Each of these successive treaties was of course duly sworn to
and declared inviolable; but it could hardly be expected that
he who exercised the power of annulling other men's oaths
would submit to be bound by his own, when the observance of
them became inconvenient. Clement accordingly was not
prevented by the solemn treaty of April, 1525, from conspiring
against his new ally in the July following. The object of this
conspiracy was to induce Ferdinando Francesco d'Avalos,
Marquis of Pescara, who commanded the army of Charles V.
before Milan, to revolt against his sovereign, and join the
Italians in an attempt to put an end for ever to Spanish sway
in Italy. … But the Spanish general had no sooner secured
clear evidence of the plans of the conspirators, by pretending
to listen to their proposals, than he reported the whole to
Charles. The miscarriage of this scheme, and the exposure
consequent upon it, necessarily threw the vacillating and
terrified Pontiff once more into the arms of Francis. 'The
Most Christian'—as the old Italian historians often
elliptically call the Kings of France—obtained his release
from his Madrid prison by promising on oath, on the 17th of
January, 1526, all that Charles, driving a hard bargain, chose
to demand of him.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1525-1526.
And Clement hastened to prove the sincerity of his renewed
friendship by a professional contribution to the success of
their new alliance, in the welcome shape of a plenary
absolution from all observance of the oaths so sworn. … On
the 22nd of May following [at Cognac], the Pope entered into a
formal league with Francis [called 'Holy' for the reason that
the Pope was a party to it]. Venice joined her troops to those
of the Ecclesiastical States, and they marched together to the
support of the Milanese, who had risen in revolt against the
Emperor. Assistance had also been promised by Henry of
England, who had stipulated, however, that he should not be
named as a party to the alliance, but only considered as its
protector. This was the most strenuous and most united attempt
Italy had yet made to rid herself of the domination of the
stranger, and patriotic hopes beat high in several Italian
hearts. … It may be easily imagined that the 'Most Catholic'
monarch [Charles V.] felt towards Clement at this time in a
manner which led him to distinguish very nicely between the
infallible head of the universal Church and the sovereign of
the Ecclesiastical States. … Though he retained the utmost
respect and reverence for the vicegerent of heaven, he thought
that a little correction administered to the sovereign of Rome
would not be amiss, and nothing could be easier than to find
means ready to his hand for the infliction of it. The Colonnas
were of course ready for a rebellion on the slightest
encouragement. … So when Don Ugo di Moncada, Charles's
general at Naples, proposed to the Colonnas to join him in a
little frolic at Clement's expense, the noble and most
reverend members of that powerful family jumped at the
proposal. … The united forces of the Viceroy and the
Colonnas accordingly one morning entered Rome, altogether
without opposition, and marched at once to the Vatican.
{1839}
They completely sacked, not only the Pope's palace, and the
residences of many gentlemen and prelates, but also, says the
historian [Varchi], 'with unheard-of avarice and impiety,'
robbed the sacristy of St. Peter of everything it contained.
Clement had barely time to escape into the castle of St.
Angelo; but as he found there neither soldiers nor ammunition,
nor even food for above three days, … he consented to a
treaty by which the Pope agreed to pardon the Colonnas freely
for all they had done against him; to take no steps to revenge
himself on them; to withdraw his troops from Lombardy; and to
undertake nothing in any way, or under any pretext, against
the Emperor." As a hostage for the fulfilment of this treaty,
Pope Clement gave his dear friend Filippo Strozzi; but no
sooner was he delivered from his captors than he hired seven
"black companies" of adventurers and 2,000 Swiss, and began a
furious war of extermination upon the Colonnas and all their
dependents. At the same time he wrote private letters to the
heads of his "Holy League," "warning them to pay no heed to
any statement respecting a treaty made by him with the
Emperor, and assuring them of his intention to carry on the
war with the utmost energy." A little later, however, this
remarkable Holy Father found it convenient to make another
treaty with the Viceroy of Naples, for the release of his
friend Strozzi, which bound him still more to friendly
relations with the Emperor. This latter treaty, of March,
1527, "would seem in some sort to imply the reconciliation
once again of the Pope and the Emperor." But Charles had
already set forces in motion for the chastisement of the
faithless Pope and his allies, which either he could not or
did not care to arrest. "The Constable Bourbon, whom the gross
injustice of Francis I., and the intolerable persecution of
his infamous mother, Louise de Savoie, had driven to abandon
his country and allegiance [see FRANCE: A. D. 1520-1523], …
was now … marching southwards, with the imperial troops, to
chastise the different members of the League against the
Emperor, which Clement, as has been seen, had formed. George
Frundsberg, a German leader of reputation, had also crossed
the Alps with 15,000 men,—'all Lutherans and Lanzknechts,' as
the Italians write with horror and dismay,—and had joined
these forces to the Spaniards under Bourbon. … The combined
force was in all respects more like a rabble rout of brigands
and bandits than an army; and was assuredly such as must, even
in those days, have been felt to be a disgrace to any
sovereign permitting them to call themselves his soldiers.
Their pay was, as was often the case with the troops of
Charles V., hopelessly in arrear, and discipline was of course
proportionably weak among them. … The progress southward of
this bandit army … filled the cities exposed to their inroad
with terror and dismay. They had passed like a destroying
locust swarm over Bologna and Imola, and crossing the
Apennines, which separate Umbria from Tuscany, had descended
into the valley of the Arno not far from Arezzo. Florence and
Rome both trembled. On which would the storm burst? That was
the all-absorbing question. Pope Clement, with his usual
avarice-blinded imbecility, had, immediately on concluding the
above-mentioned treaty with the Neapolitan viceroy, discharged
all his troops except a body-guard of about 600 men. Florence
was nearly in as defenceless a position"; but a small army of
the League, under the Duke of Urbino, was at Incisa, and it
was "probably the presence of this army, little as it had
hitherto done to impede the progress of the enemy, which
decided Bourbon eventually to determine on marching towards
Rome. It seems doubtful how far they were in so doing,
executing the orders, or carrying out the wishes, of the
Emperor. … Upon the whole we are warranted in supposing that
Bourbon and Frundsberg would hardly have ventured on the
course they took, if they had not had reason to believe that
it would not much displease their master. … On the 5th of
May [1527] Bourbon arrived beneath the walls of Rome. … On
the evening of the 6th of May the city was stormed and given
over to the unbridled cupidity and brutality of the soldiers.
… Bourbon himself had fallen in the first moments of the
attack."
_T. A. Trollope,
History of the Commonwealth of Florence,
book 10, chapter 3 (volume 4)._
ALSO IN:
_T. A. Trollope,
Filippo Strozzi,
chapter 7._
_W. Robertson,
History of the Reign of Charles V.,
book 4 (volume 2)._
_L. von Ranke,
History of the Reformation in Germany,
book 4, chapters 1-3._
ITALY: A. D. 1527.
The Sack of Rome by the Spanish and German Imperialists.
"Bourbon fell at the first assault; but by evening the Vatican
suburb was in the hands of the enemy. Clement, who was even
best informed of the state of things, had not anticipated such
an issue. He scarcely saved himself by flight from the Vatican
to the castle of St. Angelo, whither the fugitive population
hurried, as the shipwrecked crew of an entire fleet hastens to
a single boat which cannot receive them. In the midst of the
thronging stream of men, the portcullis was lowered. Whoever
remained without was lost. Benvenuto Cellini was at that time
in Rome, and was among the defenders of the walls. He boasted
that his ball had destroyed Bourbon. He stole fortunately into
the citadel, before it was closed, and entered the Pope's
service as bombardier. Even at this last moment, Clement might
have saved Rome itself, which, situated on the opposite shore
of the river, had not yet been entered by the enemy. They
offered to spare it for a ransom; but finding this too high,
and awaiting hourly Urbino's army, to which, though nothing
was yet to be seen of it, he looked as a deliverer in the time
of need, he would hear nothing of it. And thus the undefended
city fell into the hands of the imperialists. Almost without
resistance they entered Trastevere, a small quarter of the
city lying to the west of the Tiber; and then crossing the
bridges, which no one had demolished, they pressed forwards
into the heart of Rome. It was the depth of the night.
Benvenuto Cellini was stationed on the tower of the castle of
St. Angelo, at the foot of the colossal angel, and saw the
flames bursting forth in the darkness, and heard the sorrowful
cry all around. For it was late before the soldiers began to
cast off all restraint. They had entered quietly. The Germans
stood in battalions. But when they saw the Spaniards broken up
and plundering, the desire was aroused in them also; and now a
spirit of emulation appeared, as to which nation could outdo
the other in cruelty. The Spaniards, it is asserted by
impartial Italians, carried the day.
{1840}
There had been no siege, no bombardment, no flight of any
great extent; but as if the earth had opened, and had
disgorged a legion of devils, so suddenly came these hosts.
Everything was in a moment abandoned to them. We must
endeavour to conceive what kind of men these German soldiers
were. They formed an intermediate class between the prime and
the refuse of the people. Gathered together by the hope of
booty, indifferent what end was assigned them, rendered wild
by hunger and tardy pay, left without a master after the death
of their commander, they found themselves unrestrained in the
most luxurious city of the world—a city abounding with gold
and riches, and at the same time decried for centuries in
Germany, as the infernal nest of the popes, who lived there as
incarnate devils, in the midst of their Babylonian doings. The
opinion that the pope of Rome, and Clement VII. in particular,
was the devil, prevailed not only in Germany, but in Italy and
in Rome the people called him so. In the midst of plague and
famine he had doubled the taxes and raised the price of bread.
What with the Romans, however, was an invective arising from
indignation, was an article of faith among the Germans. They
believed they had to do with the real antichrist, whose
destruction would be a benefit to Christendom. We must
remember, if we would understand this fury of the German
soldiery, in whose minds, as in those of all Germans, Lutheran
ideas at that time prevailed, how Rome had been preached and
written upon in the north. The city was represented to people
as a vast abyss of sin; the men as villains, from the lowest
up to the cardinals; the women as courtesans; the business of
all as deceit, theft, and murder; and the robbing and deluding
of men that had for centuries been emanating from Rome, was
regarded as the universal disease from which the world was
languishing. Thither for centuries the gold of Germany had
flowed; there had emperors been humbled or poisoned; from Rome
every evil had sprung. And thus, while satiating themselves
with rapine and murder, they believed a good work was being
done for the welfare of Christendom, and for the avenge of
Germany. Never, however—this we know—does the nature of man
exhibit itself more beast-like, than when it becomes furious
for the sake of ideas of the highest character. Before the
castle of St. Angelo, which, carefully fortified with walls
and fosses, alone afforded resistance, the German soldiers
proclaimed Martin Luther as pope. Luther's name was at that
time a war-cry against pope and priestcraft. The rude
multitude surmised not what Luther desired when he attacked
the papacy. In front of St. Peter's church, they represented
an imitation of the papal election with the sacred garments
and utensils. They compelled one priest to give extreme
unction to a dying mule. One protested that he would not rest
until he had consumed a piece of the pope's flesh. It is true,
Italians for the most part relate this, but the German reports
themselves do not deny the excessive barbarity which was
permitted. Ten millions of precious metal was carried away.
How much blood did this money involve, and what was done to
those from whom it was taken? Fewer were put to death than
were plundered, says one of the records, but what does that
imply? It is true, the Germans often quarrelled with the
Spaniards, because the horrors which they saw them practise
were too terrible for them. Otherwise the sparing of human
life was less an act of clemency than of covetousness.
