JALALÆAN ERA.

See TURKS (THE SELJUK): A. D. 1073-1092.

{1871}

JALULA, Battle of.

One of the battles in which the Arabs, under the first

successors of Mahomet, conquered the Persian empire. Fought A.

D. 637.

G. Rawlinson,

Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy,

chapter 26.

See MAHOMETAN CONQUEST: A. D. 632-651.

----------JAMAICA: Start--------

JAMAICA: A. D. 1494.

Discovery by Columbus.

See AMERICA: A. D. 1493-1496.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1509.

Granted to Ojeda and Nicuesa.

See AMERICA: A. D. 1509-1511.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1655

The English conquest and colonization.

In the spring of 1655, having determined upon an alliance with

France and war with Spain, Cromwell fitted out an expedition

under admirals Venables and Pen, secretly commissioned to

attack Cuba and St. Domingo. Frustrated in an attempt against

the latter island, the expedition made a descent on the island

of Jamaica with better success. "This great gain was yet held

insufficient to balance the first defeat; and on the return of

Pen and Venables they were both committed to the Tower. I may

pause for an instant here to notice a sound example of

Cromwell's far-seeing sagacity. Though men scouted in that day

the acquisition of Jamaica, he saw its value in itself, and

its importance in relation to future attempts on the continent

of America. Exerting the inhuman power of a

despot—occasionally, as hurricanes and other horrors,

necessary for the purification of the world—he ordered his

son Henry to seize on 1,000 young girls in Ireland and send

them over to Jamaica, for the purpose of increasing population

there. A year later, and while the Italian Sagredo was in

London, he issued an order that all females of disorderly

lives should be arrested and shipped for Barbadoes for the

like purpose. Twelve hundred were accordingly sent in three

ships."

_J. Forster,

Statesmen of the Commonwealth: Cromwell._

ALSO IN:

_G. Penn,

Memorials of Sir Wm. Penn, Admiral,

volume 2, page 124, and appendix H._

See, also, ENGLAND: A. D. 1655-1658.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1655-1796.

Development of the British colony.

The Buccaneers.

The Maroon wars.

"Cromwell set himself to maintain and develop his new

conquest. He issued a proclamation encouraging trade and

settlement in the island by exemption from taxes. In order to

'people and plant' it, he ordered an equal number of young men

and women to be sent over from Ireland, he instructed the

Scotch government to apprehend and transport the idle and

vagrant, and he sent agents to the New England colonies and

the other West Indian islands in order to attract settlers.

After the first three or four years this policy of encouraging

emigration, continued in spite of the Protector's death, bore

due fruit, and Jamaica became to a singular extent a

receptacle for the most varied types of settlers, for freemen

as well as for political offenders or criminals from Newgate,

and for immigrants from the colonies as well as from the

mother country. … The death of Cromwell brought over

adherents of the Parliamentary party, ill content with the

restoration of the Stuarts; the evacuation of Surinam in

favour of the Dutch brought in a contingent of planters in

1675; the survivors of the ill-fated Scotch colony at Darien

came over in 1699; and the Rye House Plot, Sedgmoor, and the

risings of 1715 and 1745 all contributed to the population of

the island. Most of all, however, the buccaneers made Jamaica

great and prosperous. … Situated as the island was, well

inside the ring of the Spanish possessions, the English

occupation of Jamaica was a godsend to the buccaneers, while

their privateering trade was exactly suited to the restless

soldiers who formed the large bulk of the early colonists. So

Port Royal became in a few years a great emporium of

ill-gotten wealth, and the man who sacked Panama became Sir

Henry Morgan, Lieutenant-Governor of Jamaica. … In 1661

Charles II. sanctioned the beginnings of civil government. …

Municipal institutions were introduced, judges and magistrates

were appointed, land grants were issued, and the island began

to take the form and substance of an English colony. The

constitution thenceforward consisted of a Governor, a

nominated Council, and an elected Assembly; and the first

Assembly, consisting of 30 persons, met in January, 1664. …

It was not long before the representative body began to assert

its independence by opposition to the Crown, and in 1678 the

Home government invited conflict by trying to apply to Jamaica

the system which had been introduced into Ireland by the

notorious Poynings' law. Under this system no Assembly could

be summoned for legislative purposes except under special

directions from home, and its functions would have been

limited to registering consent to laws which had already been

put into approved shape in England." Conflict over this,

attempt to deal with Jamaica as "a conquered and tributary

dependency" did not end until 1728, when the colonists bought

relief from it by settling on the Crown an "irrevocable

revenue" of £8,000 per annum. "About the time when the

constitutional difficulty was settled, the Maroon question was

pressing itself more and more upon the attention of the

colonial government. The penalty which Jamaica paid for being

a large and mountainous island was, that it harboured in its

forests and ravines a body of men who, throughout its history

down to the present century, were a source of anxiety and

danger. The original Maroons, or mountaineers, for that is the

real meaning of the term, were … the slaves of Spaniards who

retreated into the interior when the English took the island,

and sallied out from time to time to harass the invaders and

cut off stragglers and detached parties. … Maroon or Maron

is an abbreviation of Cimaron, and is derived from the Spanish

or Portuguese 'Cima,' or mountain top. Skeat points out that

the word is probably of Portuguese origin, the 'C' having been

pronounced as 'S.' Benzoni (edited by the Hakluyt Society),

who wrote about 1565, speaks of 'Cimaroui' as being the

Spanish name for outlawed slaves in Hispaniola. … It is

probable that the danger would have been greater if the

outlaws had been a united band, but there were divisions of

race and origin among them. The Maroons proper, the slaves of

the Spaniards and their descendants, were mainly in the east

of the island among the Blue Mountains, while the mountains of

the central district were the refuge of runaways from English

masters, including Africans of different races, as well as

Madagascars or Malays. Towards the end of the seventeenth

century the newer fugitives had found in a negro named Cudjoe

an able and determined leader, and thenceforward the

resistance to the government became more organised and

systematic. …

{1872}

Finally, in 1738, Governor Trelawny made overtures of peace to

the rebels, which were accepted. … By this treaty the

freedom of the negroes was guaranteed, special reserves were

assigned to them, they were left under the rule of their own

captains assisted by white superintendents, but were bound

over to help the government against foreign invasion from

without and slave rebellions from within. A similar treaty was

made with the eastern Maroons, and the whole of these blacks,

some 600 in number, were established in five settlements. …

Under these conditions the Maroons gave little trouble till

the end of the 18th century. … The last Maroon war occurred

in 1795." When the insurgent Maroons surrendered, the next

year, they were, in violation of the terms made with them,

transported to Nova Scotia, and afterwards to the warmer

climate of Sierra Leone. "Thus ended the last Maroon

rebellion; but … it affected only one section of these negro

freemen, and even their descendants returned in many cases to

Jamaica at a later date."

