BREAKFAST UNDER DIFFICULTIES--LONG SHOTS--THE LITTLE DRUMMER--EVACUATION
OF THE RESIDENCY BY THE GARRISON
By this time several of the old campaigners had kindled a fire in one of
the small rooms, through the roof of which one of our shells had fallen
the day before, making a convenient chimney for the egress of the smoke.
They had found a large copper pot which had been left by the sepoys, and
had it on the fire filled with a stew of about a score or more of
pigeons which had been left shut up in a dovecot in a corner of the
compound. There were also plenty of pumpkins and other vegetables in the
rooms, and piles of _chupatties_ which had been cooked by the sepoys for
their evening meal before they fled. Everything in fact was there for
making a good breakfast for hungry men except salt, and there was no
salt to be found in any of the rooms; but as luck favoured us, I had one
of the old-fashioned round cylinder-shaped wooden match-boxes full of
salt in my haversack, which was more than sufficient to season the stew.
I had carried this salt from Cawnpore, and I did so by the advice of an
old veteran who had served in the Ninety-Second Gordon Highlanders all
through the Peninsular war, and finally at Waterloo. When as a boy I had
often listened to his stories and told him that I would also enlist for
a soldier, he had given me this piece of practical advice, which I in my
turn present to every young soldier and volunteer. It is this: "Always
carry a box of salt in your haversack when on active service; because
the commissariat department is usually in the rear, and as a rule when
an army is pressed for food the men have often the chance of getting
hold of a bullock or a sheep, or of fowls, etc., but it is more
difficult to find salt, and even good food without salt is very
unpalatable." I remembered the advice, and it proved of great service to
myself and comrades in many instances during the Mutiny. As it was,
thanks to my foresight the hungry men in the Shah Nujeef made a good
breakfast on the morning of the 17th of November, 1857. I may here say
that my experience is that the soldiers who could best look after their
stomachs were also those who could make the best use of the bayonet, and
who were the least likely to fall behind in a forced march. If I had the
command of an army in the field my rule would be: "Cut the grog, and
give double grub when hard work has to be done!"
After making a good breakfast the men were told off in sections, and we
discharged our rifles at the enemy across the Goomtee,[25] and then
spunged them out, which they sorely needed, because they had not been
cleaned from the day we advanced from the Alumbagh. Our rifles had in
fact got so foul with four days' heavy work that it was almost
impossible to load them, and the recoil had become so great that the
shoulders of many of the men were perfectly black with bruises. As soon
as our rifles were cleaned, a number of the best shots in the company
were selected to try and silence the fire from the battery in the
Badshahibagh across the river, which was annoying us by endeavouring to
pitch hot shot and shell into the tomb, and to shorten the distance they
had brought their guns outside the gate on to the open ground. They
evidently as yet did not understand the range of the Enfield rifle, as
they now came within about a thousand to twelve hundred yards of the
wall of the Shah Nujeef next the river. Some twenty of the best shots in
the company, with carefully cleaned and loaded rifles, watched till they
saw a good number of the enemy near their guns, then, raising sights to
the full height and carefully aiming high, they fired a volley by word
of command slowly given--_one, two, fire!_ and about half a dozen of the
enemy were knocked over. They at once withdrew their guns inside the
Badshahibagh and shut the gate, and did not molest us any more.
During the early part of the forenoon we had several men struck by rifle
bullets fired from one of the minarets in the Motee Mahal, which was
said to be occupied by one of the ex-King of Oude's eunuchs who was a
first-rate marksman, and armed with an excellent rifle; from his
elevated position in the minaret he could see right into the square of
the Shah Nujeef. We soon had several men wounded, and as there was no
surgeon with us Captain Dawson sent me back to where the field-hospital
was formed near the Secundrabagh, to ask Dr. Munro if an
assistant-surgeon could be spared for our post. But Dr. Munro told me to
tell Captain Dawson that it was impossible to spare an assistant-surgeon
or even an apothecary, because he had just been informed that the
Mess-House and Motee Mahal were to be assaulted at two o'clock, and
every medical officer would be required on the spot; but he would try
and send a hospital-attendant with a supply of lint and bandages. By the
time I got back the assault on the Mess-House had begun, and Sergeant
Findlay, before mentioned, was sent with a _dooly_ and a supply of
bandages, lint, and dressing, to do the best he could for any of ours
who might be wounded.
