CHAPTER V.

AT GREENWICH OBSERVATORY--1836 TO 1846.

1836

"Through the last quarter of 1835 I had kept everything going on at

the Greenwich Observatory in the same manner in which Mr Pond had

carried it on. With the beginning of 1836 my new system began. I had

already prepared 30 printed skeleton forms (a system totally unknown

to Mr Pond) which were now brought into use. And, having seen the

utility of the Copying Press in merchants' offices, I procured

one. From this time my correspondence, public and private, is

exceedingly perfect.

"At this time the dwelling house was still unconnected with the

Observatory. It had no staircase to the Octagon Room. Four new rooms

had been built for me on the western side of the dwelling house, but

they were not yet habitable. The North-east Dome ground floor was

still a passage room. The North Terrace was the official passage to

the North-west Dome, where there was a miserable Equatoreal, and to

the 25-foot Zenith Tube (in a square tower like a steeple, which

connected the N.W. Dome with Flamsteed's house). The southern boundary

of the garden ran down a hollow which divides the peninsula from the

site of the present Magnetic Observatory, in such a manner that the

principal part of the garden was fully exposed to the public. The

Computing Room was a most pitiful little room. There was so little

room for me that I transported the principal table to a room in my

house, where I conducted much of my own official business. A large

useless reflecting telescope (Ramage's), on the plan and nearly of the

size of Sir W. Herschel's principal telescope, encumbered the centre

of the Front Court.

"On Jan. 11th I addressed Mr Buck, agent of the Princess Sophia of

Gloucester, Ranger of Greenwich Park, for leave to enclose a portion

of the ground overlooking my garden. This was soon granted, and I was

partially delivered from the inconvenience of the public gaze. The

liberation was not complete till the Magnetic ground was enclosed in

1837.

"In the inferior departments of the Admiralty, especially in the

Hydrographic Office (then represented by Captain Beaufort) with which

I was principally connected, the Observatory was considered rather as

a place for managing Government chronometers than as a place of

science. The preceding First Assistant (Taylor) had kept a book of

letter references, and I found that out of 840 letters, 820 related to

Government chronometers only. On Jan. 17th I mentally sketched my

regulations for my own share in chronometer business. I had some

correspondence with Captain Beaufort, but we could not agree, and the

matter was referred to the Admiralty. Finally arrangements were made

which put the chronometer business in proper subordination to the

scientific charge of the Observatory.

"In my first negociations with the Admiralty referring to acceptance

of the office of Astronomer Royal, in 1834, Lord Auckland being then

First Lord of the Admiralty, I had stipulated that, as my successor at

Cambridge would be unprepared to carry on my Lectures, I should have

permission to give a final course of Lectures there. At the end of

1835 Lord Auckland was succeeded by Lord Minto: I claimed the

permission from him and he refused it. When this was known in

Cambridge a petition was presented by many Cambridge residents, and

Lord Minto yielded. On April 18th I went to Cambridge with my wife,

residing at the Bull Inn, and began Lectures on April 21st: they

continued (apparently) to May 27th. My lecture-room was crowded (the

number of names was 110) and the lectures gave great satisfaction. I

offered to the Admiralty to put all the profits in their hands, and

transmitted a cheque to the Accountant General of the Navy: but the

Admiralty declined to receive them.

"On June 4th the Annual Visitation of the Observatory was held, Mr

F. Baily in the Chair. I presented a written Report on the Observatory

(a custom which I had introduced at Cambridge) in which I did not

suppress the expression of my feelings about chronometer business. The

Hydrographer, Captain Beaufort, who was one of the Official Visitors,

was irritated: and by his influence the Report was not printed. I

kept it and succeeding Reports safe for three years, and then the

Board of Visitors agreed to print them; and four Reports were printed

together, and bound with the Greenwich Observations of 1838.

"In the course of this year I completed the volume of Observations

made at Cambridge Observatory in 1835 and on Nov. 10th the printed

copies were distributed. About the end of 1835 the Dome for the

Northumberland Telescope was erected: but apparently the polar frame

was not erected."

The following account of an accident which occurred during the

construction of the dome is extracted from a letter by Airy to his

wife dated 1836 Jan. 31st. "The workmen's account of the dome blowing

off is very curious: it must have been a strange gust. It started

suddenly when the men were all inside and Beaumont was looking up at

it: the cannon balls were thrown in with great violence (one of them

going between the spokes of Ransomes' large casting), and instantly

after the dome had started, the boards of the outside scaffolding

which had been tossed up by the same gust dropped down into the gap

which the dome had left. It is a wonder that none of the men were hurt

and that the iron was not broken. The dome is quite covered and I

think does not look so well as when the hooping was visible."

"Previous to 1836 I had begun to contemplate the attachment of

Magnetic Observations to the Observatory, and had corresponded with

Prof. Christie, Prof. Lloyd, Prof. J. D. Forbes, and Mr Gauss on the

subject. On Jan. 12th 1836 I addressed a formal letter to the

Admiralty, and on Jan. 18th received their answer that they had

referred it to the Board of Visitors. On March 25th I received

authority for the expenditure of _£30_, and I believe that I then

ordered Merz's 2-foot magnet. The Visitors met on Feb. 26th and after

some discussion the site was chosen and the extent of ground generally

defined, and on Dec. 22nd Mr Spring Rice (Lord Monteagle) as

Chancellor of the Exchequer virtually effected the transfer of the

ground. But no further steps were taken in 1836. A letter on a

systematic course of magnetic observations in various parts of the

world was addressed by Baron Alexander Humboldt to the Duke of Sussex,

President of the Royal Society; and was referred to Prof. Christie and

me. We reported on it on June 9th 1836, strongly recommending the

adoption of the scheme.

"A plan had been proposed by the Promoters of the London and Gravesend

Railway (Col. Landman, Engineer) for carrying a railway at high level

across the bottom of the Park. On Jan. 9th I received orders from the

Admiralty to examine into its possible effect in producing vibrations

in the Observatory. After much correspondence, examination of ground,

&c., I fixed upon a part of the Greenwich Railway (not yet opened for

traffic) near the place where the Croydon trunk line now joins it, as

the place for trains to run upon, while I made observations with a

telescope viewing a collimator by reflection in mercury at the

distance of 500 feet. The experiments were made on Jan. 25th, and I

reported on Feb. 4th. It was shewn that there would be some danger to

the Observatory. On Nov. 2nd Mr James Walker, Engineer, brought a

model of a railway to pass by tunnel under the lower part of the Park:

apparently this scheme was not pressed.

"In addition to the routine work of the Observatory, a special set of

observations were made to determine the mass of Jupiter.--Also the

Solar Eclipse of May 15th was observed at Greenwich in the manner

which I had introduced at Cambridge.--The Ordnance Zenith Sector, and

the instruments for the St Helena Observatory were brought for

examination.--Much attention was given to chronometers, and various

steps were taken for their improvement.--I had some important

correspondence with Mr (Sir John) Lubbock, upon the Lunar Theory

generally and his proposed empirical lunar tables. This was the first

germ of the great reduction of Lunar Observations which I subsequently

carried out.--In October I was nominated on the Council of the Royal

Society, having been admitted a Fellow on Feb. 18th 1836. I was

President of the Astronomical Society during this and the preceding

year (1836 and 1835).