_C. P. Lucas,

Historical Geography of the British Colonies,

volume 2, section 2, chapter 3, with foot-note._

ALSO IN:

_G. W. Bridges,

Annals of Jamaica,

volume 1, and volume 2, chapters 1-16._

_R. C. Dallas,

History of the Maroons._

JAMAICA: A. D. 1689-1762.

The English slave trade.

See SLAVERY, NEGRO: A. D. 1698-1776.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1692.

Destructive Earthquake.

"An earthquake of terrible violence laid waste in less than

three minutes the flourishing colony of Jamaica. Whole

plantations changed their place. Whole villages were swallowed

up. Port Royal, the fairest and wealthiest city which the

English had yet built in the New World, renowned for its

quays, for its warehouses, and for its stately streets, which

were said to rival Cheapside, was turned into a mass of ruins.

Fifteen hundred of the inhabitants were buried under their own

dwellings."

_Lord Macaulay,

History of England,

chapter 19 (volume 4)._

JAMAICA: A. D. 1834-1838.

Emancipation of Slaves.

See SLAVERY, NEGRO: A. D. 1834-1838.

JAMAICA: A. D. 1865.

Governor Eyre's suppression of Insurrection.

In October, 1865, there occurred an insurrection among the

colored people of one district of Jamaica, the suppression of

which throws "a not altogether pleasant light upon English

methods, when applied to the government of a subject race. …

The disturbances were confined to the district and parish of

St. Thomas in the East. There were local grievances arising

from a dispute between Mr. Gordon, a native [colored]

proprietor, and Baron Ketelholdt, the custos of the parish.

Mr. Gordon, a dissenter, and apparently a reformer of abuses

and unpopular among his fellows, had been deprived of his

place among the magistrates, and prevented from filling the

office of churchwarden to which he was elected. The expenses

of the suits against him had been defrayed from the public

purse. The native Baptists, the sect to which he belonged,

were angry with what they regarded as at once an act of

persecution and a misappropriation of the public money.

Indignation meetings had been held. … Behind this quarrel,

which would not of itself have produced much result, there lay

more general grievances. … There was a real grievance in the

difficulty of obtaining redress through law administered

entirely by landlords; and as a natural consequence there had

grown up a strong mistrust of the law itself, and a complete

alienation between the employer and the employed. To this was

added a feeling on the part of the class above the ordinary

labourer, known as the free settlers, that they were unduly

rented, and obliged to pay rent for land which they should

have held free; and there was a very general though vague

expectation that in some way or other the occupiers would be

freed from the payment of rent. The insurrection broke out in

October;" a small riot, at first, at Morant Bay, in which a

policeman was beaten; then an attempt to arrest one of the

alleged rioters, a colored preacher, Paul Bogle by name, and a

formidable resistance to the attempt by 400 of his friends.

"On the next day, when the Magistrates and Vestry were

assembled in the Court-House at Morant Bay, a crowd of

insurgents made their appearance, the volunteers were called

out, and the Riot Act read; and after a skirmish the

Court-House was taken and burnt, 18 of the defenders killed

and 30 wounded. The jail was broken open and several stores

sacked. There was some evidence that the rising was

premeditated, and that a good deal of drilling had been going

on among the blacks under the command of Bogle. From Morant

Bay armed parties of the insurgents passed inland through the

country attacking the plantations, driving the inhabitants to

take refuge in the bush, and putting some of the whites to

death. The Governor of the Island at the time was Mr. Eyre

[former explorer of Australia]. He at once summoned his Privy

Council, and with their advice declared martial law over the

county of Surrey, With the exception of the town of Kingston.

Bodies of troops were also at once despatched to surround the

insurgent district. … 439 persons fell victims to summary

punishment, and not less than 1,000 dwellings were burnt;

besides which, it would appear that at least 600 men and women

were subjected to flogging, in some instances with

circumstances of unusual cruelty. But the event which chiefly

fixed the attention of the public in England was the summary

conviction and execution of Mr. Gordon. He was undoubtedly a

troublesome person, and there were circumstances raising a

suspicion that he possessed a guilty knowledge of the intended

insurrection. They were however far too slight to have secured

his conviction before a Court of Law. But Governor Eyre caused

him to be arrested in Kingston, where martial law did not

exist, hurried on board ship and carried to Morant Bay, within

the proclaimed district. He was there tried by a

court-martial, consisting of three young officers," was

sentenced to death, and immediately hanged.

_J. F. Bright,

History of England: period 4,

pages 413-415._

"When the story reached England, in clear and trustworthy

form, two antagonistic parties were instantly formed. The

extreme on the one side glorified Governor Eyre, and held that

by his prompt action he had saved the white population of

Jamaica from all the horrors of triumphant negro insurrection.

The extreme on the other side denounced him as a mere fiend.

The majority on both sides were more reasonable; but the

difference between them was only less wide. An association

called the Jamaica Committee was formed for the avowed purpose

of seeing that justice was done. It comprised some of the most

illustrious Englishmen. …

{1873}

Another association was founded, on the opposite side, for the

purpose of sustaining Governor Eyre; and it must be owned that

it too had great names. Mr. Mill may be said to have led the

one side, and Mr. Carlyle the other. The natural bent of each

man's genius and temper turned him to the side of the Jamaica

negroes, or of the Jamaica Governor. Mr. Tennyson, Mr.

Kingsley, Mr. Ruskin, followed Mr. Carlyle; we know now that

Mr. Dickens was of the same way of thinking. Mr. Herbert

Spencer, Professor Huxley, Mr. Goldwin Smith, were in

agreement with Mr. Mill. … No one needs to be told that Mr.