About half an hour after the assault on the Mess-House had commenced a
large body of the enemy, numbering at least six or seven hundred men,
whose retreat had evidently been cut off from the city, crossed from the
Mess-House into the Motee Mahal in our front, and forming up under cover
of some huts between the Shah Munzil and Motee Mahal, they evidently
made up their minds to try and retake the Shah Nujeef. They debouched on
the plain with a number of men in front carrying scaling-ladders, and
Captain Dawson being on the alert ordered all the men to kneel down
behind the loopholes with rifles sighted for five hundred yards, and
wait for the word of command. It was now our turn to know what it felt
like to be behind loopholed walls, and we calmly awaited the enemy,
watching them forming up for a dash on our position. The silence was
profound, when Sergeant Daniel White repeated aloud a passage from the
third canto of Scott's _Bridal of Triermain_:
Bewcastle now must keep the Hold,
Speir-Adam's steeds must bide in stall,
Of Hartley-burn the bowmen bold
Must only shoot from battled wall;
And Liddesdale may buckle spur,
And Teviot now may belt the brand,
Taras and Ewes keep nightly stir,
And Eskdale foray Cumberland.
Of wasted fields and plunder'd flocks
The Borderers bootless may complain;
They lack the sword of brave De Vaux,
There comes no aid from Triermain.
Captain Dawson, who had been steadily watching the advance of the enemy
and carefully calculating their distance, just then called "Attention,
five hundred yards, ready--_one, two, fire!_" when over eighty rifles
rang out, and almost as many of the enemy went down like ninepins on the
plain! Their leader was in front, mounted on a finely-accoutred charger,
and he and his horse were evidently both hit; he at once wheeled round
and made for the Goomtee, but horse and man both fell before they got
near the river. After the first volley every man loaded and fired
independently, and the plain was soon strewn with dead and wounded.
The unfortunate assaulters were now between two fires, for the force
that had attacked the Shah Munzil and Motee Mahal commenced to send
grape and canister into their rear, so the routed rebels threw away
their arms and scaling-ladders, and all that were able to do so bolted
pell-mell for the Goomtee. Only about a quarter of the original number,
however, reached the opposite bank, for when they were in the river our
men rushed to the corner nearest to them and kept peppering at every
head above water. One tall fellow, I well remember, acted as cunningly
as a jackal; whether struck or not he fell just as he got into shallow
water on the opposite side, and lay without moving, with his legs in the
water and his head on the land. He appeared to be stone dead, and every
rifle was turned on those that were running across the plain for the
gate of the Badshahibagh, while many others who were evidently severely
wounded were fired on as our fellows said, "_in mercy to put them out of
pain_." I have previously remarked that the war of the Mutiny was a
horrible, I may say a demoralising, war for civilised men to be engaged
in. The inhuman murders and foul treachery of the Nana Sahib and others
put all feeling of humanity or mercy for the enemy out of the question,
and our men thus early spoke of putting a wounded Jack Pandy _out of
pain_, just as calmly as if he had been a wild beast; it was even
considered an act of mercy. It is now horrible to recall it all, but
what I state is true. The only excuse is that _we_ did not begin this
war of extermination; and no apologist for the mutineers can say that
they were actuated by patriotism to throw off the yoke of the oppressor.
The cold-blooded cruelty of the mutineers and their leaders from first
to last branded them in fact as traitors to humanity and cowardly
assassins of helpless women and children. But to return to the Pandy
whom I left lying half-covered with water on the further bank of the
Goomtee opposite the Shah Nujeef. This particular man was ever after
spoken of as the "jackal," because jackals and foxes have often been
known to sham dead and wait for a chance of escape; and so it was with
Jack Pandy. After he had lain apparently dead for about an hour, some
one noticed that he had gradually dragged himself out of the water; till
all at once he sprang to his feet, and ran like a deer in the direction
of the gate of the Badshahibagh. He was still quite within easy range,
and several rifles were levelled at him; but Sergeant Findlay, who was
on the rampart, and was himself one of the best shots in the company,
called out, "Don't fire, men; give the poor devil a chance!" Instead of
a volley of bullets, the men's better feelings gained the day, and Jack
Pandy was reprieved, with a cheer to speed him on his way. As soon as he
heard it he realised his position, and like the Samaritan leper of old,
he halted, turned round, and putting up both his hands with the palms
together in front of his face, he salaamed profoundly, prostrating
himself three times on the ground by way of thanks, and then _walked_
slowly towards the Badshahibagh, while we on the ramparts waved our
feather bonnets and clapped our hands to him in token of good-will. I
have often wondered if that particular Pandy ever after fought the
English, or if he returned to his village to relate his exceptional
experience of our clemency.