"My connection with Groombridge's Catalogue of Stars began in 1832,

and the examination, in concert with Mr Baily, of the edition printed

by Mr Henry Taylor, resulted in its condemnation. In 1834 I

volunteered to the Admiralty to prepare a new edition, and received

their thanks and their authority for proceeding. It required a great

deal of examination of details, and much time was spent on it in 1836:

but it was not brought to the state of readiness for press.

"My predecessor, Mr Pond, died on Sept. 7th 1836, and was interred in

Halley's tomb in Lee churchyard."

* * * * *

The following letter was written by Airy in support of the application

for a pension to Mrs Pond, who had been left in great distress:

To HENRY WARBURTON, ESQ.

"The points upon which in my opinion Mr Pond's claims to the gratitude

of Astronomers are founded, are principally the following. _First_

and chief, the accuracy which he introduced into all the principal

observations. This is a thing which from its nature it is extremely

difficult to estimate now, so long after the change has been made, and

I can only say that so far as I can ascertain from books the change is

one of very great extent: for certainty and accuracy, Astronomy is

quite a different thing from what it was, and this is mainly due to Mr

Pond. The most striking exemplification of this is in his laborious

working out of every conceivable cause or indication of error in the

Circle and the two Circles: but very great praise is also due for the

new system which he introduced in working the Transit. In comparing Mr

Pond's systems of observation with Dr Maskelyne's, no one can avoid

being impressed with the inferiority of Dr Maskelyne's. It is very

important to notice that the continental observatories which have

since attracted so much attention did not at that time exist or did

not exist in vigour. _Secondly_, the attention bestowed by Mr Pond on

those points (chiefly of sidereal astronomy) which he regarded as

fundamental: to which such masses of observations were directed as

entirely to remove the doubts from probable error of individual

observations or chance circumstances which have injured many other

determinations. _Thirdly_, the regularity of observation. The effect

of all these has been that, since the commencement of Mr Pond's

residence at Greenwich, Astronomy considered as an accurate

representation of the state of the heavens in the most material points

has acquired a certainty and an extent which it never had

before. There is no period in the history of the science so clean. On

some matters (in regard to the choice of observations) I might say

that my own judgment would have differed in some degree from Mr

Pond's, but one thing could have been gained only by giving up

another, and upon the general accuracy no improvement could have been

made. Mr Pond understood nothing of physical astronomy; but neither

did anybody else, in England.

"The supposed decrease of general efficiency in the last few years is

to be ascribed to the following causes:

1. Mr Pond's ill health.

2. The inefficiency of his first assistant.

3. The oppression of business connected with chronometers.

"The last of these, as I have reason to think, operated very far.

Business of this nature which (necessarily) is _daily_ and

_peremptory_ will always prevail over that which is _general_ and

_confidential_. I will not trouble you with an account of the various

ways in which the chronometer business teazed the Astronomer Royal

(several alterations having been made at my representation), but shall

merely remark that much of the business had no connection whatever

with astronomy.

"I beg to submit these remarks to your perusal, requesting you to

point out to me _what part_ of them should be laid before any of the

King's Ministers, _at what time, in what shape_, and to whom

addressed. I am quite sure that Mrs Pond's claims require nothing to

ensure favourable consideration but the impression of such a feeling

of Mr Pond's astronomical merits as must be entertained by any

reasonable astronomer; and I am most anxious to assist in conveying

this impression.

"Of private history: I went to Suffolk for a week on Mar. 25th. On

Sept. 19th my son Wilfrid (my fourth child) was born. In October I

made an excursion for a week round the coast of Kent. In November I

went to my brother's house at Keysoe in Bedfordshire: I was much

exposed to cold on the return-journey, which probably aggravated the

illness that soon followed. From Nov. 27th I was ill; made the last

journal entry of the year on Dec. 6th; the next was on Jan. 14th,

1837. I find that in this year I had introduced Arthur Biddell to the

Tithe Commutation Office, where he was soon favourably received, and

from which connection he obtained very profitable employment as a

valuer."

1837

"My connection with Cambridge Observatory was not yet finished. I had

determined that I would not leave a figure to be computed by my

successor. In October I had (at my private expense) set Mr Glaisher to

work on reducing the observations of Sun, Moon, and Planets made in

1833, 1834, 1835; and subsequently had the calculations examined by Mr

Hartnup. This employed me at times through 1837. I state here, once

for all, that every calculation or other work in reference to the

Cambridge Observatory, in this and subsequent years, was done at my

private expense. The work of the Northumberland Telescope was going on

through the year: from Nov. 24th to 29th I was at Cambridge on these

works.

"An object-glass of 6-3/4 inches aperture (a most unusual size at this

time, when it was difficult to find a 4-inch or 5-inch glass) had been

presented to the Greenwich Observatory by my friend Mr Sheepshanks,

and on Mar. 29th I received from the Admiralty authority for mounting

it equatoreally in the empty South Dome, which had been intended for a

copy of the Palermo Circle.--In the month of July the Admiralty wished

for my political assistance in a Greenwich election, but I refused to

give any.--On Jan. 3rd I gave notice to the Admiralty that I had

finished the computations of Groombridge's Catalogue, and was ready to

print. The printing was authorized and proceeded (the introduction was

finished on Nov. 22nd), but the book was not quite ready till the

beginning of 1838.--In connection with the Cavendish experiment: on

June 10th I wrote to Spring Rice (Chancellor of the Exchequer) for

_£500_, which was soon granted: and from this time there is a great

deal of correspondence (mainly with Mr Baily) upon the details of the

experiment and the theory of the calculation.--On July 24th I saw the

descent of the parachute by which Mr Cocking was killed. I attended

the coroner's inquest and gave evidence a few days later.

"The Planetary Reductions from 1750 to 1830 had been going on: the

computers (Glaisher, Hartnup, and Thomas) worked in the Octagon Room,

and considerable advance was made.--In consequence of the agitation of

the proposal by Mr Lubbock to form empirical tables of the Moon, for

which I proposed to substitute complete reduction of the observations

of the Moon from 1750, the British Association at York (Oct. 23rd,

1837) appointed a deputation (including myself) to place the matter

before the Government. I wrote on the matter to Mr Wood (Lord Halifax)

stating that it would be proper to raise the First Assistant's salary,

and to give me more indefinite power about employing computers. In all

these things I received cordial assistance from Mr Wood. The

Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr Spring Rice) received us on Dec. 20th:

statements were furnished by me, and the business was sanctioned

immediately.--During this year I was very much engaged in

correspondence with Lubbock and others on improvements of the Lunar

Theory.

"In the operations of 1836 and 1837 a great quantity of papers had

been accumulated. I had kept them in reasonably good order, tied up in

bundles: but this method began to fail in convenience, as the number

increased. The great lines of classification were however now well

understood. I believe it was in the latter part of the year 1837 that

I finally settled on the principle of arranging papers in packets and

subordinate packets, every paper being flat, by the use of four

punched holes in every paper. I have never seen any principle of

arrangement comparable to this. It has been adopted with the greatest

ease by every assistant, and is used to the present time (1871)

without alteration.

"On Jan. 3rd I was informed unofficially by Mr Wood (Admiralty

Secretary) that the addition of the Magnetic Ground was sanctioned. On

Feb. 16th Mr Rhodes (an officer of the Department of Woods and Works)

came to put me formally in possession of the ground. Between Apr. 26th

and May 13th the ground was enclosed, and my garden was completely

protected from the public. The plan of the building was settled, and

numerous experiments were made on various kinds of concrete: at last

it was decided to build with wood.