Bright took the side of the oppressed, and Mr. Disraeli that

of authority." A Commission of Inquiry sent out to investigate

the whole matter, reported in April, 1866, commending the

vigorous promptitude with which Governor Eyre had dealt with

the disturbances at the beginning, but condemning the

brutalities which followed, under cover of martial law, and

especially the infamous execution of Gordon. The Jamaica

Committee made repeated efforts to bring Governor Eyre's

conduct to judicial trial; but without success. "The bills of

indictment never got beyond the grand jury stage. The grand

jury always threw them out. On one memorable occasion the

attempt gave the Lord Chief Justice [Cockburn] of England an

opportunity of delivering … to the grand jury … a charge

entitled to the rank of a historical declaration of the law of

England, and the limits of the military power even in cases of

insurrection."

_J. McCarthy,

History of Our Own Times,

chapter 49 (volume 4)._

ALSO IN:

_G. B. Smith,

Life and Speeches of John Bright,

volume 2, chapter 5._

_W. F. Finlason,

History of the Jamaica Case._

----------JAMAICA: End----------

JAMES I.,

King of Aragon, A. D. 1213-1276.

James I., King of England, A. D. 1603-1625

(he being, also, James VI., King of Scotland, 1567-1625).

James I., King of Scotland, 1406-1437.

James II., King of Aragon, 1291-1327;

King of Sicily, 1285-1295.

James II:, King of England, 1685-1689.

James II., King of Scotland, 1437-1460.

James III., King of Scotland, 1460-1488.

James IV., King of Scotland, 1488-1513.

James V., King of Scotland, 1513-1542.

JAMES ISLAND, Battle on.

See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A. D. 1863 (JULY: SOUTH CAROLINA).

JAMESTOWN, Virginia: A. D. 1607-1610.

The founding of the colony.

See VIRGINIA: A. D. 1606-1607; and 1607-1610.

JAMNIA, Battle of.

A defeat by Gorgias, the Syrian general, of part of the army

of Judas Maccabæus which he left under his generals Joseph and

Azarius, B. C. 164.

_Josephus,

Antiquity of the Jews,

book 12, chapter 8._

JAMNIA, The School of.

A famous school of Jewish theology, established by Jochanan,

who escaped from Jerusalem during the siege by Titus.

_H. Graetz,

History of the Jews,

volume 2, page 327._

JANICULUM, The.

See LATIUM, and VATICAN.

JANISSARIES, Creation and destruction of the.

See TURKS: A. D. 1326-1359; and 1826.

JANKOWITZ, Battle of (1645).

See GERMANY: A. D. 1640-1645.

JANSENISTS, The.

See PORT ROYAL AND THE JANSENISTS.

JANUS, The Temple of.

See TEMPLE OF JANUS.

----------JAPAN: Start----------

JAPAN:

Sketch of history to 1869.

"To the eye of the critical investigator, Japanese history,

properly so-called, opens only in the latter part of the 5th

or the beginning of the 6th century after Christ, when the

gradual spread of Chinese culture, filtering in through Korea,

had sufficiently dispelled the gloom of original barbarism to

allow of the keeping of records. The whole question of the

credibility of the early history of Japan has been carefully

gone into during the last ten years by Aston and others, with

the result that the first date pronounced trustworthy is A. D.

461, and it is discovered that even the annals of the 6th

century are to be received with caution. We have ourselves no

doubt of the justice of this negative criticism, and can only

stand in amazement at the simplicity of most European writers,

who have accepted without sifting them the uncritical

statements of the Japanese annalists. … Japanese art and

literature contain frequent allusions to the early history

(so-called) of the country … as preserved in the works

entitled Kojiki and Nihongi, both dating from the 8th century

after Christ. … We include the mythology under the same

heading, for the reason that it is absolutely impossible to

separate the two. Why, indeed, attempt to do so, where both

are equally fabulous? … Arrived at A. D. 600, we stand on

terra firma. … About that time occurred the greatest event

of Japanese history, the conversion of the nation to Buddhism

(approximately A. D. 552-621). So far as can be gathered from

the accounts of the early Chinese travellers, Chinese

civilisation had slowly—very slowly—been gaining ground in

the archipelago ever since the 3rd century after Christ. But

when the Buddhist missionaries crossed the water, all Chinese

institutions followed them and came in with a rush.

Mathematical instruments and calendars were introduced; books

began to be written (the earliest that has survived, and

indeed nearly the earliest of all, is the already mentioned

Kojiki, dating from A. D. 712); the custom of abdicating the

throne in order to spend old age in prayer was adopted—a

custom which, more than anything else, led to the effacement

of the Mikado's authority during the Middle Ages. Sweeping

changes in political arrangements began to be made in the year

645, and before the end of the 8th century, the government had

been entirely remodelled on the Chinese centralised

bureaucratic plan, with a regular system of ministers

responsible to the sovereign, who, as 'Son of Heaven,' was

theoretically absolute. In practice this absolutism lasted but

a short time, because the entourage and mode of life of the

Mikados were not such as to make of them able rulers. They

passed their time surrounded only by women and priests,

oscillating between indolence and debauchery, between

poetastering and gorgeous temple services. This was the

brilliant age of Japanese classical literature, which lived

and moved and had its being in the atmosphere of an effeminate

court. The Fujiwara family engrossed the power of the state

during this early epoch (A. D. 670-1050). While their sons

held all the great posts of government, the daughters were

married to puppet emperors. The next change resulted from the

impatience of the always manly and warlike Japanese gentry at

the sight of this sort of petticoat government.

{1874}

The great clans of Taira and Minamoto arose, and struggled for

and alternately held the reins of power during the second half

of the 11th and the whole of the 12th century. … By the

final overthrow of the Taira family at the sea fight of

Dan-no-Ura in A. D. 1185, Yoritomo, the chief of the

Minamotos, rose to supreme power, and obtained from the Court

at Kyoto the title of Shogun [converted by western tongues

into Tycoon], literally 'Generalissimo,' which had till then

been applied in its proper meaning to those generals who were

sent from time to time to subdue the Ainos or rebellious

provincials, but which thenceforth took to itself a special

sense, somewhat as the word Imperator (also meaning originally

'general') did in Rome. The coincidence is striking. So is the

contrast. For, as Imperial Rome never ceased to be

theoretically a republic, Japan contrariwise, though

practically and indeed avowedly ruled by the Shoguns from A.