Just at this time we noticed a great commotion in front, and heard our
fellows and even those in the Residency cheering like mad. The cause we
shortly after learned; that the generals, Sir Colin Campbell, Havelock,
and Outram had met. The Residency was relieved and the women and
children were saved, although not yet out of danger, and every man in
the force slept with a lighter heart that night. If the cost was heavy,
the gain was great.
I may here mention that there is an entry in my note-book, dated 18th of
November 1857: "That Lieutenant Fred. Roberts planted the Union Jack
three times on the top of the Mess-House as a signal to the force in the
Residency that the Mess-House was in our possession, and it was as often
shot down." Some time ago there was, I remember, a dispute about who was
entitled to the credit of this action. Now I did not see it myself, but
I must have got the information from some of the men of the other
companies who witnessed the deed, as it was known that I was keeping a
rough diary of the leading events.
Such was the glorious issue of the 17th of November. The meeting of the
Generals, Sir Colin Campbell, Outram, and Havelock, proved that Lucknow
was relieved and the women and children were safe; but to accomplish
this object our small force had lost no less than forty-five officers
and four hundred and ninety-six men--more than a tenth of our whole
number! The brunt of the loss fell on the Artillery and Naval Brigade,
and on the Fifty-Third, the Ninety-Third, and the Fourth Punjab
Infantry. These losses were respectively as follows:
Artillery and Naval Brigade 105 Men
Fifty-Third Regiment 76 "
Ninety-Third Highlanders 108 "
Fourth Punjab Infantry 95 "
---
Total 384
leaving one hundred and twelve to be divided among the other corps
engaged.
In writing mostly from memory thirty-five years after the events
described, many incidents, though not entirely forgotten, escape being
noticed in their proper sequence, and that is the case with the
following, which I must here relate before I enter on the evacuation of
the Residency.
Immediately after the powder left by the enemy had been removed from the
tomb of the Shah Nujeef, and the sun had dispelled the fog which rested
over the Goomtee and the city, it was deemed necessary to signal to the
Residency to let them know our position, and for this purpose our
adjutant, Lieutenant William M'Bean, Sergeant Hutchinson, and Drummer
Ross, a boy of about twelve years of age but even small for his years,
climbed to the top of the dome of the Shah Nujeef by means of a rude
rope-ladder which was fixed on it; thence with the regimental colour of
the Ninety-Third and a feather bonnet on the tip of the staff they
signalled to the Residency, and the little drummer sounded the
regimental call on his bugle from the top of the dome. The signal was
seen, and answered from the Residency by lowering their flag three
times. But the enemy on the Badshahibagh also saw the signalling and the
daring adventurers on the dome, and turned their guns on them, sending
several round-shots quite close to them. Their object being gained,
however, our men descended; but little Ross ran up the ladder again like
a monkey, and holding on to the spire of the dome with his left hand he
waved his feather bonnet and then sounded the regimental call a second
time, which he followed by the call known as _The Cock of the North_,
which he sounded as a blast of defiance to the enemy. When peremptorily
ordered to come down by Lieutenant M'Bean, he did so, but not before the
little monkey had tootled out--
There's not a man beneath the moon,
Nor lives in any land he,
That hasn't heard the pleasant tune
Of Yankee Doodle Dandy!
In cooling drinks and clipper ships,
The Yankee has the way shown,
On land and sea 'tis he that whips
Old Bull, and all creation.
