaundres. Dautre p't totes nos niefs, cest assavoir Cristofre et les
autres qi estoient p'dues a Middelburgh, sont ore regaignez, et il
yount gaignez en ceste navie trois ou quatre auxi graundes come la
Cristofre: les fflemengs estoient de bone volente davoir venuz a no'
ala bataille du commencement tanqe ala fin issint dieu n're seign^{r}
ad assez de grace monstre de qei' no' et toutz nos amys sumes tut ditz
tenutz de lui rendre grace et m'ciz. N're entent est a demorer en pees
en le ewe taunt qe no' eoms pris c'teyn point ove no' alliez et autres
nos amys de fflandres de ceo q' soit affaire. Trescher fitz dieu soit
gardeyn de vo'. Don' souz n're secree seal en n're nief Cogg[143]
Thom', le Mescredy en la veille seint Piere et seint Paoul.[144]