D. 1190 to 1867, always retained the Mikado as theoretical

head of the state, descendant of the Sun-Goddess, fountain of

all honour. There never were two emperors, acknowledged as

such, one spiritual and one secular, as has been so often

asserted by European writers. There never was but one

emperor—an emperor powerless it is true, seen only by the

women who attended him, often a mere infant in arms, who was

discarded on reaching adolescence for another infant in arms.

Still, he was the theoretical head of the state, whose

authority was merely delegated to the Shogun as, so to say,

Mayor of the Palace. By a curious parallelism of destiny, the

Shogunate itself more than once showed signs of fading away

from substance into shadow. Yoritomo's descendants did not

prove worthy of him, and for more than a century (A. D.

1205-1333) the real authority was wielded by the so-called

'Regents' of the Hojo family. … Their rule was made

memorable by the repulse of the Mongol fleet sent by Kublai

Khan with the purpose of adding Japan to his gigantic

dominions. This was at the end of the 13th century, since

which time Japan has never been attacked from without. During

the 14th century, even the dowager-like calm of the Court of

Kyoto was broken by internecine strife. Two branches of the

Imperial house, supported each by different feudal chiefs,

disputed the crown. One was called the Hokucho, or 'Northern

Court,' the other the Nancho, or 'Southern Court.' After

lasting some sixty years, this contest terminated in A. D.

1392 by the triumph of the Northern dynasty, whose cause the

powerful Ashikaga family had espoused. From 1338 to 1565, the

Ashikagas ruled Japan as Shoguns. … Meanwhile Japan had been

discovered by the Portuguese (A. D. 1542); and the imprudent

conduct of the Portuguese and Spanish friars (bateren, as they

were called—a corruption of the word padre) made of the

Christian religion an additional source of discord. Japan fell

into utter anarchy. Each baron in his fastness was a law unto

himself. Then, in the latter half of the 16th century, there

arose successively three great men—Ota Nobunaga, the Taiko

Hideyoshi, and Tokugawa Ieyasu. The first of these conceived

the idea of centralising all the authority of the state in a

single person; the second, Hideyoshi, who has been called the

Napoleon of Japan, actually put the idea into practice, and

joined the conquest of Korea (A. D. 1592-1598) to his domestic

triumphs. Death overtook him in 1598, while he was revolving

no less a scheme than the conquest of China. Ieyasu, setting

Hideyoshi's youthful son aside, stepped into the vacant place.

An able general, unsurpassed as a diplomat and administrator,

he first quelled all the turbulent barons, then bestowed a

considerable portion of their lands on his own kinsmen and

dependents, and either broke or balanced, by a judicious

distribution of other fiefs over different provinces of the

Empire, the might of those greater feudal lords, such as

Satsuma and Choshu, whom it was impossible to put altogether

out of the way. The Court of Kyoto was treated by him

respectfully, and investiture as Shogun for himself and his

heirs duly obtained from the Mikado. In order further to break

the might of the daimyos, Ieyasu compelled them to live at

Yedo, which he had chosen for his capital in 1590, during six

months of the year, and to leave their wives and families

there as hostages during the other half. What Ieyasu sketched

out, the third Shogun of his line, Iemitsu, perfected. From

that time forward, 'Old Japan,' as we know it from the Dutch

accounts, from art, from the stage, was crystallised for two

hundred and fifty years. … Unchangeable to the outward eye

of contemporaries, Japan had not passed a hundred years under

the Tokugawa régime before the seeds of the disease which

finally killed that regime were sown. Strangely enough, the

instrument of destruction was historical research. Ieyasu

himself had been a great patron of literature. His grandson,

the second Prince of Mito, inherited his taste. Under the

auspices of this Japanese Maecenas, a school of literati arose

to whom the antiquities of their country were all in

all—Japanese poetry and romance as against the Chinese

Classics; the native religion, Shinto, as against the foreign

religion, Buddhism; hence, by an inevitable extension, the

ancient legitimate dynasty of the Mikados, as against the

upstart Shoguns. … When Commodore Perry came with his big

guns (A. D. 1853-4), he found a government already tottering

to its fall, many who cared little for the Mikado's abstract

rights, caring a great deal for the chance of aggrandising

their own families at the Shogun's expense. The Shogun yielded

to the demands of Perry and of the representatives of the

other foreign powers—England, France, Russia—who followed in

Perry's train, and consented to open Yokohama, Hakodate, and

certain other ports to foreign trade and residence (1857-9).

He even sent embassies to the United States and to Europe in

1860 and 1861. The knowledge of the outer world possessed by

the Court of Yedo, though not extensive, was sufficient to

assure the Shogun and his advisers that it was vain to refuse

what the Western powers claimed. The Court of Kyoto had had no

means of acquiring even this modicum of worldly wisdom.

According to its view, Japan, 'the land of the gods,' should

never be polluted by outsiders, the ports should be closed

again, and the 'barbarians' expelled at any hazard. What

specially tended to complicate matters at this crisis was the

independent action of certain daimyos. One of them, the Prince

of Choshu, acting, as is believed, under secret instructions

from the Court of Kyoto, fired on ships belonging to Great

Britain, France, Holland, and the United States—this, too, at

the very moment (1863) when the Shogun's government … was

doing its utmost to effect by diplomacy the departure of the

foreigners whom it had been driven to admit a few years before.

{1875}

The consequence of this act was what is called 'the

Shimonoseki Affair,' namely, the bombardment of Shimonoseki,

Choshu's chief sea-port, by the combined fleets of the powers

that had been insulted, and the exaction of an indemnity of

$3,000,000. Though doubtless no feather, this broke the

Shogunate's back. The Shogun Iemochi attempted to punish

Choshu for the humiliation which he had brought on Japan, but

failed, was himself defeated by the latter's troops, and died.

Hitotsubashi, the last of his line, succeeded him. But the

Court of Kyoto, prompted by the great daimyos of Choshu and

Satsuma, suddenly decided on the abolition of the Shogunate.