When little Ross reached the parapet at the foot of the dome, he turned
to Lieutenant M'Bean and said: "Ye ken, sir, I was born when the
regiment was in Canada when my mother was on a visit to an aunt in the
States, and I could not come down till I had sung _Yankee Doodle_, to
make my American cousins envious when they hear of the deeds of the
Ninety-Third. Won't the Yankees feel jealous when they hear that the
littlest drummer-boy in the regiment sang _Yankee Doodle_ under a hail
of fire on the dome of the highest mosque in Lucknow!"
As mentioned in the last chapter, the Residency was relieved on the
afternoon of the 17th of November, and the following day preparations
were made for the evacuation of the position and the withdrawal of the
women and children. To do this in safety however was no easy task, for
the mutineers and rebels showed but small regard for the laws of
chivalry; a man might pass an exposed position in comparative safety,
but if a helpless woman or little child were seen, they were made the
target for a hundred bullets. So far as we could see from the Shah
Nujeef, the line of retreat was pretty well sheltered till the refugees
emerged from the Motee Mahal; but between that and the Shah Nujeef there
was a long stretch of plain, exposed to the fire of the enemy's
artillery and sharp-shooters from the opposite side of the Goomtee. To
protect this part of their route a flying sap was constructed: a battery
of artillery and some of Peel's guns, with a covering force of infantry,
were posted in the north-east corner of the Motee Mahal; and all the
best shots in the Shah Nujeef were placed on the north-west corner of
the ramparts next to the Goomtee. These men were under command of
Sergeant Findlay, who, although nominally our medical officer, stuck to
his post on the ramparts, and being one of the best shots in the company
was entrusted with the command of the sharp-shooters for the protection
of the retreating women and children. From these two points,--the
north-east corner of the Motee Mahal and the north-west of the Shah
Nujeef--the enemy on the north bank of the Goomtee were brought under a
cross-fire, the accuracy of which made them keep a very respectful
distance from the river, with the result that the women and children
passed the exposed part of their route without a single casualty. I
remember one remarkably good shot made by Sergeant Findlay. He unhorsed
a rebel officer close to the east gate of the Badshahibagh, who came out
with a force of infantry and a couple of guns to open fire on the line
of retreat; but he was no sooner knocked over than the enemy retreated
into the _bagh_, and did not show themselves any more that day.
By midnight of the 22nd of November the Residency was entirely
evacuated, and the enemy completely deceived as to the movements; and
about two o'clock on the morning of the 23rd we withdrew from the Shah
Nujeef and became the rear-guard of the retreating column, making our
way slowly past the Secundrabagh, the stench from which, as can easily
be imagined, was something frightful. I have seen it stated in print
that the two thousand odd of the enemy killed in the Secundrabagh were
dragged out and buried in deep trenches outside the enclosure. This is
not correct. The European slain were removed and buried in a deep
trench, where the mound is still visible, to the east of the gate, and
the Punjabees recovered their slain and cremated them near the bank of
the Goomtee. But the rebel dead had to be left to rot where they lay, a
prey to the vulture by day and the jackal by night, for from the
smallness of the relieving force no other course was possible; in fact,
it was with the greatest difficulty that men could be spared from the
piquets,--for the whole force simply became a series of outlying
piquets--to bury our own dead, let alone those of the enemy. And when we
retired their friends did not take the trouble, as the skeletons were
still whitening in the rooms of the buildings when the Ninety-Third
returned to the siege of Lucknow in March, 1858. Their bones were
doubtless buried after the fall of Lucknow, but that would be at least
six months after their slaughter. By daylight on the 23rd of November
the whole of the women and children had arrived at the Dilkoosha, where
tents were pitched for them, and the rear-guard had reached the
Martiniere. Here the rolls were called again to see if any were missing,
when it was discovered that Sergeant Alexander Macpherson, of No. 2
company, who had formed one of Colonel Ewart's detachment in the
barracks, was not present. Shortly afterwards he was seen making his way
across the plain, and reported that he had been left asleep in the
barracks, and, on waking up after daylight and finding himself alone,
guessed what had happened, and knowing the direction in which the column
was to retire, he at once followed. Fortunately the enemy had not even
then discovered the evacuation of the Residency, for they were still
firing into our old positions. Sergeant Macpherson was ever after this
known in the regiment as "Sleepy Sandy."