"After a dinner given by Lord Burlington, Chancellor, the first

meeting of the London University was held on Mar. 4th, and others

followed. On Apr. 18th I handed to the Chancellor a written protest

against a vote of a salary of _£1000_ to the Registrar: which salary,

in fact, the Government refused to sanction. Dissensions on the

question of religious examination were already beginning, but I took

little part in them.

"In 1833 Mr Henderson had resigned the superintendance of the Cape of

Good Hope Observatory, and Mr Maclear was appointed. I recommended the

same Official Instructions for him (they had included an allusion to

La Caille's Arc of Meridian) with an addition on the probability of

Trigonometrical Survey, on Aug. 8th, 1837. On Feb. 24th, 1837, I wrote

to Beaufort suggesting that Bradley's Sector should be used for

verifying the astronomical determinations, and subsequently received

the approval of the Admiralty. In June Sir J. Herschel and I had an

interview with Mr Wood on the Cape equipment generally. The Sector was

erected with its new mounting, careful drawings were made of every

part, instructions were prepared for its use, and on Aug. 10th it was

sent to Woolwich Dockyard and shipped for the Cape.

"Of private history: On Aug. 23rd I started with my wife for an

excursion in South Wales, &c. On Sept. 9th I gave a lecture in the

Town Hall of Neath. While at Swansea we received news of the death of

my wife's father, the Rev. Richard Smith, and returned at once.--In

this year Arthur Biddell bought the little Eye estate for me."

1838

"Cambridge Observatory:--On Dec. 29th, 1837, I had set Mr Glaisher to

work in collecting the annual results for star-places from the

Cambridge Observations, to form one catalogue: I examined the

calculations and the deduced catalogue, and on Dec. 14, 1838,

presented it to the Royal Astronomical Society, under the title of

'The First Cambridge Catalogue.'--For the Northumberland telescope I

was engaged with Simms about the clockwork from time to time up to

Apr. 30th, and went to Cambridge about it. The instrument was brought

to a useable state, but some small parts were still wanting.

"At Greenwich:--In April I drew up a little history of the Observatory

for the Penny Cyclopaedia.--On June 30th the Lords of the Admiralty

paid a short visit to the Observatory: on this occasion Mr Wood

suggested a passage connecting the Observatory with the

dwelling-house, and I subsequently prepared sketches for it; it was

made in the next year.--In the course of the year the Sheepshanks

Equatoreal was mounted, and Encke's Comet was observed with it from

Oct. 26th to Nov. 13th.--On Mar. 31st, &c. I reported to the Admiralty

on the selection of chronometers for purchase, from a long list: this

was an important beginning of a new system.--The Magnetic Observatory

was built, in the form originally planned for it (a four-armed cross

with equal arms, one axis being in the magnetic meridian) in the

beginning of this year. (No alteration has since been made in form up

to the present time, 1871, except that the north arm has been

lengthened 8 feet a few years ago.) On May 21st a magnet was suspended

for the first time, Mr Baily and Lieut. (afterwards Sir William)

Denison being present.--Groombridge's Catalogue was finished, and on

Mar. 3rd I arranged for sending out copies.--The Planetary Reductions

were carried on vigorously. On May 31st, 1838, the Treasury assented

to the undertaking of the Lunar Reductions and allotted _£2,000_ for

it: preparations were made, and in the autumn 7 computers were

employed upon it. It will easily be seen that this undertaking added

much to my labours and cares.--The geodetic affairs of the Cape of

Good Hope began to be actively pressed, and in February Beaufort wrote

to me in consequence of an application from Maclear, asking about a

standard of length for Maclear (as foundation for a geodetic

survey). I made enquiries, and on Mar. 13th wrote to Mr Wood, alluding

also generally to the want of a National English standard after the

destruction of the Houses of Parliament. On Apr. 24th the Admiralty

sanctioned my procuring proper Standard Bars.--In connection with the

Cavendish Experiment, I have an immense quantity of correspondence

with Mr Baily, and all the mathematics were furnished by me: the

experiment was not finished at the end of the year.--The Perturbations

of Uranus were now attracting attention. I had had some correspondence

on this subject with Dr Hussey in 1834, and in 1837 with Eugène

Bouvard. On Feb. 24th, of 1838, I wrote to Schumacher regarding the

error in the tabular radius-vector of Uranus, which my mode of

reducing the observations enabled me to see.

"The National Standards of Length and Weight had been destroyed in the

fire of the Houses of Parliament. On May 11th I received a letter from

Mr Spring Rice, requesting me to act (as chairman) with a committee

consisting of F. Baily, J.E. Drinkwater Bethune, Davies Gilbert,

J.G.S. Lefevre, J.W. Lubbock, G. Peacock, and R. Sheepshanks, to

report on the steps now to be taken. I accepted the charge, and the

first meeting was held at the Observatory on May 22nd; all subsequent

meetings in London, usually in the apartments of the Royal

Astronomical Society. I acted both as chairman and as working

secretary. Our enquiries went into a very wide field, and I had much

correspondence.

"On Jan. 4th Mr Wood wrote to me, mentioning that Capt. Johnson had

made some observations on the magnetism of iron ships, and asking

whether they ought to be continued; a steamer being offered at _£50_

per week. I applied to Beaufort for a copy of Johnson's Observations,

and on Jan. 7th replied very fully, discouraging such observations;