The Shogun submitted to the decree, and those of his followers

who did not were routed—first at Fushimi near Kyoto (17th

January, 1868), then at Ueno in Yedo (4th July, 1868), then in

Aizu (6th November, 1868), and lastly at Hakodate (27th June,

1869), where some of them had endeavoured to set up an

independent republic. The government of the country was

reorganised during 1867-8, nominally on the basis of a pure

absolutism, with the Mikado as sole wielder of all authority

both legislative and executive. Thus the literary party had

triumphed. All their dreams were realised. They were

henceforth to have Japan for the Japanese. … From this dream

they were soon roughly wakened. The shrewd clansmen of Satsuma

find Choshu, who had humoured the ignorance of the Court and

the fads of the scholars only as long as their common enemy,

the Shogunate, remained in existence, now turned round, and

declared in favour, not merely of foreign intercourse, but of

the Europeanisation of their own country. History has never

witnessed a more sudden 'volte-face.' History has never

witnessed a wiser one."

_B. H. Chamberlain,

Things Japanese,

pages 143-160._

ALSO IN:

_F. O. Adams,

History of Japan._

_Sir E. J. Reed,

Japan,

volume 1, chapters 2-16_.

_W. E. Griffis,

The Mikado's Empire,

book 1._

_R. Hildreth,

Japan, as it was and is._

JAPAN: A. D. 1549-1686.

Jesuit Missions.

The Century of Christianity.

Its introduction and extirpation

Francis Xavier, "the Apostle of the Indies, was both the

leader and director of a widely spread missionary movement,

conducted by a rapidly increasing staff, not only of Jesuits,

but also of priests and missionaries of other orders, as well

as of native preachers and catechists. Xavier reserved for

himself the arduous task of travelling to regions as yet

unvisited by any preachers of Christianity; and his bold and

impatient imagination was carried away by the idea of bearing

the Cross to the countries of the farthest East. The islands

of Japan, already known to Europe through the travels of Marco

Polo, had been reached by the Portuguese only eight years

before, namely, in 1541, and Xavier, while at Malacca, had

conversed with navigators and traders who had visited that

remote coast. A Japanese, named Angero (Hansiro), pursued for

homicide, had fled to Malacca in a Portuguese ship. He

professed a real or feigned desire to be baptized, and was

presented to Xavier at Malacca, who sent him to Goa. There he

learned Portuguese quickly, and was baptized under the name of

Paul of the Holy Faith. … Having carefully arranged the

affairs of the Seminary of the Holy Faith at Goa and the

entire machinery of the mission, Francis Xavier took ship for

Malacca on the 14th April, 1549. On the 24th of June he sailed

for Japan, along with Angero and his two companions, in a

Chinese junk belonging to a famous pirate, an ally of the

Portuguese, who left in their hands hostages for the safety of

the apostle on the voyage. After a dangerous voyage they

reached Kagosima, the native town of Angero, under whose

auspices Xavier was well received by the governor,

magistrates, and other distinguished people. The apostle was

unable to commence his mission at once, though, according to

his biographers, he possessed the gift of tongues. 'We are

here,' he writes, 'like so many statues. They speak to us, and

make signs to us, and we remain mute. We have again become

children, and all our present occupation is to learn the

elements of the Japanese grammar.' His first impressions of

Japan were very favourable. … Xavier left Japan on the 20th

November, 1551, after a stay of two years and four months. In

his controversies with the Japanese, Xavier had been

continually met with the objection—how could the Scripture

history be true when it had escaped the notice of the learned

men of China? It was Chinese sages who had taught philosophy

and history to the Japanese, and Chinese missionaries who had

converted them to Buddhism. To China, then, would he go to

strike a blow at the root of that mighty superstition.

Accordingly he sailed from Goa about the middle of April,

1552. … Being a prey to continual anxiety to reach the new

scene of his labours, Xavier fell ill, apparently of remittent

fever, and died on the 2nd of December, 1552. … The result

of Xavier's labours was the formation of a mission which, from

Goa as a centre, radiated over much of the coast of Asia from

Ormuz to Japan. … The two missionaries, whom Xavier had left

at Japan, were soon after joined by three others: and in 1556

they were visited by the Provincial of the Order in the

Indies, Melchior Nunez, who paid much attention to the

Japanese mission and selected for it the best missionaries, as

Xavier had recommended. … The Jesuits attached themselves to

the fortunes of the King of Bungo, a restless and ambitious

prince, who in the end added four little kingdoms to his own,

and thus became master of a large part of the island of

Kiusiu. In his dominions Christianity made such progress that

the number of converts began to be counted by thousands. …

The missionaries perseveringly sought to spread their religion

by preaching, public discussion, the circulation of

controversial writings, the instruction of the youth, the

casting out of devils, the performance of those mystery plays

so common in that age, by the institution of 'confréries' like

those of Avignon, and, above all, by the well-timed

administration of alms. Nor need we be surprised to learn that

their first converts were principally the blind, the infirm,

and old men one foot in the grave. There are, however, many

proofs in their letters that they were able both to attract

proselytes of a better class and to inspire them with an

enthusiasm which promised well for the growth of the mission.

In those early days the example of Xavier was still fresh; and

his immediate successors seem to have inherited his energetic

and self-denying disposition, though none of them could equal

the great mental and moral qualities of the Apostle of the

Indies. They kept at the same time a watchful eye upon the

political events that were going on around them, and soon

began to bear a part in them. The hostility between them and

the Bonzes became more and more bitter."

_The Hundred Years of Christianity in Japan

(Quarterly Review, April, 1871)._

{1876}

"In several of the provinces of Kyushu the princes had become

converts and had freely used their influence, and sometimes

their authority, to extend Christianity among their subjects.