There was also an officer, Captain Waterman, left asleep in the
Residency. He, too, managed to join the rear-guard in safety; but he got
such a fright that I afterwards saw it stated in one of the Calcutta
papers that his mind was affected by the shock to his nervous system.
Some time later an Irishman in the Ninety-Third gave a good reason why
the fright did not turn the head of Sandy Macpherson. In those days
before the railway it took much longer than now for the mails to get
from Cawnpore to Calcutta, and for Calcutta papers to get back again;
and some time,--about a month or six weeks--after the events above
related, when the Calcutta papers got back to camp with the accounts of
the relief of Lucknow, I and Sergeant Macpherson were on outlying piquet
at Futtehghur (I think), and the captain of the piquet gave me a bundle
of the newspapers to read out to the men. In these papers there was an
account of Captain Waterman's being left behind in the Residency, in
which it was stated that the shock had affected his intellect. When I
read this out, the men made some remarks concerning the fright which it
must have given Sandy Macpherson when he found himself alone in the
barracks, and Sandy joining in the remarks, was inclined to boast that
the fright had not upset _his_ intellect, when an Irishman of the
piquet, named Andrew M'Onville, usually called "Handy Andy" in the
company, joining in the conversation, said: "Boys, if Sergeant
Macpherson will give me permission, I will tell you a story that will
show the reason why the fright did not upset his intellect." Permission
was of course granted for the story, and Handy Andy proceeded with his
illustration as follows, as nearly as I can remember it.
"You have all heard of Mr. Gough, the great American Temperance
lecturer. Well, the year before I enlisted he came to Armagh, giving a
course of temperance lectures, and all the public-house keepers and
brewers were up in arms to raise as much opposition as possible against
Mr. Gough and his principles, and in one of his lectures he laid great
stress on the fact that he considered moderation the parent of
drunkenness. A brewer's drayman thereupon went on the platform to
disprove this assertion by actual facts from his own experience, and in
his argument in favour of _moderate_ drinking, he stated that for
upwards of twenty years he had habitually consumed over a gallon of beer
and about a pint of whisky daily, and solemnly asserted that he had
never been the worse for liquor in his life. To which Mr. Gough replied:
'My friends, there is no rule without its exception, and our friend here
is an exception to the general rule of moderate drinking; but I will
tell you a story that I think exactly illustrates his case. Some years
ago, when I was a boy, my father had two negro servants, named Uncle
Sambo and Snowball. Near our house there was a branch of one of the
large fresh-water lakes which swarmed with fish, and it was the duty of
Snowball to go every morning to catch sufficient for the breakfast of
the household. The way Snowball usually caught his fish was by making
them drunk by feeding them with Indian corn-meal mixed with strong
whisky and rolled into balls. When these whisky balls were thrown into
the water the fish came and ate them readily, but after they had
swallowed a few they became helplessly drunk, turning on their backs and
allowing themselves to be caught, so that in a very short time Snowball
would return with his basket full of fish. But as I said, there is no
rule without an exception, and one morning proved that there is also an
exception in the matter of fish becoming drunk. As usual Snowball went
to the lake with an allowance of whisky balls, and spying a fine big
fish with a large flat head, he dropped a ball in front of it, which it
at once ate and then another, and another, and so on till all the whisky
balls in Snowball's basket were in the stomach of this queer fish, and
still it showed no signs of becoming drunk, but kept wagging its tail
and looking for more whisky balls. On this Snowball returned home and
called old Uncle Sambo to come and see this wonderful fish which had
swallowed nearly a peck of whisky balls and still was not drunk. When
old Uncle Sambo set eyes on the fish, he exclaimed, "O Snowball,
Snowball! you foolish boy, you will never be able to make that fish
drunk with your whisky balls. That fish could live in a barrel of whisky
and not get drunk. That fish, my son, is called a mullet-head: it has
got no brains." And that accounts,' said Mr. Gough, turning to the
brewer's drayman, 'for our friend here being able for twenty years to
drink a gallon of beer and a pint of whisky daily and never become
drunk.' And so, my chums," said Handy Andy, "if you will apply the same
reasoning to the cases of Sergeant Macpherson and Captain Waterman I
think you will come to the correct conclusion why the fright did not
upset the intellect of Sergeant Macpherson." We all joined in the laugh
at Handy Andy's story, and none more heartily than the butt of it, Sandy
Macpherson himself.