Prisoners of war were at that time regarded as slaves; they
were carried away as personal property, or a ransom was
extorted. … This system was carried to a great pitch in
Rome. The possessors of palaces were obliged to purchase their
ransom, the Spanish cardinals as well as the Italian—no
difference was made. Thus at least escape was possible. …
And as the people were treated, so were the things. Upon the
inlaid marble floor of the Vatican, where the Prince of Orange
took up his abode—the command of the army devolving upon him
after Bourbon's death—the soldiers lighted their fire. The
splendid stained glass windows, executed by William of
Marseilles, were broken for the sake of the lead. Raphael's
tapestries were pronounced excellent booty; in the paintings
on the walls the eyes were put out; and valuable documents
were given as straw to the horses which stood in the Sistine
Chapel. The statues in the streets were thrown down; the
images of the Mother of God in the churches were broken to
pieces. For six months the city thus remained in the power of
the soldiery, who had lost all discipline, Pestilence and
famine appeared. Rome had more than 90,000 inhabitants under
Leo X.; when Clement VII. returned a year after the conquest,
scarcely a third of that number then existed—poor, famished
people, who had remained behind, because they knew not whither
to turn. All this lay on the conscience of the man who now for
months had been condemned to look down upon this misery from
the castle of St. Angelo, in which the Spaniards held him
completely blockaded, and where pestilence and want of
provisions appeared just as much as down below in Rome. At
last, after waiting day after day, he saw Urbino's army
approaching from afar: their watch-fires were to be perceived;
and every moment he expected that the duke would attack and
deliver the city. But he moved not. It is thought he intended
now to avenge the rapine which the Medici under Leo. X. had
carried on against him. … After having rested for some time
in sight of the city, in which the imperialists had opened
their intrenchments round the castle of St. Angelo for a
regular siege, he withdrew back again to the north, and left
the pope to his fate."
_H. Grimm,
Life of Michael Angelo,
chapter 10, section 3 (volume 2)._
ALSO IN:
_Benvenuto Cellini,
Life,
translated by J. A. Symonds,
book 1, sections 34-38 (volume 1)._
_Benvenuto Cellini,
Life,
translated by T. Roscoe,
chapter 7._
_J. S. Brewer,
The Reign of Henry VIII.,
chapter 25 (volume 2)._
ITALY: A. D. 1527-1529.
Siege and captivity of the Pope.
New league against the Emperor.
French invasion and disastrous siege of Naples.
Genoese independence recovered.
Treaties of Barcelona and Cambrai.
Francis renounces all pretensions beyond the Alps.
Charles V. supreme.
Shut up in Castle St. Angelo, the Pope, Clement VII.,
"deprived of every resource, and reduced to such extremity of
famine as to feed on asses' flesh, was obliged to capitulate
on such conditions as the conquerors were pleased to
prescribe. He agreed to pay 400,000 ducats to the army; to
surrender to the emperor all the places of strength belonging
to the Church; and, besides giving hostages, to remain a
prisoner himself until the chief articles were performed. …
The account of this extraordinary and unexpected event was no
less surprising than agreeable to the emperor.
{1841}
But in order to conceal his joy from his subjects, who were
filled with horror at the success and crimes of their
countrymen, and to lessen the indignation of the rest of
Europe, he declared that Rome had been assaulted without any
order from him. He wrote to all the princes with whom he was
in alliance, disclaiming his having had any knowledge of
Bourbon's intention. He put himself and court into mourning;
commanded the rejoicings which had been ordered for the birth
of his son Philip to be stopped; and, employing an artifice no
less hypocritical than gross, he appointed prayers and
processions throughout all Spain for the recovery of the
pope's liberty, which, by an order to his generals, he could
have immediately granted him. … Francis and Henry [of France
and England], alarmed at the progress of the imperial arms in
Italy, had, even before the taking of Rome, entered into a
closer alliance; and, in order to give some check to the
emperor's ambition, had agreed to make a vigorous diversion in
the Low Countries. The force of every motive which had
influenced them at that time was now increased; and to these
was added the desire of rescuing the pope out of the emperor's
hands, a measure no less politic than it appeared to be pious.
This, however, rendered it necessary to abandon their hostile
intentions against the Low Countries, and to make Italy the
seat of war. … Besides all … public considerations, Henry
was influenced by one of a more private nature: having begun,
about this time, to form his great scheme of divorcing
Catharine of Aragon, towards the execution of which he knew
that the sanction of papal authority would be necessary, he
was desirous to acquire as much merit as possible with
Clement, by appearing to be the chief instrument of his
deliverance. … Henry … entered so eagerly into this new
alliance, that, in order to give Francis the strongest proof
of his friendship and respect, he formally renounced the
ancient claim of the English monarchs to the crown of France,
which had long been the pride and ruin of the nation; as a
full compensation for which he accepted a pension of 50,000
crowns, to be paid annually to himself and his successors. The
pope, being unable to fulfil the conditions of his
capitulation, still remained a prisoner. … The Florentines
no sooner heard of what had happened at Rome, than they ran to
arms … and, declaring themselves a free state, reëstablished
their ancient popular government.
See FLORENCE: A. D.1502-1569.
The Venetians, taking advantage of the calamity of their ally,
the pope, seized Ravenna, and other places belonging to the
church, under pretext of keeping them in deposite." On the
other hand, Lannoy, Charles' viceroy at Naples, "marched to
Rome, together with Moncada and the Marquis del Guasto, at the
head of all the troops which they could assemble in the
kingdom of Naples. The arrival of this reinforcement brought
new calamities on the unhappy citizens of Rome; for the
soldiers, envying the wealth of their companions, imitated
their license, and with the utmost rapacity gathered the
gleanings which had escaped the avarice of the Spaniards and
Germans. There was not now any army in Italy capable of making
head against the imperialists." But the troops who had enjoyed
months of license and riotous pillage in Rome could not be
brought back to discipline, and refused to quit the perishing
city. They had chosen for their general the Prince of Orange,
who "was obliged to pay more attention to their humours than
they did to his commands. … This gave the king of France and
the Venetians leisure to form new schemes, and to enter into
new arrangements for delivering the pope, and preserving the
liberties of Italy. The newly-restored republic of Florence
very imprudently joined with them, and Lautrec … was …
appointed generalissimo of the league. … The best troops in
France marched under his command; and the king of England,
though he had not yet declared war against the emperor,
advanced a considerable sum towards carrying on the
expedition. Lautrec's first operations [1527] were prudent,
vigorous and successful. By the assistance of Andrew Doria,
the ablest sea-officer of that age, he rendered himself master
of Genoa, and reëstablished in that republic the faction of
the Fregosi, together with the dominion of France. He obliged
Alexandria to surrender after a short siege, and reduced all
the country on that side of the Tessino. He took Pavia, which
had so long resisted the arms of his sovereign, by assault,
and plundered it with … cruelty. … But Lautrec durst not
complete a conquest which would have been so honourable to
himself and of such advantage to the league. Francis … was
afraid that, if Sforza were once reëstablished in Milan, they
[his confederates] would second but coldly the attack which he
intended to make on the kingdom of Naples. … Happily the
importunities of the pope and the solicitations of the
Florentines, the one for relief, and the other for protection,
were so urgent as to furnish him with a decent pretext for
marching forward. … While Lautrec advanced slowly towards
Rome, the emperor" came to terms with the pope, and Clement
obtained his liberty at the cost of 350,000 crowns, a tenth of
the ecclesiastical revenues of Spain, and an agreement to take
no part in the war against Charles. The latter next made
overtures to the French king, offering some relaxation of the
treaty of Madrid; but they were received in a manner that
irritated even his cold temper. He, in turn, provoked his
antagonist, until a ridiculous exchange of defiances to
personal combat passed between them. Meantime "Lautrec
continued his operations, which promised to be more decisive.
His army, which was now increased to 35,000 men, advanced by
great marches towards Naples." The remains of the imperial
army retreated, as he advanced, from Rome, where it had held
riot for ten months, and took shelter behind the
fortifications of the Neapolitan capital. Lautrec undertook
(April, 1528) the siege of Naples, with the co-operation of
the Genoese admiral, Doria, who blockaded its port. But he was
neglected by his own frivolous king, and received little aid
from the Pope, the king of England, or other confederates of
the league. Moreover, Doria and the Genoese suffered treatment
so insolent, oppressive and threatening, from the French court
that the former opened negotiations with the emperor for a
transfer of his services. "Charles, fully sensible of the
importance of such an acquisition, granted him whatever terms
he required.
{1842}
Doria sent back his commission, together with the collar of
St. Michael, to Francis, and, hoisting the imperial colours,
sailed with all his galleys towards Naples, not to block up
the harbour of that unhappy city, as he had formerly engaged,
but to bring them protection and deliverance. His arrival
opened the communication with the sea, and restored plenty in
Naples, which was now reduced to the last extremity; and the
French … were soon reduced to great straits for want of
provisions." With the heat of summer came pestilence; Lautrec
died, and the wasted French army, attempting to retreat, was
forced to lay down its arms and march under guard to the
frontiers of France. "The loss of Genoa followed immediately
upon the ruin of the army in Naples." Doria took possession of
the town; the French garrison in the citadel capitulated
(September 12, 1528), and the citadel was destroyed. "It was
now in Doria's power to have rendered himself the sovereign of
his country, which he had so happily delivered from
oppression." But he magnanimously refused any preeminence
among his fellow citizens. "Twelve persons were elected to
new-model the constitution of the republic. The influence of
Doria's virtue and example communicated itself to his
countrymen; the factions which had long torn and ruined the
state seemed to be forgotten; prudent precautions were taken
to prevent their reviving; and the same form of government
which hath subsisted with little variation since that time in
Genoa, was established with universal applause." In Lombardy,
the French army, under St. Pol, was surprised, defeated and
ruined at Landriano (June, 1529), as completely as the army in
Naples had been a few months before. All parties were now
desirous of peace, but feared to seem too eager in making
overtures. Two women took the negotiations in hand and carried
them to a conclusion. "These were Margaret of Austria,
dutchess dowager of Savoy, the emperor's aunt, and Louise,
Francis's mother. They agreed on an interview at Cambray, and,
being lodged in two adjoining houses, between which a
communication was opened, met together without ceremony or
observation, and held daily conferences, to which no person
whatever was admitted." The result was a treaty signed August
5, 1529, known as the Peace of Cambray, or "the Ladies'
Peace," or "Peace of the Dames." By its terms, Francis was to
pay 2,000,000 crowns for the ransom of his sons; restore such
towns as he still held in the Milanese; resign and renounce
his pretensions to Naples, Milan, Genoa, and every other place
beyond the Alps, as well as to Flanders and Artois; and
consummate his marriage with the emperor's sister, Eleanora.
On the other hand, the emperor only agreed not to press his
claims on Burgundy, for the present, but reserved them, in
full force. Another treaty, that of Barcelona, had already, in
1529, been concluded between the emperor and the pope. The
former gave up the papal states which he occupied, and agreed
to reëstablish the dominion of the Medici in Florence; besides
giving his natural daughter in marriage to Alexander, the head
of that family. In return he received the investiture of
Naples, absolution for all concerned in the plundering of
Rome, and the grant to himself and his brother of a fourth of
the ecclesiastical revenues throughout their dominions.