but recommending a train of observations expressly directed to

theoretical points. On Feb. 17th I reported that I had examined the

Deptford Basin, and found that it would do fairly well for

experiments. On July 14th, 1838, Capt. Beaufort wrote to me that the

Admiralty wished for experiments on the ship, the 'Rainbow,' then in

the river, and enquired whether I would undertake them and what

assistance I desired, as for instance that of Christie or Barlow. I

replied that one person should undertake it, either Christie, Barlow,

or myself, and that a basin was desirable. On July 16th and 17th I

looked at the basins of Woolwich and Deptford, approving the

latter. On July 21st the Admiralty gave me full powers. From July 23rd

I was almost entirely employed on preparations. The course of

operations is described in my printed Paper: the original maps,

curves, and graphical projections, are in the bound MSS.: 'Correction

of Compass in Iron Ships--"Rainbow,"' at the Greenwich

Observatory. The angular disturbances were found on July 26th and

30th, requiring some further work on a raft, so that they were finally

worked out on Aug. 11th. I struggled hard with the numbers, but should

not have succeeded if it had not occurred to me to examine the

horizontal magnetic intensities. This was done on Aug. 14th, and the

explanation of the whole was suggested at once: graphical projections

were made on Aug. 16th and 17th for comparison of my explanation with

observations, and the business was complete. On Aug. 17th and 18th I

measured the intensity of some magnets, to be used in the ship for

correction. It is to be remarked that, besides the effect of polar

magnetism, there was no doubt of the existence of an effect of induced

magnetism requiring correction by other induced magnetism: and

experiments for this were made in the Magnetic Observatory. All was

ready for trial: and on Aug. 20th I carried my magnets and iron

correctors to Deptford, mounted them in the proper places, tried the

ship, and the compass, which had been disturbed 50 degrees to the

right and 50 degrees to the left, was now sensibly correct. On

Aug. 21st I reported this to the Admiralty, and on Aug. 24th I tried

the ship to Gravesend. On Aug. 30th I had the loan of her for an

expedition with a party of friends to Sheerness, and on Sept. 9th I

accompanied her to Gravesend, on her first voyage to Antwerp.--On

Oct. 5th application was made to me by the owner of the 'Ironsides' to

correct her compasses. In consequence of this I went to Liverpool on

Oct. 25th, and on this occasion made a very important improvement in

the practical mode of performing the correction.--On Nov. 16th I

reported to the Admiralty in considerable detail. On Dec. 4th I had an

interview with Lord Minto (First Lord of the Admiralty) and Mr

Wood. They refused to sanction any reward to me.--The following is a

copy of the report of the Captain of the 'Rainbow' after her voyage to

Antwerp: 'Having had the command of the Rainbow steamer the two

voyages between London and Antwerp, I have the pleasure to inform you

that I am perfectly satisfied as to the correctness of the compasses,

and feel quite certain they will continue so. I took particular notice

from land to land from our departure and found the bearings by compass

to be exact.'"--The following extracts from letters to his wife refer

to the "Ironsides": on Oct. 28th 1838 he writes, "I worked up the

observations so much as to see that the compass disturbance is not so

great as in the 'Rainbow' (35° instead of 50°), but quite enough to

make the vessel worthless; and that it is quite different in direction

from that in the 'Rainbow'--so that if they had stolen one of the

'Rainbow' correctors and put it into this ship it would have been much

worse than before." And on Nov. 1st he writes, "On Wednesday I again

went to the ship and tried small alterations in the correctors: I am

confident now that the thing is very near, but we were most abominably

baffled by the sluggishness of the compass."

"The University of London:--On Jan. 6th I attended a sub-committee

meeting on the minimum of acquirements for B.A. degree, and various

meetings of the Senate. On July 14th I intimated to Mr Spring Rice my

wish to resign. I had various correspondence, especially with Mr

Lubbock, and on Dec. 13th I wrote to him on the necessity of stipends

to Members of Senate. The dissensions on religious examination became

very strong. I took a middle course, demanding examination in the

languages and books, but absolutely refusing to claim any religious

assent. I expressed this to Dr Jerrard, the principal representative

on the religious side, by calling on him to substitute the words

'Recognition of Christian Literature' for 'Recognition of Christian

Religion': I addressed a printed letter to Lord Burlington

(Chancellor) and the Members of the Senate, on this subject.

"Of private history: In January I made a short excursion in Norfolk

and Suffolk, and visited Prof. Sedgwick at Norwich. In April I paid a

short visit to Mr Courtney at Sanderstead, with my wife. On June 14th

my son Hubert was born. In September I went with my sister by

Cambridge, &c., to Luddington, where I made much enquiry concerning my

father and the family of Airy who had long been settled there. We then

visited various places in Yorkshire, and arrived at Brampton, near

Chesterfield, where Mrs Smith, my wife's mother, now resided. And

returned by Rugby. I had much correspondence with my brother and for

him about private pupils and a better church living. I complained to

the Bishop of Norwich about the mutilation of a celebrated monument in

Playford Church by the incumbent and curate."

The following extracts are from letters to his wife relating to the

above-mentioned journeys:

CLOSE, NORWICH.

_1838, Jan. 21_.

I do not know what degree of cold you may have had last night, but

here it was (I believe) colder than before--thermometer close to the

house at 3°. I have not suffered at all. However I do not intend to go

to Lowestoft.

BRAMPTON.

_1838, Sept. 30th_.

We began to think that we had seen enough of Scarborough, so we took a

chaise in the afternoon to Pickering, a small agricultural town, and

lodged in a comfortable inn there. On Wednesday morning at 8 we

started by the railroad for Whitby, in a huge carriage denominated the

Lady Hilda capable of containing 40 persons or more drawn by one

horse, or in the steep parts of the railway by two horses. The road

goes through a set of defiles of the eastern moorlands of Yorkshire

which are extremely pretty: at first woody and rich, then gradually

poorer, and at last opening on a black moor with higher moors in

sight: descending in one part by a long crooked inclined plane, the

carriage drawing up another load by its weight: through a little

tunnel: and then along a valley to Whitby. The rate of travelling was

about 10 miles an hour. Betsy declares that it was the most agreeable

travelling that she ever had.

Yesterday (Saturday) Caroline drove Betsy and Miss Barnes drove me to

Clay Cross to see the works at the great railroad tunnel there. Coming

from the north, the railroad passes up the Chesterfield valley close

by the town and continues up the same valley, till it is necessary for

it to enter the valley which runs the opposite way towards Buttersley:

the tunnel passes under the high ground between these two vallies: so

that it is in reality at the water-shed: it is to be I think more than

a mile long, and when finished 27 feet clear in height, so it is a

grand place. We saw the preparations for a blast, and heard it fired:

the ladies stopping their ears in due form.

1839

"Cambridge Observatory:--On Mar. 7th I went to Cambridge on the

business of the Northumberland Telescope: I was subsequently engaged

on the accounts, and on Aug. 16th I finally resigned it to

Prof. Challis, who accepted it on Aug. 19th. On Sept. 11th I

communicated its completion and the settlement of accounts to the Duke

of Northumberland. The total expense was _£1938. 9s. 2d._ + 15000

francs for the object-glass.

"At Greenwich Observatory:--On Jan. 3rd I received the last revise of

the 1837 Observations, and on Jan. 8th the first sheet for 1838.--In

July I report on selection from a long list of chronometers which had

been on trial, and on Sept. 2nd I pointed out to Capt. Beaufort that

the system of offering only one price would be ruinous to the

manufacture of chronometers, and to the character of those supplied to

the Admiralty: and that I would undertake any trouble of classifying

the chronometers tried. This letter introduced the system still in use

(1871), which has been most beneficial to the manufacture. On

Sept. 11th I proposed that all trials begin in the first week of

January: this also has been in use as an established system to the

present time.--It was pointed out to me that a certain chronometer was

affected by external magnetic power. I remedied this by placing under

it a free compass magnet: a stand was specially prepared for it. I

have never found another chronometer sensibly affected by

magnetism.--In November and December I tried my new double-image

micrometer.--Between May 16th and Oct. 13th a fireproof room was

constructed in the southern part of the quadrant room; and in November

a small shed was erected over the entrance to the North Terrace.--The

position of the free Meridional Magnet (now mounted in the Magnetic

Observatory) was observed at every 5 m. through 24 hours on Feb. 22nd

and 23rd, May 24th and 25th, Aug. 30th and 31st, and Nov. 29th and

30th. This was done in cooperation with the system of the Magnetic

Union established by Gauss in Germany.--The Reduction of the Greenwich

Planetary and Lunar Observations, 1750 to 1830, went on steadily. I

had six and sometimes seven computers constantly at work, in the

Octagon Room.--As in 1838 I had a great amount of correspondence with

Mr Baily on the Cavendish Experiment.--I attended as regularly as I

could to the business of the University of London. The religious

question did not rise very prominently. I took a very active part, and

have a great deal of correspondence, on the nature of the intended

examinations in Hydrography and Civil Engineering.--On the Standards

Commission the chief work was in external enquiries.--On June 6th I

had enquiries from John Quincey Adams (U.S.A.) on the expense, &c., of

observatories: an observatory was contemplated in America.--I had

correspondence about the proposed establishment of observatories at

Durham, Glasgow, and Liverpool.

"I had in this year a great deal of troublesome and on the whole

unpleasant correspondence with the Admiralty about the correction of

the compass in iron ships. I naturally expected some acknowledgment of

an important service rendered to Navigation: but the Admiralty

peremptorily refused it. My account of the Experiments &c. for the

Royal Society is dated April 9th. The general success of the

undertaking soon became notorious, and (as I understood) led

immediately to extensive building of iron ships: and it led also to

applications to me for correction of compasses. On Jan. 9th I was

addressed in reference to the Royal Sovereign and Royal George at

Liverpool; July 18th the Orwell; May 11th two Russian ships built on

the Thames; Sept. 4th the ships of the Lancaster Company.