In Kyoto and Yamaguchi, in Osaka and Sakai, as well as in

Kyusbu, the Jesuit fathers had founded flourishing churches

and exerted a wide influence. They had established colleges

where the candidates for the church could be educated and

trained. They had organized hospitals and asylums at Nagasaki

and elsewhere, where those needing aid could be received and

treated. It is true hat the progress of the work had met with

a severe setback in A. D. 1587, when Taiko Sam a issued an

edict expelling all foreign religious teachers from Japan. In

pursuance of this edict nine foreigners who had evaded

expulsion were burnt at Nagasaki. The reason for this decisive

action on the part of Taiko Sama is usually attributed to the

suspicion which had been awakened in him by the loose and

unguarded talk of a Portuguese sea captain. But other causes

undoubtedly contributed to produce in him this intolerant

frame of mind. … In several of the provinces of Japan where

the Jesuits had attained the ascendancy, the most forcible

measures had been taken by the Christian princes to compel all

their subjects to follow their own example and adopt the

Christian faith. Takeyama, whom the Jesuit fathers designate

as Justo Ucondono, carried out in his territory at Akashi a

system of bitter persecution. He gave his subjects the option

of becoming Christians or leaving his territory. Konishi

Yukinaga, who received part of the province of Higo as his

fief after the Korean war, enforced with great persistency the

acceptance of the Christian faith, and robbed the Buddhist

priests of their temples and their lands. The princes of Omura

and Arima, and to a certain extent the princes of Bungo,

followed the advice of the Jesuit fathers in using their

authority to advance the cause of Christianity. The fathers

could scarcely complain of having the system of intolerance

practised upon them, which, when circumstances were favorable,

they had advised to be applied to their opponents. … During

the first years of Ieyasu's supremacy the Christians were not

disturbed. … He issued in 1606 what may be called a warning

proclamation, announcing that he had learned with pain that,

contrary to Taiko Sama's edict, many had embraced the

Christian religion. He warned all officers of his court to see

that the edict was strictly enforced, He declared that it was

for the good of the state that none should embrace the new

doctrine; and that such as had already done so must change

immediately. … In the meantime both the English and Dutch

had appeared on the scene. … Their object was solely trade,

and as the Portuguese monopoly hitherto had been mainly

secured by the Jesuit fathers, it was natural for the

new-comers to represent the motive of these fathers in an

unfavorable and suspicious light. 'Indeed,' as Hildreth says,

'they had only to confirm the truth of what the Portuguese and

Spanish said of each other to excite in the minds of the

Japanese rulers the gravest distrust as to the designs of the

priests of both nations.' Whether it is true as charged that

the minds of the Japanese rulers had been poisoned against the

Jesuit fathers by misrepresentation and falsehood, it may be

impossible to determine definitely; but it is fair to infer

that the cruel and intolerant policy of the Spanish and

Portuguese would be fully set forth and the danger to the

Japanese empire from the machinations of the foreign religious

teachers held up in the worst light. … Ieyasu, evidently

having made up his mind that for the safety of the empire

Christianity must be extirpated, in 1614 issued an edict that

the members of all religious orders, whether European or

Japanese, should be sent out of the country: that the churches

which had been erected in various localities should be pulled

down, and that the native adherents of the faith should be

compelled to renounce it. In part execution of this edict all

the members of the Society of Jesus, native and foreign, were

ordered to be sent to Nagasaki. Native Christians were sent to

Tsugaru, the northern extremity of the Main island. … In

accordance with this edict, as many as 300 persons are said to

have been shipped from Japan October 25, 1614. All the

resident Jesuits were included in this number, excepting

eighteen fathers and nine brothers, who concealed themselves

and thus escaped the search. Following his deportation of

converts the most persistent efforts continued to be made to

force the native Christians to renounce their faith. The

accounts given, both by the foreign and by the Japanese

writers, of the persecutions which now broke upon the heads of

the Christians are beyond description horrible. … Rewards

were offered for information involving Christians of every

position and rank, even of parents against their children and

of children against their parents. … The persecution began

in its worst form about 1616. This was the year in which

Ieyasu died, but his son and successor carried out the

terrible programme with heartless thoroughness. It has never

been surpassed for cruelty and brutality on the part of the

persecutors, or for courage and constancy on the part of those

who suffered. … Mr. Gubbins … says: 'We read of Christians

being executed in a barbarous manner in sight of each other,

of their being hurled from the tops of precipices, of their

being buried alive, of their being torn asunder by oxen, of

their being tied up in rice-bags, which were heaped up

together, and of the pile thus formed being set on fire.

Others were tortured before death by the insertion of sharp

spikes under the nails of their hands and feet, while some

poor wretches by a refinement of horrid cruelty were shut up

in cages and there left to starve with food before their eyes.

Let it not be supposed that we have drawn on the Jesuit

accounts solely for this information. An examination of the

Japanese records will show that the case is not overstated.'"

_D. Murray,

Story of Japan,

chapter 11._

"The persecutions went on, the discovery of Christians

occasionally occurring for several years, but in 1686 'the few

remaining had learnt how to conceal their belief and the

practice of their religion so well, that the Council issued a

circular to the chief Daimios of the south and west, stating

that none of the Kirishitan sect had been discovered of late

years, owing perhaps to laziness on the part of those whose

duty it was to search for them, and enjoining vigilance'

(Satow). Traces of the Christian religion and people lingered

in the country down to our own time."

_Sir E. J. Reed,

Japan,

page 301._

{1877}

JAPAN: A. D. 1852-1888.

Opening the ports to foreigners.

The treaty with the United States and the other treaties which

followed.

"It is estimated that about the middle of the present century,

American capital to the amount of seventeen million dollars

was invested in the whaling industry in the seas of Japan and

China. We thus see that it was not a mere outburst of French

enthusiasm when M. Michelet paid this high tribute to the

service of the whale to civilization: 'Who opened to men the

great distant navigation? Who revealed the ocean and marked

out its zones and its liquid highways? Who discovered the

secrets of the globe? The Whale and the Whaler.' … There

were causes other than the mere safety of whalers which led to

the inception of the American expedition to Japan. On the one

hand, the rise of industrial and commercial commonwealths on

the Pacific, the discovery of gold in California, the

increasing trade with China, the development of steam

navigation—necessitating coal depots and ports for shelter,

the opening of highways across the Isthmus of Central America,

the missionary enterprises on the Asiatic continent, the rise

of the Hawaiian Islands,—on the other hand, the knowledge of

foreign nations among the ruling class in Japan, the news of

the British victory in China, the progress of European

settlements in the Pacific, the dissemination of western

science among a progressive class of scholars, the advice from

the Dutch government to discontinue the antiquated policy of

exclusion—all these testified that the fulness of time for

Japan to turn a new page in her history was at hand. … About

this time, a newspaper article concerning some Japanese waifs

who had been picked up at sea by the barque Auckland—Captain

Jennings—and brought to San Francisco, attracted the

attention of Commodore Aulick. He submitted a proposal to the

government that it should take advantage of this incident to

open commercial relations with the Empire, or at least to

manifest the friendly feelings of the country. This proposal

was made on the 9th of May, 1851. Daniel Webster was then

Secretary of State, and in him Aulick found a ready friend.