_W. Robertson,
History of the Reign of Charles V.,
books 4-5._
ALSO IN:
_F. P. Guizot,
Popular History of France,
chapter 28._
_C. Coignat,
Francis I. and his Times,
chapter 9._
_G. B. Malleson,
Studies from Genoese History,
chapter 1._
ITALY: (Southern): A. D. 1528-1570.
Naples under the Spanish Viceroys.
Ravages of the Turks along the coast.
Successful revolt against the Inquisition.
Unsuccessful French invasion under Guise.
"After the memorable and unfortunate expedition of Lautrec, in
1528, Philibert of Chalons, Prince of Orange, who commanded
the Imperial army, exercised the severest vengeance [in
Naples] on the persons and estates of all those nobles who had
joined the French, or who appeared to demonstrate any
attachment towards that nation. … These multiplied … acts
of oppression received no effectual redress during the short
administration [1529-1532] of Cardinal Colonna, who succeeded
to the Prince of Orange. … In the place of Cardinal Colonna
was substituted Don Pedro de Toledo, who governed Naples with
almost unlimited powers, during the space of near 21 years.
His viceroyalty, which forms a memorable Epocha in the annals
of the country, demands and fixes attention. We are impressed
with horror at finding, by his own confession, … that during
the progress of his administration, he put to death near
18,000 persons, by the hand of the executioner. Yet a fact
still more extraordinary is that Giannoné, himself a
Neapolitan, and one of the ablest as well as most impartial
historians whom the 18th century has produced, not only
acquits, but even commends Toledo's severity, as equally
wholesome and necessary," on account of the terrible
lawlessness and disorder which he found in the country. "The
inflexible and stern character of the viceroy speedily
redressed these grievances, and finally restored order in the
capital. … All the provinces experienced equal attention,
and became the objects of his personal inspection. The
unprotected coasts of Calabria and of Apulia, subject to the
continual devastation of the Turks, who landed from their
gallies, were fortified with towers and beacons to announce
the enemy's approach. … Repeated attempts were made by
Solyman II., Emperor of the Turks, either alone or in
conjunction with the fleets of France, to effect the conquest
of Naples, during this period: but the exertions of Toledo
were happily attended with success in repulsing the Turkish
invaders. … In no part of the middle ages … were the
coasts of Naples and Sicily so frequently plundered, ravaged,
and desolated, as at this period. Thousands of persons of both
sexes, and of all conditions, were carried off by Barbarossa,
Dragut, Sinan, and the other Bashaws, or admirals of the
Porte. Not content with landing on the shores and ravaging the
provinces, their squadrons perpetually appeared in sight of
Naples; laid waste the islands of Ischia and Procida, situate
in its immediate vicinity; attacked the towns of Pouzzoli and
Baiæ; and committed every outrage of wanton barbarity. … The
invasion of 1552, when Dragut blocked up the harbour of
Naples, with 150 large gallies, during near four weeks, spread
still greater consternation; and if the fleet of France had
arrived, as had been concerted, it is more than probable that
the city must have fallen into their hands. But the delays of
Henry II., Solyman's ally, proved its preservation. The
Turkish admiral, corrupted by a present of 200,000 ducats,
which the Viceroy found means of conveying to him, retired and
made sail for Constantinople. …
{1843}
The administration of Toledo … was … completely subverted
from the moment that he attempted [1546] to introduce the
Inquisition. … The Neapolitans, patient under every other
species of oppression, instantly revolted. … They even
forgot, in the general terror, the distinction of ranks; and
the Barons united with their fellow-citizens to oppose that
formidable tribunal. The Viceroy, returning to the capital,
reinforced by 3,000 veteran Spaniards, determined
nevertheless, to support the measure. Hostilities took place,
and the city, during near three months, was abandoned to
anarchy, while the inhabitants, having invested the castle,
besieged their governor. … The Emperor, convinced by
experience of the impracticability of success in his attempt,
at length desisted." Toledo died in 1553, and "was succeeded
by the Cardinal Pacheco, as Viceroy; and the abdication of
Charles V., in the following year, devolved on his son Philip
II. the sovereignty of Naples. Alarmed at the preparations
made by Henry II., King of France, in conjunction with Paul
IV., who had newly ascended the papal throne, Philip
dispatched Ferdinand, Duke of Alva, to the aid of his
Neapolitan subjects; and to the vigorous measures embraced by
him on his arrival was due the safety of the kingdom.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1547-1559.
… The administration of the Duke of Alcala, to whom Philip
delegated the supreme power soon after the recall of Alva
[1558], lasted near 12 years, and was marked by almost every
species of calamity."
_Sir N. W. Wraxall,
History of France, 1574-1610,
chapter 9 (volume 2)._
"The march of the Mareschal of Lautrec was the last important
attempt of the French to reconquer Naples. … Spain remained
in possession of this beautiful country for two centuries. …
Their [the Spaniards'] ascendancy was owing as well to an iron
discipline as to that inveterate character of their race, the
firmness of purpose which had gradually developed itself in
the long struggle for the country which they wrenched inch by
inch from their tenacious enemies. The Neapolitans found that
they had in the Spaniards different rulers from the French."
_A. de Reumont,
The Carafas of Maddaloni:
Naples under Spanish Dominion,
book 1._
ITALY: A. D. 1529.
Siege of Florence by the Imperial forces.
Reinstatement of the Medici.
See FLORENCE: A. D. 1502-1569.
ITALY: A. D. 1530-1600.
Under the Spanish domination, and the Papacy of the
Counter-Reformation.
The Inquisition.
The Jesuits.
The Vice-regal rule.
Deplorable state of the country.
"It will be useful, at this point, to recapitulate the net
results of Charles's administration of Italian affairs in
1530. The kingdom of the Two Sicilies, with the island of
Sardinia and the Duchy of Milan, became Spanish provinces, and
were ruled henceforth by viceroys. The House of Este was
confirmed in the Duchy of Ferrara, including Modena and
Reggio. The Duchies of Savoy and Mantua and the Marquisate of
Montferrat, which had espoused the Spanish cause, were
undisturbed. Genoa and Siena, both of them avowed allies of
Spain, the former under Spanish protection, the latter subject
to Spanish coercion, remained with the name and empty
privileges of republics. Venice had made her peace with Spain,
and though she was still strong enough to pursue an
independent policy, she showed as yet no inclination, and had,
indeed, no power, to stir up enemies against the Spanish
autocrat. The Duchy of Urbino, recognised by Rome and
subservient to Spanish influence, was permitted to exist. The
Papacy once more assumed a haughty tone, relying on the firm
alliance struck with Spain. This league, as years went by, was
destined to grow still closer, still more fruitful of results.
Florence alone had been excepted from the articles of peace.
It was still enduring the horrors of the memorable siege when
Clement left Bologna at the end of May. … Finally, on August
12, the town capitulated. Alessandro de' Medici, who had
received the title of Duke of Florence from Charles at
Bologna, took up his residence there in July 1531, and held
the State by help of Spanish mercenaries under the command of
Alessandro Vitelli. … Though the people endured far less
misery from foreign armies in the period between 1530 and 1600
than they had done in the period from 1494 to 1527, yet the
state of the country grew ever more and more deplorable. This
was due in the first instance to the insane methods of
taxation adopted by the Spanish viceroys, who held monopolies
of corn and other necessary commodities in their hands, and
who invented imposts for the meanest articles of consumption.
Their example was followed by the Pope and petty princes. …
The settlement made by Charles V. in 1530, and the various
changes which took place in the duchies between that date and
the end of the century, had then the effect of rendering the
Papacy and Spain omnipotent in Italy. … What they only
partially effected in Europe at large, by means of S.
Bartholomew massacres, exterminations of Jews in Toledo and of
Mussulmans in Granada, holocausts of victims in the Low
Countries, wars against French Huguenots and German Lutherans,
naval expeditions and plots against the state of England,
assassinations of heretic princes, and occasional burning of
free thinkers, they achieved with plenary success in Italy.
… It is the tragic history of the eldest and most beautiful,
the noblest and most venerable, the freest and most gifted of
Europe's daughters, delivered over to the devilry that issued
from the most incompetent and arrogantly stupid of the
European sisterhood, and to the cruelty, inspired by panic, of
an impious theocracy. When we use these terms to designate the
Papacy of the Counter-Reformation, it is not that we forget
how many of those Popes were men of blameless private life and
serious views for Catholic Christendom. When we use these
terms to designate the Spanish race in the sixteenth century,
it is not that we are ignorant of Spanish chivalry and
colonising enterprise, of Spanish romance, or of the fact that
Spain produced great painters, great dramatists, and one great
novelist in the brief period of her glory. We use them
deliberately, however, in both cases; because the Papacy at
this period committed itself to a policy of immoral,
retrograde, and cowardly repression of the most generous of
human impulses under the pressure of selfish terror; because
the Spaniards abandoned themselves to a dark fiend of
religious fanaticism; because they were merciless in their
conquests and unintelligent in their administration of
subjugated provinces; because they glutted their lusts of
avarice and hatred on industrious folk of other creeds within
their borders; because they cultivated barren pride and
self-conceit in social life; because at the great epoch of
Europe's reawakening they chose the wrong side and adhered to
it with fatal obstinacy. …
{1844}
After the year 1530 seven Spanish devils entered Italy. These
were the devil of the Inquisition, with stake and
torture-room, and war declared against the will and soul and
heart and intellect of man; the devil of Jesuitry, with its
sham learning, shameless lying, and casuistical economy of
sins; the devil of vice-royal rule, with its life-draining
monopolies and gross incapacity for government; the devil of
an insolent soldiery, quartered on the people, clamorous for
pay, outrageous in their lusts and violences; the devil of
fantastical taxation, levying tolls upon the bare necessities
of life, and drying up the founts of national well-being at
their sources; the devil of petty-princedom, wallowing in
sloth and cruelty upon a pinchbeck throne; the devil of
effeminate hidalgoism, ruinous in expenditure, mean and
grasping, corrupt in private life, in public ostentatious,
vain of titles, cringing to its masters, arrogant to its
inferiors. In their train these brought with them seven other
devils, their pernicious offspring: idleness, disease,
brigandage, destitution, ignorance, superstition,
hypocritically sanctioned vice. These fourteen devils were
welcomed, entertained, and voluptuously lodged in all the
fairest provinces of Italy. The Popes opened wide for them the
gates of outraged and depopulated Rome. … After a tranquil
sojourn of some years in Italy, these devils had every where
spread desolation and corruption. Broad regions, like the
Patrimony of S. Peter and Calabria, were given over to
marauding bandits; wide tracts of fertile country, like the
Sienese Maremma, were abandoned to malaria; wolves prowled
through empty villages round Milan; in every city the
pestilence swept off its hundreds daily; manufactures,
commerce, agriculture, the industries of town and rural
district, ceased; the Courts swarmed with petty nobles, who
vaunted paltry titles, and resigned their wives to cicisbei
and their sons to sloth; art and learning languished; there
was not a man who ventured to speak out his thought or write
the truth; and over the Dead Sea of social putrefaction
floated the sickening oil of Jesuitical hypocrisy."
_J. A. Symonds,
Renaissance in Italy: The Catholic Reaction,
part 1, chapter 1._
ITALY: A. D. 1536-1544.
French invasion of Piedmont.
French and Turkish siege of Nice.
Turkish ravages on the coast.
The Treaty of Crespy.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1532-1547.
ITALY: A. D. 1545-1556.
Creation of the duchy of Parma and Placentia,
under the rule of the House of Farnese.
See PARMA: A. D. 1545-1592.