"I had much work in connection with the Cape of Good Hope Observatory,

chiefly relating to the instrumental equipment and to the geodetical

work. As it was considered advisable that any base measured in the

Cape Colony should be measured with compensation bars, I applied to

Major Jervis for the loan of those belonging to the East Indian

Survey, but he positively refused to lend them. On Jan. 20th I applied

to Col. Colby for the compensation bars of the British Survey, and he

immediately assented to lending them. Col. Colby had suggested to the

Ordnance Department that Capt. Henderson and several sappers should be

sent to use the measuring bars, and it was so arranged. It still

appeared desirable to have the command of some soldiers from the

Garrison of Cape Town, and this matter was soon arranged with the

military authorities by the Admiralty.

"The following are the principal points of my private history: it was

a very sad year. On Jan. 24th I went with my wife to Norwich, on a

visit to Prof. Sedgwick, and in June I visited Sir J. Herschel at

Slough. On June 13th my dear boy Arthur was taken ill: his malady soon

proved to be scarlet fever, of which he died on June 24th at 7 in the

morning. It was arranged that he should be buried in Playford

churchyard on the 28th, and on that day I proceeded to Playford with

my wife and my eldest son George Richard. At Chelmsford my son was

attacked with slight sickness, and being a little unwell did not

attend his brother's funeral. On July 1st at 4h.15m. in the morning he

also died: he had some time before suffered severely from an attack of

measles, and it seemed probable that his brain had suffered. On July

5th he was buried by the side of his brother Arthur in Playford

churchyard.--On July 23rd I went to Colchester on my way to

Walton-on-the-Naze, with my wife and all my family; all my children

had been touched, though very lightly, with the scarlet fever.--It was

near the end of this year that my mother quitted the house (Luck's) at

Playford, and came to live with me at Greenwich Observatory, where she

lived till her death; having her own attendant, and living in perfect

confidence with my wife and myself, and being I trust as happy as her

years and widowhood permitted. My sister also lived with me at the

Observatory."

1840

"In the latter part of 1839, and through 1840, I had much

correspondence with the Admiralty, in which I obtained a complete

account of the transfer of the Observatory from the Ordnance

Department to the Admiralty, and the transfer of the Visitation of the

Observatory from the Royal Society to the present Board of

Visitors. In 1840 I found that the papers of the Board of Longitude

were divided between the Royal Society and the Admiralty: I obtained

the consent of both to bring them to the Observatory.

"In this year I began to arrange about an annual dinner to be held at

the Visitation.--My double-image micrometer was much used for

observations of circumpolar double stars.--In Magnetism and

Meteorology, certain quarterly observations were kept up; but in

November the system of incessant eye-observations was commenced. I

refused to commence this until I had secured a 'Watchman's Clock' for

mechanical verification of the regular attendance of the

Assistants.--With regard to chronometers: In this year, for the first

time, I took the very important step of publishing the rates obtained

by comparisons at the Observatory. I confined myself on this occasion

to the chronometers purchased by the Admiralty. In March a

pigeon-house was made for exposure of chronometers to cold.--The Lunar

and Planetary Reductions were going on steadily.--I was consulted

about an Observatory at Oxford, where I supported the introduction of

the Heliometer.--The stipend of the Bakerian Lecture was paid to me

for my explanation of Brewster's new prismatic fringes.--The business

of the Cape Observatory and Survey occupied much of my time.--In 1838

the Rev. H. J. Rose (Editor of the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana) had

proposed my writing a Paper on Tides, &c.; In Oct. 1840 I gave him

notice that I must connect Tides with Waves, and in that way I will

take up the subject. Much correspondence on Tides, &c., with Whewell

and others followed.

"With regard to the Magnetical and Meteorological Establishment. On

June 18th Mr Lubbock reported from the Committee of Physics of the

Royal Society to the Council in favour of a Magnetic and

Meteorological Observatory near London. After correspondence with

Sheepshanks, Lord Northampton, and Herschel, I wrote to the Council on

July 9th, pointing out what the Admiralty had done at Greenwich, and

offering to cooperate. In a letter to Lord Minto I stated that my

estimate was _£550_, including _£100_ to the First Assistant:

Lubbock's was _£3,000_. On Aug. 11th the Treasury assented, limiting

it to the duration of Ross's voyage. On Aug. 17th Wheatstone looked at

our buildings and was satisfied. My estimate was sent to the

Admiralty, viz. _£150_ outfit, _£520_ annual expense; and Glaisher to

be Superintendent. I believe this was allowed for the present; for

the following year it was placed on the Estimates. Most of the

contemplated observations were begun before the end of 1840: as much

as possible in conformity with the Royal Society's plan. Mr Hind

(subsequently the Superintendent of the Nautical Almanac) and Mr Paul

were the first extra assistants.

"Of private history. On Feb. 29th I went to Cambridge with my Paper on

the Going Fusee. On Mar. 27th I went to visit Mrs Smith, my wife's

mother, at Brampton near Chesterfield. I made a short visit to

Playford in April and a short expedition to Winchester, Portsmouth,

&c., in June. From Sept. 5th to Oct. 3rd I was travelling in the

North of England and South of Scotland." [This was an extremely active

and interesting journey, in the course of which a great number of

places were visited by Airy, especially places on the Border mentioned

in Scott's Poems, which always had a great attraction for him. He also

attended a Meeting of the British Association at Glasgow and made a

statement regarding the Planetary and Lunar Reductions: and looked at

a site for the Glasgow Observatory.] "In November I went for a short

time to Cambridge and to Keysoe (my brother's residence). On

Dec. 26th my daughter Hilda was born (subsequently married to

E.J. Routh). In this year I had a loss of _£350_ by a fire on my Eye

estate."

* * * * *

The following extracts are from letters to his wife. Some of them

relate to matters of general interest. They are all of them

characteristic, and serve to shew the keen interest which he took in

matters around him, and especially in architecture and scenery. The

first letter relates to his journey from Chesterfield on the previous

day.

FLAMSTEED HOUSE,

_1840, April 2_.

I was obliged to put up with an outside place to Derby yesterday, much

against my will, for I was apprehensive that the cold would bring on

the pain in my face. Of that I had not much; but I have caught

something of sore throat and catarrh. The coach came up at about 22

minutes past 8. It arrived in Derby at 20 minutes or less past 11

(same guard and coachman who brought us), and drew up in the street

opposite the inn at which we got no dinner, abreast of an omnibus. I

had to go to a coach office opposite the inn to pay and be booked for

London, and was duly set down in a way-bill with _name_; and then

entered the omnibus: was transferred to the Railway Station, and then

received the Railway Ticket by shouting out my name. If you should

come the same way, you would find it convenient to book your place at

Chesterfield to London by your name (paying for the whole, namely,

coach fare, omnibus fare _-/6_, and railway fare _£1. 15s. 0d._ first

class). Then you will only have to step out of the coach into the

omnibus, and to scream out once or twice to the guard to make sure

that you are entered in the way-bill and that your luggage is put on

the omnibus.

* * * * *

FLAMSTEED HOUSE, GREENWICH,

_1840, April 15_.