… Clothed with full power to negotiate and sign treaties,

and furnished with a letter from President Fillmore to the

Emperor, Commodore Aulick was on the eve of departure when for

some reason he was prevented. Thus the project which began at

his suggestion was obstructed when it was about to be

accomplished, and another man, perhaps better fitted for the

undertaking, entered into his labors. … Commodore [Matthew

Calbraith] Perry shared the belief in the expediency of

sending a special mission for the purpose. When Commodore

Aulick was recalled, Perry proposed to the U. S. Government an

immediate expedition. The proposal was accepted, and an

expedition on the most liberal scale was resolved upon. He was

invested with extraordinary powers, naval and diplomatic. The

East India and China Seas and Japan were the official

designation of the field of service, but the real object in

view was the establishment of a coal depot in Japan. The

public announcement of the resolution was followed by

applications from all quarters of Christendom for permission

to accompany the expedition; all these were, however, refused

on prudential grounds. … Impatient of the delay caused by

the tardy preparations of his vessels, Perry sailed from

Norfolk on the 24th of November, 1852, with one ship, the

Mississippi, leaving the rest to follow as soon as ready. …

The Mississippi … touching at, several ports on her way,

reached Loo Choo in May, where the squadron united. … In the

afternoon of the 8th of July, 1853, the squadron entered the

Bay of Yedo in martial order, and about 5 o'clock in the

evening was anchored off the town of Uraga. No sooner had 'the

black ships of the evil mien' made their entry into the Bay,

than the signal guns were fired, followed by the discharge of

rockets; then were seen on the shore companies of soldiers

moving from garrison to garrison. The popular commotion in

Yedo at the news of 'a foreign invasion' was beyond

description. The whole city was in an uproar. In all

directions were seen mothers flying with children in their

arms, and men with mothers on their backs. Rumors of an

immediate action, exaggerated each time they were communicated

from mouth to mouth, added horror to the horror-stricken. …

As the squadron dropped anchor, it was surrounded by junks and

boats of all sorts, but there was no hostile sign shown. A

document in French was handed on board, which proved to be a

warning to any foreign vessel not to come nearer. The next day

was spent in informal conference between the local officials

of Uraga and the subordinate officers of the squadron. It was

Commodore Perry's policy to behave with as much reserve and

exclusiveness as the Japanese diplomats had done and would do.

He would neither see, nor talk with, any except the highest

dignitary of the realm. Meanwhile, the governor of Uraga came

on board and was received by captains and lieutenants. He

declared that the laws forbade any foreign communication to be

held elsewhere than Nagasaki; but to Nagasaki the squadron

would never go. The vexed governor would send to Yedo for

further instructions, and the 12th was fixed as a day for

another conference. Any exchange of thought was either in the

Dutch language, for which interpreters were provided on both

sides, or in Chinese, through Dr. S. Wells Williams, and

afterward in Japanese, through Manjiro Nakahama. … On the

12th, the Governor of Uraga again appeared on board and

insisted on the squadron's leaving the Yedo Bay for Nagasaki,

where the President's letter would be duly received through

the Dutch or the Chinese. This the Commodore firmly refused to

do. It was therefore decided at the court of Yedo that the

letter be received at Kurihama, a few miles from the town of

Uraga. This procedure was, in the language of the

commissioners, 'in opposition to the Japanese law;' but, on

the ground that 'the Admiral, in his quality as Ambassador of

the President, would be insulted by any other course,' the

original of Mr. Fillmore's letter to the Japanese Emperor,

enclosed in a golden box of one thousand dollars in value, was

delivered on the 14th of July to the commissioners appointed

by the Shogun. …

{1878}

Fortunately for Japan, the disturbed state of affairs in

China made it prudent for Perry to repair to the ports of that

country, which he did as though he had consulted solely the

diplomatic convenience of our country. He left word that he

would come the ensuing spring for our answer. … It was the

Taiping Rebellion which called for Perry's presence in China.

The American merchants had large interests at stake

there—their property in Shanghai alone amounting, it is said,

to $1,200,000. … While in China, Commodore Perry found that

the Russian and French admirals, who were staying in Shanghai,

contemplated a near visit to Japan. That he might not give any

advantage to them, he left Macao earlier than he had intended,

and, on the 13th of February, found himself again in the Bay

of Yedo, with a stately fleet of eight ships. As the place

where the conference had been held at the previous visit was

out of the reach of gun-shot from the anchorage, Perry

expressed a desire of holding negotiations in Yedo, a request

impossible for the Japanese to comply with. After some

hesitation, the suburb Kanagawa was mutually agreed upon as a

suitable site, and there a temporary building was accordingly

erected for the transaction of the business. On the 8th of

May, Commodore Perry, arrayed in the paraphernalia befitting

his rank, was ushered into the house. The reply of the Shogun

to the President's letter was now given—the purport of which

was, decidedly in word but reluctantly in spirit, in favor of

friendly intercourse. Conferences were repeated in the middle

and latter part of the month, and after many evasions and

equivocations, deliberations and delays, invitations to

banquets and exchanges of presents, at last, on Friday, the

31st of May, the formal treaty was signed; a synopsis of which

is here presented:

1. Peace and friendship.

2. Ports of Shimoda and Hakodate open to American ships,

and necessary provisions to be supplied them.

3. Relief to shipwrecked people; expenses thereof not to be

refunded.

4. Americans to be free as in other countries, but amenable to

just laws.

5. Americans at Shimoda and Hakodate not to be subject to

restrictions; free to go about within defined limits.

6. Careful deliberation in transacting business which affects

the welfare of either party.

7. Trade in open ports subject to local regulations.

8. Wood, water, provisions, coal, etc., to be procured through

Japanese officers only.

9. Most-favored nation clause.

10. U. S. ships restricted to ports of Shimoda and Hakodate,

except when forced by stress of weather.

11. U. S. Consuls or agents to reside at Shimoda.

12. Ratifications to be exchanged within eighteen months. …

His labors at an end, Perry bade the last farewell to Japan

and started on his home-bound voyage. This was in June, 1854.