ITALY: A. D. 1559-1580.
End of the French occupation of Savoy and Piedmont.
The notable reign of Emanuel Philibert.
See SAVOY AND PIEDMONT: A. D. 1559-1580;
and FRANCE: A. D. 1547-1559.
ITALY: A. D. 1559-1600.
Peace without Prosperity.
Foreign and domestic Despotism.
Exhaustion and helplessness of the country.
"From the epoch of the treaty of Château Cambresis [1559] to
the close of the 16th century, Italy remained, in one sense,
in profound and uninterrupted peace. During this long period
of 41 years, her provinces were neither troubled by a single
invasion of foreign armies, nor by any hostilities of
importance between her own feeble and nerveless powers. But
this half century presented, nevertheless, anything rather
than the aspect of public happiness and prosperity. Her
wretched people enjoyed none of the real blessings of peace.
Subject either to the oppressive yoke of their native despots,
or to the more general influence of the arch-tyrant of Spain,
they were abandoned to all the exactions of arbitrary
government, and compelled to lavish their blood in foreign
wars and in quarrels not their own. While France, torn by
religious and civil dissensions, sank for a time from her
political station among the powers of the continent, and was
no longer capable of affording protection or exciting
jealousy, Philip II. was left free to indulge in the peninsula
all the obdurate tyranny of his nature. … The popes were
interested in supporting his career of bigotry and religious
persecution; the other powers of Italy crouched before him in
abject submission. To feed the religious wars, in which he
embarked as a principal or an accessory, in the endeavour to
crush the protestant cause in France, in the Low Countries,
and in Germany, he drained Italy of her resources in money and
in men. … While the Italian soldiery fought with the courage
of freemen, they continued the slaves of a despot, and while
the Italian youth were consumed in transalpine warfare, their
suffering country groaned under an iron yoke, and was
abandoned a prey to the unresisted assaults of the infidels.
Her coasts, left without troops, or defences in fortifications
and shipping, were insulted and ravaged by the constant
descents of the corsairs of Turkey and Barbary. Her maritime
villages were burnt, her maritime population dragged off into
slavery; and her tyrants, while they denied the people the
power of defending themselves, were unable or careless also to
afford them protection and safety."
_G. Procter,
History of Italy,
chapter 9._
ITALY: A. D. 1569.
Creation of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany.
See FLORENCE: A. D. 1502-1569.
ITALY: A. D. 1597.
Annexation of Ferrara to the States of the Church.
See PAPACY: A. D. 1597.
ITALY: A. D. 1605-1607.
Venice under the guidance of Fra Paolo Sarpi.
Successful contest of the Republic with the Papacy.
See VENICE: A. D. 1606-1607;
and PAPACY: A. D. 1605-1700.
ITALY: A. D. 1620-1626.
The Valtelline War.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1624-1626.
ITALY: A. D. 1627-1631.
Disputed succession to the Duchy of Mantua.
War of France with Spain, Savoy and the Emperor.
"About Christmas in the year 1627, Vincenzo II., Duke of
Mantua, of the house of Gonzaga, died without issue. His next
of kin, beyond all controversy, was Charles Gonzaga, Duke of
Nevers, whose family had settled in France some fifty years
before, and acquired by marriage the dukedoms of Nevers and
Rethel. Although there was a jealousy on the part both of
Austria and Spain that French influences should be introduced
into Upper Italy, there seems to have been no intention, in
the first instance, of depriving Charles of his Italian
inheritance. … But … when the old Duke Vincenzo's days
were evidently numbered, Charles's son, the young Duke of
Rethel, by collusion with the citizens, arrived at Mantua to
seize the throne which in a little while death would make
vacant."
{1845}
At the same time, he took from a convent in the city a young
girl who represented whatever claims might exist in the direct
native line, and married her, the pope granting a
dispensation. "Both the King of Spain and the Emperor … were
incensed by conduct which both must needs have regarded as
indicative of hostility, and the latter as an invasion of his
feudal rights. Spain flew to arms at once. The emperor
summoned the young duke before his tribunal, to answer the
charges of having seized the succession without his
investiture, and married his ward without his consent. …
Charles, supported by the promises of Richelieu, refused to
acknowledge the emperor's rights of superiority, or to submit
to his jurisdiction."
_B. Chapman,
History of Gustavus Adolphus,
chapter 8._
"The emperor … sequestered the disputed territory, and a
Spanish army invaded Montferrat [embraced in the dominions of
the Duke of Mantua] and besieged Casale, the capital. Such was
the paramount importance attached by Richelieu to his
principle of opposition to the house of Austria, that he
induced Louis to cross the Alps in person with 36,000 men, in
order to establish the Duke of Nevers in his new possessions.
The king and the cardinal forced the pass of Susa in March,
1629, in spite of the Duke of Savoy, who was another
competitor for Montferrat, and so decisive was the superiority
of the French arms that the duke immediately afterward signed
a treaty of peace and alliance with Louis, by which he
undertook to procure the abandonment of the siege of Casale
and the retreat of the Spaniards into their own territory.
This engagement was fulfilled, and the Duke of Nevers took
possession of his dominions without farther contest. But the
triumph was too rapid and easy to be durable."
_N. W. Jervis,
Students' History of France,
chapter 19._
"The Spaniards remained, however, in Milaness, ready to burst
again upon the Duke of Mantua. The king was in a hurry to
return to France, in order to finish the subjugation of the
Reformers in the south, commanded by the Duke of Rohan. The
cardinal placed little or no reliance upon the Duke of Savoy.
… A league … was formed between France, the republic of
Venice, the Duke of Mantua, and the Duke of Savoy, for the
defence of Italy in case of fresh aggression on the part of
the Spaniards; and the king, who had just concluded peace with
England, took the road back to France. Scarcely had the
cardinal joined him before Privas when an Imperialist army
advanced into the Grisons and, supported by the celebrated
Spanish general Spinola, laid siege to Mantua. Richelieu did
not hesitate: he entered Piedmont in the month of March, 1630,
to march before long on Pignerol, an important place
commanding the passage of the Alps; it, as well as the
citadel, was carried in a few days. … The Duke of Savoy was
furious, and had the soldiers who surrendered Pignerol cut in
pieces. The king [Louis XIII.] had put himself in motion to
join his army. … The inhabitants of Chambéry opened their
gates to him; Annecy and Montmélian succumbed after a few
days' siege; Maurienne in its entirety made its submission,
and the king fixed his quarters there, whilst the cardinal
pushed forward to Casale [the siege of which had been resumed
by Spinola] with the main body of the army. Rejoicings were
still going on for a success gained before Veillane over the
troops of the Duke of Savoy, when news arrived of the capture
of Mantua by the Imperialists. This was the finishing blow to
the ambitious and restless spirit of the Duke of Savoy. He saw
Mantua in the hands of the Spaniards, 'who never give back
aught of what falls into their power' … ; it was all hope
lost of an exchange which might have given him back Savoy; he
took to his bed and died on the 26th of July, 1630, telling
his son that peace must be made on any terms whatever." A
truce was arranged, followed by negotiations at Ratisbon, and
Casale was evacuated by both parties—the Spaniards having
had possession of the city, while the citadel was held by the
French. "It was only in the month of September, 1631, that the
states of Savoy and Mantua were finally evacuated by the
hostile troops. Pignerol had been given up to the new Duke of
Savoy, but a secret agreement had been entered into between
that prince and France: French soldiers remained concealed in
Pignerol; and they retook possession of the place in the name
of the king, who had purchased the town and its territory, to
secure himself a passage into Italy. … The affairs of the
emperor in Germany were in too bad a state for him to rekindle
war, and France kept Pignerol."
_F. P. Guizot,
Popular History of France,
chapter 41._
"The peace left all parties very nearly in the condition in
which they were when the war began; the chief loser was the
emperor, who was now compelled to acknowledge De Nevers as
Duke of Mantua and Montserrat; and the chief gainer was the
Duke of Savoy, whose territories were enlarged by the addition
of Alba, Trino, and some portions of the territory of
Montserrat which lay nearest to his Piedmontese dominions.
France; too, made some permanent acquisitions to compensate
her for the cost of the war. She eluded the stipulation which
bound her to evacuate Casal, and Victor Amedée subsequently
suffered her to retain both that fortress and Pignerol, such
permission, as was generally believed, … having furnished
the secret reason which influenced Richelieu to consent to the
duke's obtaining the portion of Montserrat already mentioned,
the cardinal thus making the Duke of Mantua furnish the
equivalent for the acquisitions made by Louis."
_C. D. Yonge,
History of France under the Bourbons,
chapter 7 (volume 1)._
ITALY: A. D. 1631.
Annexation of Urbino to the States of the Church.
See PAPACY: A. D. 1605-1700.
ITALY: A. D. 1635.
Italian alliances of Richelieu against the Spaniards in Milan.
See GERMANY: A. D. 1634-1639.
ITALY: A. D. 1635-1659.
Invasion of Milanese by French and Italian armies.
Civil war and foreign war in Savoy and Piedmont.
The extraordinary siege of Turin.
Treaty of the Pyrenees.
Restoration of territory to Savoy.
"Richelieu … having obtained the alliance of the Dukes of
Savoy, Parma, and Mantua, and having secured the neutrality of
the Republics of Venice and Genoa, now bent all his efforts to
expel the Spaniards from Milan, which was at that time but
weakly defended. … In 1635, a French army of 15,000 men was
accordingly assembled in Dauphiny, and placed under the
command of Mareschal Crequi. Having crossed the Alps, it
formed a junction with 8,000 troops under the Duke of Parma,
and 12,000 under the Duke of Savoy, to whom the supreme
command of this formidable army of 35,000 men was entrusted.
{1846}
Such a force, if properly employed, ought to have proved
sufficient to overwhelm the Dutchy of Milan, in its present
unprotected condition. … But the confederates were long
detained by idle disputes among themselves, their
licentiousness and love of plunder." When they did advance
into Milanese, their campaign was ineffective, and they
finally "separated with mutual disgust," but "kept the field,
ravaging the open and fertile plains of Milan. They likewise
took possession of several towns, particularly Bremi, on the
Po. … On hearing of the distress of Milan, the King of Spain
took immediate steps for the relief of that bulwark of his
Italian power. In 1636 he appointed to its government Diego
Guzman, Marques of Leganez, who was a near relative of
Olivarez. … He had not long entered on the government
intrusted to him when he succeeded in expelling the enemy from
every spot in Milan, with exception of Bremi, which they still
retained. Milan having been thus delivered, Leganez
transferred the theatre of war to the States of the Duke of
Parma, and completely desolated those fertile regions,"
compelling the Duke to renounce his French alliance (1637).