But enough of digression. Shortly after the roll was called at the
Martiniere, a most unfortunate accident took place. Corporal Cooper and
four or five men went into one of the rooms of the Martiniere in which
there was a quantity of loose powder which had been left by the enemy,
and somehow,--it was never known how--the powder got ignited and they
were all blown up, their bodies completely charred and their eyes
scorched out. The poor fellows all died in the greatest agony within an
hour or so of the accident, and none of them ever spoke to say how it
happened. The quantity of powder was not sufficient to shatter the
house, but it blew the doors and windows out, and burnt the poor fellows
as black as charcoal. This sad accident cast a gloom over the regiment,
and made me again very mindful of and thankful for my own narrow
escape, and that of my comrades in the Shah Nujeef on that memorable
night of the 16th of November.
Later in the day our sadness increased when it was found that
Colour-Sergeant Alexander Knox, of No. 2 company, was missing. He had
called the roll of his company at daylight, and had then gone to see a
friend in the Seventy-Eighth Highlanders. He had stayed some time with
his friend and left to return to his own regiment, but was never heard
of again. Poor Knox had two brothers in the regiment, and he was the
youngest of the three. He was a most deserving and popular
non-commissioned officer, decorated with the French war medal and the
Cross of the Legion of Honour for valour in the Crimea, and was about to
be promoted sergeant-major of the regiment, _vice_ Murray killed in the
Secundrabagh. His fate was never known.
About two o'clock in the afternoon, the regiment being all together
again, the following general order was read to us, and although this is
well-known history, still there must be many of the readers of these
reminiscences who have not ready access to histories. I will therefore
quote the general order in question for the information of young
soldiers.
HEADQUARTERS, LA MARTINIERE, LUCKNOW, _23rd
November, 1857_.
1. The Commander-in-Chief has reason to be thankful to the
force he conducted for the relief of the garrison of
Lucknow.
2. Hastily assembled, fatigued by forced marches, but
animated by a common feeling of determination to accomplish
the duty before them, all ranks of this force have
compensated for their small number, in the execution of a
most difficult duty, by unceasing exertions.
3. From the morning of the 16th till last night the whole
force has been one outlying piquet, never out of fire, and
covering an immense extent of ground, to permit the garrison
to retire scatheless and in safety covered by the whole of
the relieving force.
4. That ground was won by fighting as hard as it ever fell
to the lot of the Commander-in-Chief to witness, it being
necessary to bring up the same men over and over again to
fresh attacks; and it is with the greatest gratification
that his Excellency declares he never saw men behave better.
5. The storming of the Secundrabagh and the Shah Nujeef has
never been surpassed in daring, and the success of it was
most brilliant and complete.
6. The movement of retreat of last night, by which the final
rescue of the garrison was effected, was a model of
discipline and exactness. The consequence was that the enemy
was completely deceived, and the force retired by a narrow,
tortuous lane, the only line of retreat open, in the face of
50,000 enemies, without molestation.
7. The Commander-in-Chief offers his sincere thanks to
Major-General Sir James Outram, G.C.B., for the happy manner
in which he planned and carried out his arrangements for the
evacuation of the Residency of Lucknow.
By order of his Excellency the Commander-in-Chief,
W. MAYHEW, _Major_,
_Deputy Adjutant-General of the Army_.
Thus were achieved the relief and evacuation of the Residency of
Lucknow.[26] The enemy did not discover that the Residency was deserted
till noon on the 23rd, and about the time the above general order was
being read to us they fired a salute of one hundred and one guns, but
did not attempt to follow us or to cut off our retreat. That night we
bivouacked in the Dilkoosha park, and retired on the Alumbagh on the
25th, the day on which the brave and gallant Havelock died. But that is
a well-known part of the history of the relief of Lucknow, and I will
turn to other matters.
FOOTNOTES:
[25] It may be necessary to remind civilians that the rifles of 1857
were muzzle-loading.
[26] It must always be recollected that this was the _second_ relief of
Lucknow. The first was effected by the force under Havelock and Outram
on the 25th September, 1857, and was in fact more of a reinforcement
than a relief.