… No sooner had Perry left, carrying off the trophy of

peaceful victory—the treaty (though the Yedo government was

in no enjoyment of peaceful rest), than the Russian Admiral

Pontiatine appeared in Nagasaki. He urged that the same

privileges be granted his country as were allowed the

Americans. … Soon, the English Rear Admiral, Sir James

Stirling, arrives at the same harbor, very kindly to notify

the government that there may be some fighting in Japanese

waters between Russians and his countrymen. … The British

convention was signed October 14, 1854, and followed, in 1858,

by the Elgin treaty. The treaty with Russia was signed January

26, 1855; Netherlands, 9th of November the same year; France,

October 9, 1858; Portugal, 3rd of August, 1860; German Customs

Union, 25th of January, 1861. The other nations which followed

the United States were Italy, Spain, Denmark, Belgium,

Switzerland, Austria-Hungary, Sweden and Norway, Peru, Hawaii,

China, Corea and Siam; lastly Mexico, with whom we concluded a

treaty on terms of perfect equality (November 30, 1888)."

_Inazo (Ota) Nitobe,

The Intercourse between the U. S. and Japan,

chapter 2._

ALSO IN:

_F. L. Hawks,

Narrative of the Expedition under Commander Perry._

_W. E. Griffis,

Matthew Calbraith Perry,

chapters 27-33._

JAPAN: A. D. 1869-1890.

Constitutional development.

"In 1869 was convened the Kogisho or 'Parliament,' as Sir

Harry Parkes translates it in his despatch to the Earl of

Clarendon. … The Kogisho was composed mostly of the

retainers of the Daimios, for the latter, having no experience

of the earnest business of life, 'were not eager to devote

themselves to the labors of an onerous and voluntary office.'

… The object of the Kogisho was to enable the government to

sound public opinion on the various topics of the day, and to

obtain the assistance of the country in the work of

legislation by ascertaining whether the projects of the

government were likely to be favorably received. The Kogisho,

like the Councils of Kuges and Daimios, was nothing but an

experiment, a mere germ of a deliberative assembly, which only

time and experience could bring to maturity. … It was a

quiet, peaceful, obedient debating society. It has left the

record of its abortive undertakings in the 'Kogisho Nishi' or

journal of 'Parliament.' The Kogisho was dissolved in the year

of its birth. And the indifference of the public about its

dissolution proves how small an influence it really had. But a

greater event than the dissolution of the Kogisho was pending

before the public gaze. This was the abolition of feudalism.

… The measure to abolish feudalism was much discussed in the

Kogisho before its dissolution. … In the following noted

memorial, after reviewing the political history of Japan

during the past few hundred years, these Daimios said: 'Now

the great Government has been newly restored and the Emperor

himself undertakes the direction of affairs. This is, indeed,

a rare and mighty event. We have the name (of an Imperial

Government), we must also have the fact. Our first duty is to

illustrate our faithfulness and to prove our loyalty. … The

place where we live is the Emperor's land and the food which

we eat is grown by the Emperor's men. How can we make it our

own? We now reverently offer up the list of our possessions

and men, with the prayer that the Emperor will take good

measures for rewarding those to whom reward is due and for

taking from those to whom punishment is due. Let the imperial

orders be issued for altering and remodelling the territories

of the various clans. Let the civil and penal codes, the

military laws down to the rules for uniform and the

construction of engines of war, all proceed from the Emperor;

let all the affairs of the empire, great and small, be

referred to him.' This memorial was signed by the Daimios of

Kago, Hizen, Satsuma, Choshiu, Tosa, and some other Daimios of

the west.

{1879}

But the real author of the memorial is believed to have been

Kido, the brain of the Restoration. Thus were the fiefs of the

most powerful and most wealthy Daimios voluntarily offered to

the Emperor. The other Daimios soon followed the example of

their colleagues. And the feudalism which had existed in Japan

for over eight centuries was abolished by the following

laconic imperial decree of August, 1871: 'The clans are

abolished, and prefectures are established in their places.'

… While the government at home was thus tearing down the old

framework of state, the Iwakura Embassy in foreign lands was

gathering materials for the new. This was significant,

inasmuch as five of the best statesmen of the time, with their

staff of forty-four able men, came into association for over a

year with western peoples, and beheld in operation their

social, political and religious institutions. … In 1873,

Count Itagaki with his friends had sent in a memorial to the

government praying for the establishment of a representative

assembly, but they had not been heeded by the government. In

July, 1877, Count Itagaki with his Ri-shi-sha again addressed

a memorial to the Emperor, 'praying for a change in the form

of government, and setting forth the reasons which, in the

opinion of the members of the society, rendered such a change

necessary.' These reasons were nine in number and were

developed at great length. … The civil war being ended, in

1878, the year which marks a decade from the establishment of

the new regime, the government, persuaded that the time for

popular institutions was fast approaching, not alone through

representations of the Tosa memorialists, but through many

other signs of the times, decided to take a step in the

direction of establishing a national assembly. But the

government acted cautiously. Thinking that to bring together

hundreds of members unaccustomed to parliamentary debate and

its excitement, and to allow them a hand in the administration

of affairs of the state, might be attended with serious

dangers, as a preparation for the national assembly the

government established first local assemblies. Certainly this

was a wise course. These local assemblies have not only been

good training schools for popular government, but also proved

reasonably successful. … The qualifications for electors

(males only) are: an age of twenty years, registration, and

payment of a land tax of $5. Voting is by ballot, but the

names of the voters are to be written by themselves on the

voting papers. There are now 2,172 members who sit in these

local assemblies. … The gulf between absolute government and

popular government was thus widened more and more by the

institution of local government. The popular tide raised by

these local assemblies was swelling in volume year by year.

New waves were set in motion by the younger generation of

thinkers. Toward the close of the year 1881 the flood rose so

high that the government thought it wise not to resist longer.

His Imperial Majesty, hearing the petitions of the people,

graciously confirmed and expanded his promise of 1868 by the

famous proclamation of October 12, 1881: 'We have long had it

in view to gradually establish a constitutional form of

government. … It was with this object in view that in the

eighth year of Meiji (1875) we established the Senate, and in

the eleventh year of Meiji (1878) authorized the formation of

local assemblies. … We therefore hereby declare that we

shall, in the twenty-third year of Meiji (1890) establish a

parliament, in order to carry into full effect the

determination we have announced; and we charge our faithful

subjects bearing our commissions to make, in the meantime, all

necessary preparations to that end.'"

_T. Iyenaga,

The Constitutional Development of Japan, 1853-1881

(Johns Hopkins University Studies, 9th Series, number 9)._

See CONSTITUTION OF JAPAN.

History for ready reference, Volume 3, Greece to Nibelungen · 第 228 / 676 题