"The Duke of Savoy, Victor Amadeus, did not long survive these
events; and it was strongly suspected, both in Spain and
Italy, though probably on no just grounds, that he had been
poisoned. … The demise of the Duke of Mantua occurred nearly
about the same period; and on the decease of these two
princes, the Court of Spain used every exertion to detach
their successors from the French confederacy. Its efforts
succeeded, at least to a certain extent, with the
Dutchess-dowager of Mantua. … But the Dutchess of Savoy, …
being the sister of Louis XIII., could not easily be drawn off
from the French interests. Olivarez [the Spanish minister],
despairing to gain this princess, excited by his intrigues the
brothers of the late Duke [Cardinal Maurice and Prince Thomas]
to dispute with her the title to the regency." Leganez, now
(1638) laid siege to Bremi, and Marshal Crequi, in attempting
to relieve the place, was killed by a cannon shot. "By the
loss of Bremi, the French were deprived of the last receptacle
for their supplies or forces in the Dutchy of Milan; and in
consequence of the death of Crequi, they had now no longer any
chief of their own nation in Italy. The few French nobility
who were still in the army returned to their own country, and
the soldiery dispersed into Montferrat and Piedmont. Leganez,
availing himself of this favourable posture of affairs,
marched straightway into Piedmont, at the head of an army of
20,000 men. … He first laid siege to Vercelli, which, from
its vicinity to Milan, had always afforded easy access for the
invasion of that dutchy, by the French and Savoyards." A new
French army, of 13,000 men, under Cardinal La Valette, was
sent to the relief of the place, but did not save it from
surrender. "After the capture of Vercelli, the light troops of
Leganez ravaged the principality of Piedmont as far as the
gates of Turin."
_J. Dunlop,
Memoirs of Spain, from 1621 to 1700,
volume 1, chapter 4._
Fabert and Turenne were now sent from France to the assistance
of La Valette, "and soon changed the aspect of affairs.
Turenne aided powerfully in driving back Leganez and Prince
Thomas from Turin, in seizing Chivasso and in organizing a
decisive success." In November, 1639, the French, through want
of provisions, were forced to retreat to Carignano, repelling
an attack made upon them in the course of the retreat. The
command was now handed over to Turenne, "with instructions to
revictual the citadel of Turin, which was defended by French
troops against Prince Thomas, who had gained most of the town.
Turenne succeeded … in conveying food and munitions into the
citadel. In the following spring d'Harcourt [resuming command]
undertook to relieve Casale, which belonged to the Duke of
Mantua. … The place was besieged by Leganez." The attempt
succeeded, the besieging army was beaten, and the siege
raised. "After the relief of Casale d'Harcourt resolved, on
the advice of Turenne, to besiege Turin. The investment was
made on the 10th May, 1640. This siege offered a curious
spectacle; the citadel which the French held was besieged by
Prince Thomas, who held the town. He himself was besieged by
the French army, which in its turn was besieged in its lines
of circumvallation by the Spanish army of Leganez. The place
capitulated on the 17th September. … Prince Thomas
surrendered; Leganez recrossed the Po; Marie Christine [the
Dowager-Duchess] re-entered Turin; and d'Harcourt, being
recalled to France by the cardinal, left the command of the
army to Turenne."
_H. M. Hozier,
Turenne,
chapter 2._
"The fall of Turin did not put an end to the civil war, but
its main exploits were limited to the taking of Cuneo by
Harcourt (September 15th, 1641), … and of Revel, which was
reduced by the Piedmontese troops who fought on the French
side. … In the meantime the Regent, no less than her
opponents, began to grow weary of the burdensome protection of
their respective allies. … Under such circumstances, a
reconciliation between the hostile parties became practicable,
and was indeed effected on the 24th of July, 1642. The Princes
were admitted to a share of the Regent's power, and from that
time they joined the French standard, and took from the
Spaniards most of the places they had themselves placed in
their hands. … In the meanwhile the great agitator of
Europe, Richelieu, had died (1642), and had been followed by
the King, Louis XIII., five months later. … The struggle
between the two great rival powers, France and Spain, scarcely
interrupted by the celebrated peace of Westphalia, which put
an end to the Thirty Years' War in the North, in 1648,
continued throughout the greatest part of this period; but the
rapid decline of Spain, the factions of Alessio in Sicily and
of Massaniello in Naples, as much paralysed the efforts of the
Court of Madrid as the disorders of the Fronde weakened that
of Paris. The warlike operations in North Italy were languid
and dull. The taking of Valenza by the French (September 3rd,
1656) is the greatest event on record, and even that [was]
void of results. By the treaty of the Pyrenees (November 17th,
1059) Savoy was restored to her possessions, and Vercelli was
evacuated by the Spaniards. The citadel of Turin had been
given up by the French two years before, owing to the
influence of Mazarin, who married on that occasion his niece
Olimpia Mancini to Eugene Maurice, son of Thomas, Prince of
Carignano, and first cousin to Charles Emanuel II. From that
union, it is well known, was born in Paris, in 1663, Prince
Eugene of Savoy.
{1847}
The French nation were highly displeased at the loss of the
Turin citadel, and never forgave the Cardinal this mere act of
just and tardy restitution. Pinerola and Perosa, however,
still remained in their hands, and placed the Court of Turin
entirely at their discretion. During all this lapse of years,
and until the latter end of the century, the history of
Piedmont presents but a melancholy blank."
_A. Gallenga,
History of Piedmont,
volume 3, chapter 2._
ITALY: A. D. 1646-1654.
French hostility to the Pope.
Siege of Orbitello.
Masaniello's revolt at Naples.
French intrigue and failures.
"The war [of France and Spain] in Italy had for some years
languished, but hostility to the Pope [on the election of
Innocent X., which Cardinal Mazarin, then supreme in France,
had opposed] stirred it again into life. New vessels were
fitted out for the navy, and large preparations were made for
the invasion of Italy. … On April 26, 1646, the expedition
set sail, and on the 9th of May it cast anchor off the
important city of Orbitello. The fleet consisted of 156 sail,
and was expected to land 10,000 men, and Mazarin wrote that
all Italy was in terror. The ships were commanded by the Duke
of Brézé, and no more skilful or gallant leader could have
been found. … The command of the land forces was, however,
entrusted to a leader whose deficiencies more than
counterbalanced Brézé's skill. Mazarin desired an Italian
prince to lead his expedition, and Prince Thomas of Savoy had
been chosen for the command. … Fearing that disease would
come with the hot weather, Mazarin urged Prince Thomas to
press forward with the siege. But the most simple advances
seemed beyond his skill. … A severe misfortune to the navy
made the situation worse. In a sharp and successful engagement
with the Spanish fleet, a cannon ball struck and killed the
Duke of Brézé. His death was more disastrous than would have
been the loss of 20 sail. The French fleet retired to Provence
and left the sea open to the Spanish. Sickness was fast
reducing the army on land, and on July 18th Prince Thomas
raised the siege, which was no further advanced than when it
was begun, and led back the remains of his command to
Piedmont. … So mortifying an end to this expensive venture
only strengthened Mazarin's resolution to make his power felt
in Italy. The battered ships and fever-wasted soldiers were
scarcely back in Provence, when the minister began to prepare
a second expedition for the same end. … By September a fleet
of 200 sail, with an army of 8,000 men commanded by the
Marshals of La Meilleraie and Du Plessis, was under way. The
expedition was conducted with skill and success. Orbitello was
not again attacked, but Porto Longone, on the island of Elba,
and Piombino, on the mainland, both places of much strategic
importance, were captured after brief sieges. With this result
came at once the change in the feelings of Innocent X. for
which Mazarin had hoped," and certain objects of the latter's
desire—including a cardinal's hat for his brother
Michael—were brought within his reach. His attention was now
turned to the more southerly portion of the peninsula. "During
the expedition to Orbitello in 1646, Mazarin had closely
watched Naples, whose coming revolution he foresaw. The
ill-suppressed discontents of the city now showed themselves
in disturbances, sudden and erratic as the eruptions of
Vesuvius, and they offered to France an opportunity for
seizing the richest of the remaining possessions of Spain.
After the vicissitudes of centuries, Naples and Sicily were
now subject to the Spanish crown. They were governed by a
viceroy, and were subjected to the drain of men and money
which was the result of Spain's necessities and the
characteristic of her rule. Burdened with taxation, they
complained that their viceroy, the Duke of Arcos, was sending
to Spain money raised solely for their own defence. The
imposition of a duty on fruits, in a country where fruit
formed a cheap article of diet for the poor, and where almost
all were poor, kindled the long smouldering discontent. Under
the leadership of a fisherman [Tommaso Aniello], nicknamed
Masaniello, the people of Naples in 1647 rose in revolt.
Springing from utter obscurity, this young man of
twenty-seven, poor and illiterate, became powerful almost in a
day. While the Duke of Arcos hid himself away from the revolt,
Masaniello was made Captain-General of Naples. So sudden a
change turned his head. At first he had been bold, popular,
and judicious. He sought only, he said, to deliver the people
from their taxes, and when that was done, he would return
again to selling soles and red mullets. But political delirium
seized him when he reached an elevation which, for him, was as
dizzy as the throne of the Roman emperors, and like some who
reached that terrible eminence, his brain was crazed by the
bewilderment and ecstasy of power. He made wild and incoherent
speeches. He tore his garments, crying out against popular
ingratitude, attacking groups of passers-by, riding his horse
wildly through the multitude, and striking with his lance to
the right and left. The populace wearied of its darling.
Exalted to power on July 7th, he was murdered on the 16th,
with the approval of those who had worshipped him a week
before. But the revolution did not perish with him. Successive
chiefs were chosen and deposed by a fickle people. When the
insurrection was active, the representatives of Spain promised
untaxed fruits and the privileges allowed by Charles V., and
they revoked their promises when it appeared to subside. In
the meantime, Mazarin watched the movement, uncertain as to
the course he should pursue. … While the minister hesitated,
the chance was seized by one who was never accused of too
great caution." This was the Duke of Guise—the fifth Henry of
that Dukedom—a wild, madcap young nobleman, who accepted an
invitation from the Neapolitan insurgents to become their
chief. Guise landed at Naples on the 15th of November, 1647,
with half a dozen attendants, and a month later he was
followed by a French fleet. But the latter did nothing, and
Guise was helplessly without means. "The truth was that
Mazarin, even if desirous of crippling the Spaniards, was very
averse to assisting Guise. He believed that the duke either
desired to form a republic, of which he should be chief, or a
monarchy, of which he should be king, and neither plan was
agreeable to the cardinal." At the end of a fortnight the
fleet sailed away. Guise held his ground as the leader of the
revolt until the following April, when certain of the
Neapolitan patriots, corrupted by the enemy, betrayed the city
into the hands of the Spaniards.
{1848}
"Guise endeavored, with a handful of followers, to escape
towards Capua, but they were captured by a detachment of
Spaniards. … By the petition of powerful friends, and by the
avowal of France, Guise was saved from the public execution
which some of his enemies demanded, but he was presently taken
to Spain, and there was kept a prisoner during four years."
Meantime, Mazarin had prepared another expedition, which
appeared before Naples in the summer of 1648, but only to
discover that the opportunity for deriving any advantage from
the popular discontent in that city was past. "Receiving no
popular aid, the expedition, after some ineffective endeavors,
was abandoned." Six years afterwards, in 1654, Mazarin sent a
third expedition to Naples, and entrusted it to the command of
the Duke of Guise, who had lately been released from his
captivity in Spain. "Guise hoped that the Neapolitans would
rise in revolt when it was known that their former leader was
so near, but not a person in the city showed any desire to
start a movement in behalf of the Duke of Guise. The Spanish
met him with superior forces." After some slight encounters
the expedition sailed back to France.
_J. B. Perkins,
France under Mazarin,
chapter 8 (volume 1),
and chapter 16 (volume 2)._
ALSO IN:
_A. De Reumont,
The Carafas of Maddaloni:
Naples under Spanish Dominion,
book 3._
_F. Midon,
Rise and Fall of Masaniello._
_Mrs. H. R. St. John,
Masaniello of Naples._
_H. G. Smith,
Romance of History,
chapter 1._
ITALY: A. D. 1648.