I forgot to tell you that at Lord Northampton's I saw some specimens

of the Daguerrotype, pictures made by the Camera Obscura, and they

surpass in beauty of execution anything that I could have

imagined. Baily who has two or three has promised to lend them for

your inspection when you return. Also I saw some post-office stamps

and stamped envelopes: I do not much admire the latter.

* * * * *

The following relates to the fire on his Eye farm, referred to above:

PLAYFORD,

_1840, April 23_.

On Wednesday (yesterday) went with my uncle to the Eye Estate, to see

the effects of the fire. The farming buildings of every kind are as

completely cleared away as if they had been mown down: not a bit of

anything but one or two short brick walls and the brick foundations of

the barns and stacks. The aspect of the place is much changed, because

in approaching the house you do not see it upon a back-ground of

barns, &c., but standing alone. The house is in particularly neat and

good order. I did not think it at all worth while to make troublesome

enquiries of the people who reside there, but took Mr Case's

account. There seems no doubt that the fire was caused by the

maid-servant throwing cinders into a sort of muck-place into which

they had been commonly thrown. I suppose there was after all this dry

weather straw or muck drier than usual, and the cinders were hotter

than usual. The whole was on fire in an exceedingly short time; and

everything was down in less than an hour. Two engines came from Eye,

and all the population of the town (as the fire began shortly after

two o'clock in the afternoon). It is entirely owing to these that my

house, and the farm (Sewell's) on the opposite side of the road, were

not burned down. At the beginning of the fire the wind was N.E. which

blew directly towards the opposite farm (Sewell's): although the

nearest part of it (tiled dwelling house) was 100 yards off or near

it, and the great barn (thatched roof) considerably further, yet both

were set on fire several times. All this while, the tail of my house

was growing very hot: and shortly after the buildings fell in burning

ruins, the wind changed to N.W., blowing directly to my house. If this

change had happened while the buildings were standing and burning,

there would have been no possibility of saving the house. As it was,

the solder is melted from the window next the farm-yard, and the roof

was set on fire in three or four places. One engine was kept working

on my house and one on the opposite farm. A large pond was pretty

nearly emptied. Mr Case's horses and bullocks were got out, not

without great difficulty, as the progress of the fire was fearfully

rapid. A sow and nine pigs were burnt, and a large hog ran out burnt

so much that the people killed it immediately.

* * * * *

GEORGE INN, WINCHESTER,

_1840, June 21_.

At Winchester we established ourselves at the George and then without

delay proceeded to St Cross. I did not know before the nature of its

hospital establishment, but I find that it is a veritable set of

alms-houses. The church is a most curious specimen of the latest

Norman. I never saw one so well marked before--Norman ornaments on

pointed arches, pilasters detached with cushion capitals, and various

signs: and it is clearly an instance of that state of the style when

people had been forced by the difficulties and inelegancies of the

round arch in groining to adopt pointed arches for groining but had

not learnt to use them for windows.......This morning after breakfast

went to the Cathedral (looking by the way at a curious old cross in

the street). I thought that its inside was wholly Norman, and was most

agreeably surprised by finding the whole inside groined in every part

with excellent late decorated or perpendicular work. Yet there are

several signs about it which lead me to think that the whole inside

has been Norman, and even that the pilasters now worked up into the

perpendicular are Norman. The transepts are most massive old Norman,

with side-aisles running round their ends (which I never saw

before). The groining of the side aisles of the nave very effective

from the strength of the cross ribs. The clerestory windows of the

quire very large. The organ is on one side. But the best thing about

the quire is the wooden stall-work, of early decorated, very

beautiful. A superb Lady Chapel, of early English.

* * * * *

PORTSMOUTH,

_1840, June 23_.

We left Winchester by evening train to the Dolphin, Southampton, and

slept there. At nine in the morning we went by steamboat down the

river to Ryde in the Isle of Wight: our steamer was going on to

Portsmouth, but we thought it better to land at Ryde and take a boat

for ourselves. We then sailed out (rather a blowing day) to the vessel

attending Col. Pasley's operations, and after a good deal of going

from one boat to another (the sea being so rough that our boat could

not be got up to the ships) and a good deal of waiting, we got on

board the barge or lump in which Col. Pasley was. Here we had the

satisfaction of seeing the barrel of gunpowder lowered (there was more

than a ton of gunpowder), and seeing the divers go down to fix it,

dressed in their diving helmets and supplied with air from the great

air-pump above. When all was ready and the divers had ascended again,

the barge in which we were was warped away, and by a galvanic battery

in another barge (which we had seen carried there, and whose

connection with the barrel we had seen), upon signal given by sound of

trumpet, the gunpowder was fired. The effect was most wonderful. The

firing followed the signal instantaneously. We were at between 100 and

200 yards from the place (as I judge), and the effects were as

follows. As soon as the signal was given, there was a report, louder

than a musket but not so loud as a small cannon, and a severe shock

was felt at our feet, just as if our barge had struck on a

rock. Almost immediately, a very slight swell was perceived over the

place of the explosion, and the water looked rather foamy: then in

about a second it began to rise, and there was the most enormous

outbreak of spray that you can conceive. It rose in one column of 60

or 70 feet high, and broad at the base, resembling a stumpy sheaf with

jagged masses of spray spreading out at the sides, and seemed to grow

outwards till I almost feared that it was coming to us. It sunk, I

suppose, in separate parts, for it did not make any grand squash down,

and then there were seen logs of wood rising, and a dense mass of

black mud, which spread gradually round till it occupied a very large

space. Fish were stunned by it: our boatmen picked up some. It was

said by all present that this was the best explosion which had been

seen: it was truly wonderful. Then we sailed to Portsmouth.......The

explosion was a thing worth going many miles to see. There were many

yachts and sailing boats out to see it (I counted 26 before they were

at the fullest), so that the scene was very gay.

* * * * *

Here are some notes on York Cathedral after the fire:

RED LION HOTEL, REDCAR,

_1840, Sept. 7_.

My first letter was closed after service at York Cathedral. As soon as

I had posted it, I walked sedately twice round the cathedral, and then

I found the sexton at the door, who commiserating me of my former vain

applications, and having the hope of lucre before his eyes, let me

in. I saw the burnt part, which looks not melancholy but

unfinished. Every bit of wood is carried away clean, with scarcely a

smoke-daub to mark where it has been: the building looks as if the

walls were just prepared for a roof, but there are some deep dints in

the pavement, shewing where large masses have fallen. The lower parts

of some of the columns (to the height of 8 or 10 feet) are much scaled

and cracked. The windows are scarcely touched. I also refreshed my

memory of the chapter-house, which is most beautiful, and which has

much of its old gilding reasonably bright, and some of its old paint

quite conspicuous. And I looked again at the old crypt with its late

Norman work, and at the still older crypt of the pre-existing church.

* * * * *

1841

"The routine work of the Observatory in its several departments was

carried on steadily during this year.--The Camera Obscura was removed

from the N.W. Turret of the Great Room, to make way for the

Anemometer.--In Magnetism and Meteorology the most important thing was

the great magnetic storm of Sept. 29th, which revealed a new class of

magnetic phenomena. It was very well observed by Mr Glaisher, and I

immediately printed and circulated an account of it.--In April I

reported that the Planetary Reductions were completed, and furnished

estimates for the printing.--In August I applied for 18,000 copies of

the great skeleton form for computing Lunar Tabular Places, which were

granted.--I reported, as usual, on various Papers for the Royal

Society, and was still engaged on the Cavendish Experiment.--In the

University of London I attended the meeting of Dec. 8th, on the

reduction of Examiners' salaries, which were extravagant.--I furnished

Col. Colby with a plan of a new Sector, still used in the British

Survey.--I appealed to Colby about the injury to the cistern on the

Great Gable in Cumberland, by the pile raised for the Survey

Signal.--On Jan. 3rd occurred a most remarkable tidal disturbance: the

tide in the Thames was 5 feet too low. I endeavoured to trace it on

the coasts, and had a vast amount of correspondence: but it elicited

little.