The Peace of Westphalia.
See GERMANY: A. D. 1648.
ITALY: A. D. 1701-1713.
Savoy and Piedmont.
The War of the Spanish Succession.
The Peace of Utrecht.
"Compelled to take part, with one of the contending parties
[in the War of the Spanish Succession—see SPAIN: A. D.
1698-1700, and 1701-1702], Victor [Duke of Savoy] would have
been prompted by his interest to an alliance with Austria; but
he was beset on all sides by the combined forces of France and
Spain, and was all the more at their mercy as Louis XIV. had
(April 5th, 1701) obtained from Ferdinand Gonzaga of Mantua
permission to garrison his capital, in those days already one
of the strongest places in Italy. The Duke of Savoy had
already, in 1697, married his daughter, Adelaide, to one of
Louis's grandsons, the Duke of Burgundy; he now gave his
younger daughter, Mary Louise, to Burgundy's brother, the new
King of Spain (September 11th, 1701), and took the field as
French commander-in-chief. He was opposed by his own cousin,
Prince Eugene, at the head of the Imperial armies. The war in
Lombardy was carried on with some remissness, partly owing to
the natural repugnance or irresolution of the Duke of Savoy,
partly to the suspicion with which, on that very account, he
was looked upon by Catinat and Vaudemont, the French and
Spanish commanders under him. The King, in an evil hour,
removed his able marshal, Catinat, and substituted for him
Villeroi, a carpet knight and court warrior, who committed one
fault after another, allowed himself to be beaten by Eugene at
Chiari (September 1st), and to be surprised and taken prisoner
at Cremona (1702, January 21st), to the infinite relief of his
troops. Vendôme restored the fortunes of the French, and a
very brilliant but undecisive action was fought at Luzzara
(August 15th), after which Prince Eugene was driven from the
neighbourhood of Mantua, and fell back towards the mountains
of Tyrol. With the success of the French their arrogance
increased, and with their arrogance the disgust and ill-will
of Victor Amadeus." The Duke withdrew from the camp and began
to listen to overtures from the Powers in the Grand Alliance.
"Report of the secret intercourse of the Duke with Austrian
agents reached Louis XIV., who sent immediate orders to
Vendôme to secure and disarm the Piedmontese soldiers (3,800
to 6,000 in number) who were fighting under French standards
at Mantua. This was achieved by treachery, at San Benedetto,
on the 29th of September, 1703. An attempt to seize the Duke
himself, whilst hunting near Turin, miscarried. Savoy
retaliated by the arrest of the French and Spanish
ambassadors, and war was declared (October 5th). The moment
was ill-chosen. Victor had barely 4,000 men under his orders.
The whole of Savoy was instantly overrun; and in Piedmont
Vercelli, Ivrea, Verrua, as well as Susa, Bard, and Pinerolo,
and even Chivasso, fell into the enemy's hands during the
campaigns of 1704 and 1705. In the ensuing year the tide of
invasion reached Nice and Villafranca; nothing was left to
Victor Amadeus but Cuneo and Turin, and the victorious French
armies appeared at last under the very walls of the capital
(March, 1706). The war had, however, been waged with different
results beyond the Alps, where the allies had crushed the
French at Blenheim (1704) and at Ramillies (1705). One of the
heroes of those great achievements, Prince Eugene, now
hastened to the rescue of his cousin. He met with a severe
check at Cassano (August 16th, 1705), and again at Calcinato
(April 19th, 1706); but his skilful antagonist, Vendôme, was
called away to Flanders, and Prince Eugene so out-manœuvred
his successors as to be able to join Victor at Turin. The
French had begun the siege of this place on the 13th of May,
1706. They had between 50,000 and 60,000 men, and 170 pieces
of artillery with them." When Prince Eugene, early in
September, reached the neighborhood of Turin, he concerted
with Victor Amadeus an attack on the investing army which
destroyed it completely. "Its relics withdrew in awful
disorder towards Pinerolo, pursued not only by the victorious
troops but also by the peasantry, who, besides attachment to
their princes, obeyed in this instance an instinct of revenge
against the French, who had barbarously used them. Out of
50,000 or 60,000 men who had sat down before Turin in March,
hardly 20,000 recrossed the Alps in September. Three of the
French generals lay dead on the field; … 6,000 prisoners
were marched through the streets of the liberated town, and 55
French banners graced the main altar of the cathedral. In the
following year, Victor and Eugene, greatly against their
inclination, were induced by the allies to undertake an
expedition against Toulon, which, like all previous invasions
of Provence, led to utter discomfiture, and the loss of 10,000
combatants (1707, July 1st to September 1st). An attack upon
Briançon, equally undertaken against the sound judgment of the
Duke of Savoy, in 1708, led to no better results; but Savoy
won back Exilles, Perosa, Fenestrelles, and, one by one, all
the redoubts with which during those wars the Alps were
bristling.
{1849}
The war slackened in Italy, and the fates of Europe were
decided in the Netherlands. … By the Peace of Utrecht [A. D.
1713] France renounced to Savoy all the invaded territories,
and, besides, the valleys of Oulx, Cesanne, Bardonneche, and
Castel Delfino, ancient possessions of Dauphiny, east of the
Alps, from the 12th century, whilst, for her own part, Savoy
gave up the western valley of Barcellonette; thus the limits
between the two nations (with the exception of Savoy and Nice)
were at last fixed on the mountain-crest, at 'the parting of
the waters.' By virtue of an agreement signed with Austria,
November 8th, 1703, the whole of Montferrat, as well as
Alessandria, Valenza, Lomellina, and Val Sesia, dependencies
of the duchy of Milan, and the imperial fiefs in the Langhe
(province of Alba), were ceded to Savoy."
_A. Gallenga,
History of Piedmont,
volume 3, chapter 2._
ALSO IN:
_Colonel G. B. Malleson,
Prince Eugene of Savoy,
chapters 5, and 7-9._
_H. Martin,
History of France: Age of Louis XIV.,
volume 2, chapters 5-6._
_W. Coxe,
History of the House of Austria,
chapters 68, 69, 73-75, 77 (volume 2-3)._
See, also,
UTRECHT: A. D. 1712-1714.
ITALY: A. D. 1713-1714.
Milan, Naples and Sardinia ceded to the House of Austria and
Sicily to the Duke of Savoy.
See UTRECHT: A. D. 1712-1714.
ITALY: A. D. 1715-1735.
Ambitions of Elizabeth Farnese, the Spanish queen.
The Austro-Spanish conflict.
The Quadruple Alliance.
Acquisition of Naples by the Spanish Bourbons.
By the provisions of the Treaty of Utrecht, Philip V. of Spain
was left with no dominions in Italy, the Italian possessions
of the Spanish monarchy having been transferred to Austria.
Philip might have accepted this arrangement without demur. Not
so his wife—"Elizabeth Farnese, a lady of the Italian family
for whom the Duchy of Parma had been created by the Pope. The
crown of Spain was settled on her step-son. For her own child
the ambitious queen desired the honours of a crown. Cardinal
Alberoni, a reckless and ambitious ecclesiastic, was the
minister of the Spanish court. Under his advice and instigated
by the queen, Philip claimed the possessions in Italy, which
in the days of his grandfather had belonged to the Spanish
crown. When his title to that crown was admitted, he denied
the right of the other powers of Europe to alienate from it
its possessions. This was not all: in right of his queen he
claimed the duchies of Parma and of Tuscany. She determined to
recover for him all the Italian possessions of the Spanish
crown, and to add to them the duchies of Parma and Tuscany.
The Duke of Parma was old and childless. The extinction of the
reigning line of the Medici was near. Cosmo di Medici, the
reigning sovereign, was old. His only son, Jean Gaston, was
not likely to leave heirs. To Parma Elizabeth advanced her
claims as heiress of the family of Farnese; to Tuscany she
asserted a more questionable title in right of a descent from
the family of Medici. These duchies she demanded for her son,
Don Carlos, in whose behalf she was ready to waive her own
claims. The success of these demands would have given to the
Spanish monarchy even greater power than it had before
enjoyed. To Naples, Sicily, and Milan, would have been added
the territories of Parma and Tuscany. All Europe denounced the
ambitious projects of Alberoni as entirely inconsistent with
that balance of power which it had then become a political
superstition to uphold. Philip's French relatives were
determined in opposition to his claims; and to resist them the
quadruple alliance was formed between Holland, England, France
and the emperor. The parties to this alliance offered to the
Spanish Bourbons that the emperor should settle on Don Carlos
the reversion to the duchies of Parma and Tuscany on their
lapsing to him by the failure of the reigning families without
heirs. These proposals were rejected, and it was not until the
Spanish court found the combination of four powerful monarchs
too strong for them, that they reluctantly acceded to the
terms of the Quadruple Alliance, and accepted for Don Carlos
the promised reversion of Parma and Tuscany. To induce the
emperor to accede to this arrangement the Duke of Savoy was
compelled to surrender to him his newly-acquired kingdom of
Sicily, receiving instead the island of Sardinia with its
kingly title. It is as kings of Sardinia that the princes of
Savoy have since been known in European history. The treaty of
the quadruple alliance was thus the second by which at this
period the European powers attempted to arrange the affairs of
Italy. This treaty left the house of Austria in possession of
Sicily and Naples. It was assented to by Spain in 1720.
European complications unconnected with Italy produced new
wars and a new treaty; and the treaty of Seville in 1724,
followed by one entered into at Vienna two years later,
confirmed Don Carlos in the duchy of Parma, of which, on the
death of the last of the Farnese in 1734, he entered into
possession. A dispute as to the election of a king of Poland
gave the Spanish court an opportunity of once more attempting
the resumption of the Neapolitan dominions. Don Carlos, the
second son of Philip and Elizabeth, was now just grown to
man's estate. His father placed in his hand the sword which he
himself had received from Louis XIV. Don Carlos was but
seventeen years old when he took possession of his sovereignty
of Parma. In the same year [1734] he was called from it to
invade the Sicilian dominions of Austria. He conquered in
succession the continental territories, and the island of
Sicily; and on the 15th of June, 1734, he was proclaimed as
King of the Two Sicilies. The war of the Polish Succession was
ended in the following year by a peace, the preliminaries of
which were signed at Vienna. In this treaty an entirely new
arrangement of Italian affairs was introduced. The rights of
Don Carlos to the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily were
recognised. Parma was surrendered to the emperor; and, lastly,
the duchy of Tuscany was disposed of to a new claimant
[Francis of Lorraine] for the honours of an Italian prince."
_I. Butt,
History of Italy,
volume 1, chapter 5._
ALSO IN:
_E. Armstrong,
Elisabeth Farnese,
chapters 2-10._
_P. Colletta,
History of the Kingdom of Naples, 1734-1856,
book 1, chapter 1-2._
See, also,
SPAIN: A. D. 1713-1725;
and FRANCE: A. D. 1733-1735.
ITALY: A. D. 1719.
The Emperor and the Duke of Savoy exchange Sardinia for
Sicily.
See SPAIN: A. D. 1713-1725.
ITALY: A. D. 1733-1735.
Franco-Austrian War.
Invasion of the Milanese by the French.
Naples and Sicily occupied by the Spaniards and erected into a
kingdom for Don Carlos.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1733-1735.
{1850}
ITALY: A. D. 1741-1743.
The War of the Austrian Succession:
Ambitious undertakings of Spain.