"Of private history: I was a short time in Suffolk in March.--On

Mar. 31st I started with my wife (whose health had suffered much) for

a trip to Bath, Bristol, Cardiff, Swansea, &c. While at Swansea we

received news on Apr. 24th of the deadly illness of my dear mother. We

travelled by Neath and Cardiff to Bath, where I solicited a rest for

my wife from my kind friend Miss Sutcliffe, and returned alone to

Greenwich. My dear mother had died on the morning of the 24th. The

funeral took place at Little Whelnetham (near Bury) on May 1st, where

my mother was buried by the side of my father. We went to Cambridge,

where my wife consulted Dr Haviland to her great advantage, and

returned to Greenwich on May 7th.--On May 14th to 16th I was at

Sanderstead (Rev. J. Courtney) with Whewell as one sponsor, at the

christening of my daughter Hilda.--In September I went for a trip with

my sister to Yorkshire and Cumberland, in the course of which we

visited Dent (Sedgwick's birthplace), and paid visits to Mr

Wordsworth, Miss Southey, and Miss Bristow, returning to Greenwich on

the 30th Sept.--From June 15th to 19th I visited my brother at

Keysoe."

The following extracts are from letters written to his wife while on

the above trip in Yorkshire and Cumberland:

RED LION INN, REDCAR,

_1841, Sept. 11_.

We stopped at York: went to the Tavern Hotel. In the morning (Friday)

went into the Cathedral. I think that it improves on acquaintance. The

nave is now almost filled with scaffolding for the repair of the roof,

so that it has not the bare unfinished appearance that it had when I

was there last year. The tower in which the fire began seems to be a

good deal repaired: there are new mullions in its windows, &c. We

stopped to hear part of the service, which was not very effective.

* * * * *

Here are notes of his visit to Dentdale in Yorkshire, the birthplace

of his friend Sedgwick:

KING'S HEAD, KENDAL,

_1841, Sept. 15_.

The day was quite fine, and the hills quite clear. The ascent out of

Hawes is dull; the little branch dale is simple and monotonous, and so

are the hills about the great dale which are in sight. The only thing

which interested us was the sort of bird's-eye view of Hardraw dell,

which appeared a most petty and insignificant opening in the great

hill side. But when we got to the top of the pass there was a

magnificent view of Ingleborough. The dale which was most nearly in

front of us is that which goes down to Ingleton, past the side of

Ingleborough. The mountain was about nine miles distant. We turned to

the right and immediately descended Dent-dale. The three dales (to

Hawes, to Ingleton, and to Dent) lay their heads together in a most

amicable way, so that, when at the top, it is equally easy to descend

down either of them. We found very soon that Dent-dale is much more

beautiful than that by which we had ascended. The sides of the hills

are steeper, and perhaps higher: the bottom is richer. The road is

also better. The river is a continued succession of very pretty falls,

almost all of which have scooped out the lower strata of the rock, so

that the water shoots clear over. For several miles (perhaps 10) it

runs upon bare limestone without a particle of earth. From the head of

the dale to the village of Dent is eight miles. At about half-way is a

new chapel, very neat, with a transept at its west end. The village of

Dent is one of the strangest places that I ever saw. Narrow street, up

and down, with no possibility of two carriages bigger than children's

carts passing each other. We stopped at the head inn and enquired

about the Geolog: but he is not in the country. We then called on his

brother, who was much surprised and pleased to see us. His wife came

in soon after (his daughter having gone with a party to see some

waterfall) and they urged us to stop and dine with them. So we walked

about and saw every place about the house, church, and school,

connected with the history of the Geolog: and then dined. I promised

that you should call there some time when we are in the north together

and spend a day or two with them. Mr Sedgwick says it is reported that

Whewell will take Sedbergh living (which is now vacant: Trinity

College is patron). Then we had our chaise and went to Sedbergh. The

very mouth of Dent-dale is more contracted than its higher

parts. Sedbergh is embosomed among lumping hills. Then we had another

carriage to drive to Kendal.

* * * * *

Here is a recollection of Wordsworth:

SALUTATION, AMBLESIDE,

_1841, Sept. 19_.

We then got our dinner at Lowwood, and walked straight to Ambleside,

changed our shoes, and walked on to Rydal to catch Wordsworth at

tea. Miss Wordsworth was being drawn about in a chair just as she was

seven years ago. I do not recollect her appearance then so as to say

whether she is much altered, but I think not. Mr Wordsworth is as

full of good talk as ever, and seems quite strong and well. Mrs

Wordsworth looks older. Their son William was at tea, but he had come

over only for the day or evening. There was also a little girl, who I

think is Mrs Wordsworth's niece.

1842

"In this year I commenced a troublesome work, the Description of the

Northumberland Telescope. On Sept. 9th I wrote to the Duke of

Northumberland suggesting this, sending him a list of Plates, and

submitting an estimate of expense _£120_. On Sept. 19th I received the

Duke's assent. I applied to Prof. Challis (at the Cambridge

Observatory) requesting him to receive the draughtsman, Sly, in his

house, which he kindly consented to do.

"With regard to Estimates. I now began to point out to the Admiralty

the inconvenience of furnishing separate estimates, viz. to the

Admiralty for the Astronomical Establishment, and to the Treasury for

the Magnetical and Meteorological Establishment.--The great work of

the Lunar Reductions proceeded steadily: 14 computers were employed on

them.--With regard to the Magnetical and Meteorological Establishment:

I suppose that James Ross's expedition had returned: and with this,

according to the terms of the original grant, the Magnetical and

Meteorological Establishments expired. There was much correspondence

with the Royal Society and the Treasury, and ultimately Sir R. Peel

consented to the continuation of the establishments to the end of

1845.--In this year began my correspondence with Mr Mitchell about the

Cincinnati Observatory. On Aug. 25 Mr Mitchell settled himself at

Greenwich, and worked for a long time in the Computing Room.--And in

this year Mr Aiken of Liverpool first wrote to me about the Liverpool

Observatory, and a great deal of correspondence followed: the plans

were in fact entirely entrusted to me.--July 7th was the day of the

Total Eclipse of the Sun, which I observed with my wife at the

Superga, near Turin. I wrote an account of my observations for the

Royal Astronomical Society.--On Jan. 10th I notified to Mr Goulburn

that our Report on the Restoration of the Standards was ready, and on

Jan. 12th I presented it. After this followed a great deal of

correspondence, principally concerning the collection of authenticated

copies of the Old Standards from all sides.--In some discussions with

Capt. Shirreff, then Captain Superintendent of the Chatham Dockyard,

I suggested that machinery might be made which would saw ship-timbers

to their proper form, and I sent him some plans on Nov. 8th. This was

the beginning of a correspondence which lasted long, but which led to

nothing, as will appear hereafter.--On Dec. 15th, being on a visit to

Dean Peacock at Ely, I examined the Drainage Scoop Wheel at

Prickwillow, and made a Report to him by letter, which obtained

circulation and was well known.--On May 26th the manuscript of my

article, 'Tides and Waves,' for the Encyclopaedia Metropolitana was

sent to the printer. I had extensive correspondence, principally on

local tides, with Whewell and others. Tides were observed for me by

Colby's officers at Southampton, by myself at Christchurch and Poole,

at Ipswich by Ransome's man; and a great series of observations of

Irish Tides were made on my plan under Colby's direction in June, July

and August.--On Sept. 15th Mr Goulburn, Chancellor of the Exchequer,

asked my opinion on the utility of Babbage's calculating machine, and

the propriety of expending further sums of money on it. I replied,

entering fully into the matter, and giving my opinion that it was

worthless.--I was elected an Honorary Member of the Institution of

Civil Engineers, London.