"The struggle between England and Spain had altogether merged
in the great European war, and the chief efforts of the
Spaniards were directed against the Austrian dominions in
Italy.
See ENGLAND: A. D. 1739-1741.
The kingdom of Naples, which had passed under Austrian rule
during the war of the [Spanish] Succession, had, as we have
seen, been restored to the Spanish line in the war which ended
in 1740, and Don Carlos, who ruled it, was altogether
subservient to Spanish policy. The Duke of Lorraine, the
husband of Maria Theresa, was sovereign of Tuscany; and the
Austrian possessions consisted of the Duchy of Milan, and the
provinces of Mantua and Placentia. They were garrisoned at the
opening of the war by only 15,000 men, and their most
dangerous enemy was the King of Sardinia, who had gradually
extended his dominions into Lombardy, and whose army was,
probably, the largest and most efficient in Italy. 'The
Milanese,' his father is reported to have said, 'is like an
artichoke, to be eaten leaf by leaf,' and the skill and
perseverance with which for many generations the House of
Savoy pursued that policy, have in our own day had their
reward. Spanish troops had landed at Naples as early as
November 1741. The King of Sardinia, the Prince of Modena, and
the Republic of Genoa were on the same side. Venice was
completely neutral, Tuscany was compelled to declare herself
so, and a French army was soon to cross the Alps. The King of
Sardinia, however, at this critical moment, was alarmed by the
ambitious projects openly avowed by the Spaniards, and he was
induced by English influence to change sides. He obtained the
promise of certain territorial concessions from Austria, and
of an annual subsidy of £200,000 from England; and on these
conditions he suddenly marched with an army of 30,000 men to
the support of the Austrians. An the plans of the confederates
were disconcerted by this defection. The Spaniards went into
winter quarters near Bologna in October, fought an
unsuccessful battle at Campo Santo in the following February
[1743], and then retired to Rimini, leaving Lombardy in
complete tranquillity. The British fleet in the Mediterranean
had been largely strengthened by Carteret, and it did good
service to the cause. It burnt a Spanish squadron in the
French port of St. Tropez, compelled the King of Naples, by
the threat of bombardment, to withdraw his troops from the
Spanish army, and sign an engagement of neutrality, destroyed
large provisions of corn collected by the Genoese for the
Spanish army, and cut off that army from all communications by
sea."
_W. E. H. Lecky,
History of England, 18th Century,
chapter 3 (volume 1)._
ALSO IN:
_W. Coxe,
History of the House of Austria,
chapter 102 (volume 3)._
ITALY: A. D. 1743.
The War of the Austrian Succession: Treaty of Worms.
"By a treaty between Great Britain, the Queen of Hungary, and
the King of Sardinia, signed at Worms September 23rd, 1743,
Charles Emanuel renounced his pretensions to Milan; the Queen
of Hungary ceding to him the Vigevanesco, that part of the
duchy of Pavia between the Po and the Tessino, the town and
part of the duchy of Piacenza, and a portion of the district
of Anghiera. Also whatever rights she might have to the
marquisate of Finale hoping that the Republic of Genoa would
facilitate this agreement, in order that the King of Sardinia
might have a communication with the sea. The Queen of Hungary
promised to increase her army in Italy to 30,000 men as soon
as the affairs of Germany would permit; while the King of
Great Britain engaged to keep a strong fleet in the
Mediterranean, and to pay Charles Emanuel annually £200,000,
so long as the war lasted, he keeping in the field an army of
45,000 men."
_T. H. Dyer,
History of Modern Europe,
book 6, chapter 4 (volume 3)._
ITALY: A. D. 1743.
The Bourbon Family Compact (France and Spain) for establishing
Spanish claims.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1743 (OCTOBER).
ITALY: A. D. 1744.
The War of the Austrian Succession:
Indecisive campaigns.
"In Italy, the discordant views and mutual jealousies of Maria
Theresa and the king of Sardinia prevented the good effects
which might have been derived from their recent union. The
king was anxious to secure his own dominions on the side of
France, and to conquer the marquisate of Finale; while Maria
Theresa was desirous to direct her principal force against
Naples, and recover possession of the two Sicilies. Hence,
instead of co-operating for one great object, their forces
were divided; and, after an arduous and active campaign, the
Austrians were nearly in the same situation as at the
commencement of the year. Prince Lobcowitz being reinforced,
compelled the Spaniards to retreat successively from Pesara
and Senegallia, attacked them at Loretto and Reconati, and
drove them beyond the Fronto, the boundary of the kingdom of
Naples. Alarmed by the advance of the Austrians, the king of
Naples broke his neutrality, quitted his capital at the head
of 15,000 men, and hastened to join the Spaniards. But Prince
Lobcowitz … turned towards Rome, with the hope of
penetrating into Naples on that side; and, in the commencement
of June, reached the neighbourhood of Albano. His views were
anticipated by the king of Naples, who, dividing the Spanish
and Neapolitan troops into three columns, which were led by
himself, the duke of Modena, and the count de Gages, passed
through Anagm, Valmonte, and Monte Tortino, and reunited his
forces at Veletri, in the Campagna di Roma. In this situation,
the two hostile armies, separated only by a deep valley,
harassed each other with continual skirmishes. At length
prince Lobcowitz, in imitation of prince Eugene at Cremona,
formed the project of surprising the head-quarters of the king
of Naples. In the night of August 10th, a corps of Austrians,
led by count Brown, penetrated into the town of Veletri,
killed all who resisted, and would have surprised the king and
the duke of Modena in their beds, had they not been alarmed by
the French ambassador, and escaped to the camp. The Austrian
troops, giving way to pillage, were vigorously attacked by a
corps of Spaniards and Neapolitans, despatched from the camp,
and driven from the town with great slaughter, and the capture
of the second in command, the marquis de Novati. In this
contest, however, the Spanish army lost no less than 3,000
men. This daring exploit was the last offensive attempt of the
Austrian forces. Prince Lobcowitz perceiving his troops
rapidly decrease by the effects of the climate, and the
unwholesome air of the Pontine marshes, began his retreat in
the beginning of November, and though followed by an army
superior in number, returned without loss to Rimini, Pesaro,
Cesano, and Immola; while the combined Spaniards and
Neapolitans took up their quarters between Viterbo and Civita
Vecchia.
{1851}
In consequence of the expedition against Naples, the king of
Sardinia was left with 30,000 men, many of them new levies,
and 6,000 Austrians, to oppose the combined army of French and
Spaniards, who advanced on the side of Nice. After occupying
that place, the united army forced the intrenched camp of the
Sardinians, though defended by the king himself, made
themselves masters of Montalbano and Villafranca, and prepared
to penetrate into Piedmont along the sea coast. The Genoese,
irritated by the transfer of Finale, were inclined to
facilitate their operations; but were intimidated by the
presence of an English squadron which threatened to bombard
their capital. The prince of Conti, who commanded under the
infant Don Philip, did not, however, relinquish the invasion
of Piedmont, but formed the spirited project of leading his
army over the passes of the Alps, although almost every rock
was a fortress, and the obstacles of nature were assisted by
all the resources of art. He led his army, with a large train
of artillery, and numerous squadrons of cavalry, over
precipices and along beds of torrents, carried the fort of
Chateau Dauphin, forced the celebrated Barricades which were
deemed impregnable, descended the valley of the Stura, took
Demont after a slight resistance, and laid siege to Coni. The
king of Sardinia, having in vain attempted to stop the
progress of this torrent which burst the barriers of his
country, indignantly retired to Saluzzo, to cover his capital.
Being reinforced by 6,000 Austrians, he attempted to relieve
Coni, but was repulsed after a severe engagement, though he
succeeded in throwing succours into the town. This victory,
however, did not produce any permanent advantage to the
confederate forces; Coni continuing to hold out, the approach
of winter and the losses they had sustained, amounting to
10,000 men, compelled them to raise the siege and repass the
Alps, which they did not effect without extreme difficulty."
_W. Coxe,
History of the House of Austria,
chapter 105 (volume 3)._
ALSO IN:
_W. Russell,
History of Modern Europe,
part 2, chapter 28._
ITALY: A. D. 1745.
The War of he Austrian Succession:
Successes of the Spaniards, French and Genoese.
"The Italian campaign of 1745, in boldness of design and
rapidity of execution, scarcely finds a parallel in military
history, and was most unpropitious to the Queen of Hungary and
King of Sardinia. The experience of preceding years had taught
the Bourbon Courts that all attempts to carry their arms
across the Alps would be fruitless, unless they could secure a
stable footing in the dominions of some Italian state on the
other side, to counteract the power of their adversary, who
had the entire command of the passes between Germany and
Italy, by means of which reinforcements could be continually
drafted to the scene of action. Accordingly they availed
themselves of the jealousy and alarm excited at Genoa, by the
transfer of Finale to the King of Sardinia, to engage that
republic on their side. The plan was to unite the two armies
which had wintered on the distant frontiers of Naples and
Provence, in the vicinity of Genoa, where they were to be
joined by 10,000 auxiliaries on the part of the republic.
Charles Emanuel was sensible of the terrible consequences to
himself, should the Genoese declare openly for the house of
Bourbon, and sent General Pallavicini, a man of address and
abilities, to renounce his pretensions to Finale, while
Admiral Rowley, with a British fleet, hovered on their coasts.
In spite of all this, nevertheless, the treaty of Aranjuez was
concluded between France, Spain, and Genoa. After surmounting
amazing difficulties, and making the most arduous and
astonishing marches, the army commanded by Don Philip, who was
accompanied by the French General Maillebois, and that
commanded by Count de Gages, effected their junction on the
14th of June, near Genoa, when their united forces, now under
Don Philip, amounted to 78,000 men. All that the King of
Sardinia could do under these circumstances, was to make the
best dispositions to defend the Milanese, the Parmesan, and
the Plaisantine; but the whole disposable force under the King
and Count Schulenburg, the successor of Lobkowitz, did not
amount to above 45,000 men. Count Gages with 30,000 men was to
be opposed to Schulenburg, and took possession of Serravalle,
on the Scrivia; then advancing towards Alessandria he obliged
the Austrians to retire under the cannon of Tortona. Don
Philip made himself master of Acqui, so that the King of
Sardinia, with the Austrian General, Count Schulenburg, had to
retreat behind the Tanaro. On the 24th of July the strong
citadel of Tortona was taken by the Spaniards, which opened
the way to the occupation of Parma and Placentia. The combined
army of French, Spanish, Neapolitans, and Genoese being now
masters of an extensive tract with all the principal towns
south of the Po, they readily effected a passage near the
confluence of the Ticino, and with a detachment surprised
Pavia. The Austrians, fearful for the Milanese, separated
accordingly from the Sardinian troops. The Bourbon force
seeing this, suddenly reunited, gained the Tanaro by a rapid
movement on the night of the 27th of September, forded it in
three columns, although the water reached to the very necks of
the soldiers, fell upon the unsuspecting and unprepared
Sardinians, broke their cavalry in the first charge, and drove
the enemy in dismay and confusion to Valenza. Charles Emanuel
fled to Casale, where he reassembled his broken army, in order
to save it from utter ruin. The confederate armies still
advanced, drove the King back and took Trino and Verua, which
last place lay but twenty miles from his capital: fearful now
that this might be bombarded he hastened thither, withdrew his
forces under its cannon, and ordered the pavement of the city
to be taken up. Maillebois, on his side, penetrated into the
Milanese, and by the month of October the territories of the
house of Austria in Italy were wholly subdued. The whole of
Lombardy being thus open, Don Philip made a triumphant entry
into Milan on the 20th of December, fondly hoping that he had
secured for himself an Italian kingdom, as his brother, Don
Carlos, had done at Naples. The Austrian garrison, however,
still maintained the citadel of Milan and the fortress of
Mantua."
_Sir E. Cust,
Annals of the Wars of the 18th Century,
volume 2, pages 75-76._
ALSO IN:
_A. Gallenga,
History of Piedmont,
volume 3, chapter 4._
{1852}
ITALY: A. D. 1746-1747.
The War of the Austrian Succession: A turn of fortune.
The Spaniards and French abandon North Italy.
The Austrians in Genoa, and their expulsion from the city.
"Of all the Austrian possessions in Lombardy, little remained
except the fortress of Mantua and the citadel of Milan; while
the citadels of Asti and Alessandria, the keys of Piedmont,
were expected to fall before the commencement of the ensuing
campaign. On the return of the season for action, the struggle
for the mastery of Italy was renewed, and the queen of Spain
already saw in imagination the crown of Lombardy gracing the
brow of her second son. On the east, the French and Spanish
armies had extended themselves as far as Reggio, Placentia,
and Guastalla; on the north they were masters of the whole
country between the Adda and Tesino; they blockaded the
passages by the lake of Como and the Lago Maggiore, and were
preparing to reduce the citadel of Milan; on the west their
posts extended as far as Casale and Asti, though of the last
the citadel was still held by the Sardinians. The main body of
the French secured the communication with Genoa and the
country south of the Po; a strong body at Reggio, Parma, and
Placentia, covered their conquests on the east; and the
Spaniards commanded the district between the Po and the
mountains of Tyrol. The Sardinians were collected into the
neighbourhood of Trino; while the Austrians fell back into the
Novarrese to effect a junction with the reinforcements which
were daily expected from Germany. In this situation, a sudden
revolution took place in the fortune of the war. The empress
queen [Maria Theresa], by the conclusion of a peace with
Prussia, was at liberty to reinforce her army in Italy, and
before the end of February 30,000 men had already descended
from the Trentine Alps, and spread themselves as far as the
Po." This change of situation caused the French court to make
overtures to the king of Sardinia, which gave great offense to
Spain. The wily Sardinian gained time by his negotiations with
the French, until he found an opportunity, by suddenly ending
the armistice, to capture the French garrison in Asti, to
relieve the citadel of Alessandria and to lay siege to
Valenza. "These disasters compelled Maillebois [the French
general] to abandon his distant posts and concentrate his
forces between Novi and Voghera, in order to maintain the
communication with Genoa. Nor were the Spaniards beyond the Po
in a less critical situation. A column of 10,000 Austrians
under Berenclau having captured Codogno, and advanced to Lodi,
the Spanish general was compelled to withdraw his troops from
the passes towards the lakes, to send his artillery to Pavia
and draw towards the Po. The infant had scarcely quitted Milan
before a party of Austrian hussars entered the place."
Meantime, the Spanish general Castelar, blockaded in Parma by
the Austrians, broke through their lines and gained the
eastern Riviera, with the loss of half his force. In June, the
Spaniards and French, concentrated at Placentia, made a
powerful attack on the Austrians, to arrest their progress,
but were repulsed with heavy loss. The Sardinians soon
afterwards formed a junction with the Austrians, which
compelled the Spaniards and French to evacuate Placentia and
retreat to Genoa, abandoning stores and artillery and losing
many men. In the midst of these disasters, the Spanish king,
Philip V., died, and his widowed queen, Elizabeth Farnese
—the "Spanish termagant," Carlyle calls her—who had been
the moving spirit of the struggle for Italy, lost the reins of
government. His son (by his first wife, Maria Louisa of Savoy)
who succeeded him, had no ambitions and no passions to
interest him in the war, and resolved to escape from it. The
marquis Las Minas, whom he sent to take command of the
retreating army, speedily announced his intention to abandon
Italy. "Thus deserted, the situation of the French and Genoese
became desperate. … Maillebois, after exhorting the Genoese
to defend their territory to the last extremity, was obliged
to follow the example of Las Minas in withdrawing towards
Provence. Abandoned to their fate, the Genoese could not
withstand the combined attacks of the Austro-Sardinians,
assisted by the British fleet. The city surrendered almost at
discretion; the garrison were made prisoners of war; the
stores, arms and artillery were to be delivered; the doge and
six senators to repair to Vienna and implore forgiveness. The
marquis of Botta, who had replaced Lichtenstein in the
command, took possession of the place with 15,000 men, while
the king of Sardinia occupied Finale and reduced Savona. In
consequence of this success the Austrian court meditated the
re-conquest of Naples and Sicily, which had been drained of
troops to support the war in Lombardy." But this project was
overruled by the British government, and the allied army
crossed the Var, to carry the war into the southeastern
provinces of France. "Their progress was, however, instantly
arrested by an insurrection at Genoa, occasioned by the
exactions and oppressions of the Austrian commanders. The
garrison was expelled by the tumultuary efforts of the
populace; and the army, to obviate the mischiefs of this
unexpected reverse, hastily measured back its steps. Instead
of completing the disasters of the Bourbon troops, the
Austro-Sardinians employed the whole winter in the investment
of Genoa." The siege was protracted but unsuccessful, and the
allies were forced to abandon it the following summer, on the
approach of the Bourbon forces, which resumed the offensive
under Marshal Belleisle. After delivering Genoa, the latter
sent a detachment of his army into Piedmont, where it met with
disaster. No further operations of importance were undertaken
before the conclusion of the peace, which was then being
negotiated at Aix-la-Chapelle.
_W. Coxe,
Memoirs of the Bourbon Kings of Spain,
chapters 46-48 (volumes 3-4)._
ALSO IN:
_J. T. Bent,
Genoa,
chapter 16._
ITALY: A. D. 1749-1792.
Peace in the Peninsula.
The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle "left nothing to Austria in
Italy except the duchies of Milan and Mantua. Although the
grand-duchy of Tuscany was settled on the family of
Hapsburg-Lorraine, every precaution was taken to prevent that
province from being united with the German possessions of
their house. The arrangements of the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle
continued up to the period of the French revolution
undisturbed. Those arrangements, although the result of a
compromise of the interests and ambitions of rival statesmen,
were not, considering the previous state of Italy,
unfavourable to the cause of Italian independence.
{1853}
Piedmont, already recognised as the protector of Italian
nationality, gained not only in rank, but in substantial
territory, by the acquisition of the island of Sardinia, still
more by that of the High Novarese, and by extending her
frontier to the Ticino. Naples and Sicily were released from
the tyranny of viceroys, and placed under a resident king,
with a stipulation to secure their future independence, that
they should never be united to the Spanish crown. … In the
45 [?] years which elapsed between the treaty of
Aix-la-Chapelle and the French revolution, Italy enjoyed a
perfect and uninterrupted peace. In some, at least, of its
principalities, its progress in prosperity and in legislation
was rapid. Naples and Sicily, under the government of Charles
III., and subsequently under the regency of his minister,
Tanucci, were ruled with energy and prudence. Tuscany
prospered under the sway of the princes of Lorraine, Milan and
Mantua were mildly governed by the Austrian court; and
Lombardy rose from the misery to which the exactions of
Spanish viceroys had reduced even the great resources of that
rich and fertile province. In the other Italian States at
least no change had taken place for the worse. Industry
everywhere flourished under the presence of the most essential
of all blessings,—peace."
_I. Butt,
History of Italy,
volume 1, chapter 5._
ITALY: A. D. 1792-1793.
Annexation of Savoy and Nice to the French Republic.
Sardinia and the Two Sicilies in the coalition against France.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1792 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER);
and 1793 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).
ITALY: A. D. 1794-1795.
Passes of the Maritime Alps secured by the French.
The coalition abandoned by the Grand Duke of Tuscany.
French successes at Loano.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1794-1795 (OCTOBER-MAY);
and 1795 (JUNE-DECEMBER).
ITALY: A. D. 1796-1797.
French invasion.
Bonaparte's first campaigns.
His victories and his pillage.
Expulsion of the Austrians.
French treaties with Genoa and Naples.
The Cispadane and Cisalpine Republics.
Surrender of Papal territories.
Peace preliminaries of Leoben.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1796 (APRIL-OCTOBER), and (OCTOBER);
and 1796-1797 (OCTOBER-APRIL).
ITALY: A. D. 1797 (MAY-OCTOBER).
Creation of the Ligurian and Cisalpine Republics.
The Peace of Campo-Formio.
Lombardy relinquished by Austria.
Venice and Venetian territory made over to her.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1797 (MAY-OCTOBER).
ITALY: A. D. 1797-1798 (December-May).
French occupation of Rome.
Formation of the Roman Republic.
Removal of the Pope.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1797-1798 (DECEMBER-MAY).
ITALY: A. D. 1798-1799.
Overthrow of the Neapolitan Kingdom.
Creation of the Parthenopeian Republic.
Relinquishment of Piedmont by the king of Sardinia.
French reverses.
See FRANCE: A. D.1798-1799 (AUGUST-APRIL).
ITALY: A. D. 1799 (APRIL-AUGUST).
Successful Austro-Russian campaign.
Suwarrow's victories.
French evacuation of Lombardy, Piedmont and Naples.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1799 (APRIL-SEPTEMBER).
ITALY: A. D. 1799 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).
Austrian successes.
Expulsion of the French.
Fall of the Parthenopeian and Roman Republics.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1799 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).
ITALY: A. D. 1800.
Bonaparte's Marengo campaign.
Northern Italy recovered by the French.
Siege and capture of Genoa by the Austrians.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1800-1801 (MAY-FEBRUARY).
ITALY: A. D. 1800-1801 (JUNE-FEBRUARY).
The king of Naples spared by Napoleon.
Restoration of Papal authority at Rome.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1800-1801 (JUNE-FEBRUARY).
ITALY: A. D. 1802.
Name of the Cisalpine Republic changed to Italian Republic.
Bonaparte president.
Annexation of part of Piedmont, with Parma and Elba, to
France.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1801-1803,
and 1802 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).
ITALY: A. D. 1805.
Transformation of the Italian Republic into the Kingdom of
Italy.
Election and coronation of Napoleon.
Annexation of Genoa to France.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1804-1805.
ITALY: A. D. 1805.
Cession of Venetian territory by Austria to the Kingdom of
Italy.
See GERMANY: A. D. 1805-1806.
ITALY: A. D. 1805-1806.
Napoleon's dethronement of the dynasty of Naples.
Joseph Bonaparte made king of the Two Sicilies.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1805-1806 (DECEMBER-SEPTEMBER).
ITALY: A. D. 1807-1808.
Napoleon's visit.
His arbitrary changes in the constitution.
His public works.
His despotism.
His annexation of Tuscany to France, and seizure of the Papal
States.
See FRANCE: A. D. 1807-1808 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).
ITALY: A. D. 1808 (JULY).
The crown of Naples resigned by Joseph Bonaparte (now king of
Spain) and conferred on Joachim Murat.
See SPAIN: A. D. 1808 (MAY-SEPTEMBER).
ITALY: (Southern): A. D. 1808-1809.
Beginning of the reign of Murat at Naples.
Expulsion of the English from Capri.
Insolence of Murat's soldiery.
Popular discontent and hatred.
Rise of the Carbonari.
Civil war in Calabria.