"The reduction and printing of the astronomical observations had been

getting into arrear: the last revise of the 1840 observations went to

press on May 18th, 1842. On Aug. 18th came into operation a new

organization of Assistants' hours of attendance, &c., required for

bringing up reductions. I worked hard myself and my example had good

effect." His reference to this subject in his Report to the Visitors

is as follows: "I have in one of the preceding articles alluded to the

backwardness of our reductions. In those which follow it I trust that

I have sufficiently explained it. To say nothing of the loss, from ill

health, of the services of most efficient assistants, I am certain

that the quantity of current work will amply explain any

backwardness. Perhaps I may particularly mention that in the

observations of 1840 there was an unusual quantity of equatoreal

observations, and the reductions attending these occupied a very great

time. But, as regards myself, there has been another cause. The

reduction of the Ancient Lunar and Planetary Observations, the

attention to chronometer constructions, the proposed management of the

printing of papers relating to important operations at the Cape of

Good Hope; these and similar operations have taken up much of my

time. I trust that I am doing well in rendering Greenwich, even more

distinctly than it has been heretofore, the place of reference to all

the world for the important observations, and results of observations,

on which the system of the universe is founded. As regards myself, I

have been accustomed, in these matters, to lay aside private

considerations; to consider that I am not a mere Superintendent of

current observations, but a Trustee for the honour of Greenwich

Observatory generally, and for its utility generally to the world;

nay, to consider myself not as mere Director of Greenwich Observatory,

but (however unworthy personally) as British Astronomer, required

sometimes by my office to interfere (when no personal offence is

given) in the concerns of other establishments of the State. If the

Board supports me in this view there can be little doubt that the

present delay of computations, relating to current observations, will

be considered by them as a very small sacrifice to the important

advantage that may be gained by proper attention to the observations

of other times and other places."

"Of private history: In February I went for a week to Playford and

Norwich, visiting Prof. Sedgwick at the latter place. On Mar. 1st my

third daughter Christabel was born. In March I paid a short visit to

Sir John Herschel at Hawkhurst. From June 12th to Aug. 11th I was

travelling with my wife on the Continent, being partly occupied with

the observation of the Total Eclipse of the Sun on July 7th. The

journey was in Switzerland and North Italy. In December I went to

Cambridge and Ely, visiting Dr Peacock at the latter place."

From Feb. 23rd to 28th Airy was engaged on Observations of Tides at

Southampton, Christchurch, Poole, and Weymouth. During this expedition

he wrote frequently (as he always did) to his wife on the incidents of

his journey, and the following letters appear characteristic:

KING'S ARMS, CHRISTCHURCH,

OR XCHURCH,

_1842, Feb. 24_.

The lower of the above descriptions of my present place of abode is

the correct one, as I fearlessly assert on the authority of divers

direction-posts on the roads leading to it (by the bye this supports

my doctrine that x in Latin was not pronounced eks but khi, because

the latter is the first letter of Christ, for which x is here

traditionally put). Finding this morning that Yolland (who called on

me as soon as I had closed the letter to you) was perfectly inclined

to go on with the tide observations at Southampton, and that his

corporals of sappers were conducting them in the most exemplary

manner, I determined on starting at once. However we first went to

look at the New Docks (mud up to the knees) and truly it is a very

great work. There is to be enclosed a good number of acres of water 22

feet deep: one dock locked in, the other a tidal dock or basin with

that depth at low water. They are surrounded by brick walls eight feet

thick at top, 10 or more at bottom; and all the parts that ever can be

exposed are faced with granite. The people reckon that this work when

finished will attract a good deal of the London commerce, and I should

not be surprised at it. For it is very much easier for ships to get

into Southampton than into London, and the railway carriage will make

them almost one. A very large steamer is lying in Southampton Water:

the Oriental, which goes to Alexandria. The Lady Mary Wood, a large

steamer for Lisbon and Gibraltar, was lying at the pier. The said pier

is a very pleasant place of promenade, the water and banks are so

pretty, and there is so much liveliness of ships about it. Well I

started in a gig, in a swashing rain, which continued off and on for a

good while. Of the 21 miles, I should think that 15 were across the

New Forest. I do not much admire it. As for Norman William's

destruction of houses and churches to make it hunting ground, that is

utter nonsense which never could have been written by anybody that

ever saw it: but as to hunting, except his horses wore something like

mud-pattens or snow-shoes, it is difficult to conceive it. Almost the

whole Forest is like a great sponge, water standing in every part. In

the part nearer to Xchurch forest trees, especially beeches, seem to

grow well. We stopped to bait at Lyndhurst, a small place high up in

the Forest: a good view, such as it is, from the churchyard. The

hills of the Isle of Wight occasionally in sight. On approaching

Xchurch the chalk cliffs of the west end of the Isle of Wight (leading

to the Needles) were partly visible; and, as the sun was shining on

them, they fairly blazed. Xchurch is a small place with a

magnificent-looking church (with lofty clerestory, double transept,

&c., but with much irregularity) which I propose to visit

to-morrow. Also a ruin which looks like an abbey, but the people call

it a castle. There is a good deal of low land about it, and the part

between the town and the sea reminded me a good deal of the estuary

above Cardigan, flat ill-looking bogs (generally islands) among the

water. I walked to the mouth of the river (more than two miles)

passing a nice little place called Sandford, with a hotel and a lot of

lodgings for summer sea-people. At the entrance of the river is a

coastguard station, and this I find is the place to which I must go in

the morning to observe the tide. I had some talk with the coastguard

people, and they assure me that the tide is really double as

reported. As I came away the great full moon was rising, and I could

read in her unusually broad face (indicating her nearness to the

earth) that there will be a powerful tide. I came in and have had

dinner and tea, and am now going to bed, endeavouring to negociate for

a breakfast at six o'clock to-morrow morning. It is raining cats and

dogs.

* * * * *

LUCE'S HOTEL, WEYMOUTH,

_1842, Feb. 27_.

This morning when I got up I found that it was blowing fresh from

S.W. and the sea was bursting over the wall of the eastern extremity

of the Esplanade very magnanimously. So (the swell not being

favourable for tide-observations) I gave them up and determined to go

to see the surf on the Chesil Bank. I started with my great-coat on,

more for defence against the wind than against rain; but in a short

time it began to rain, and just when I was approaching the bridge

which connects the mainland with the point where the Chesil Bank ends

at Portland (there being an arm of the sea behind the Chesil Bank) it

rained and blew most dreadfully. However I kept on and mounted the

bank and descended a little way towards the sea, and there was the

surf in all its glory. I cannot give you an idea of its majestic

appearance. It was evidently very high, but that was not the most

striking part of it, for there was no such thing as going within a

considerable distance of it (the occasional outbreaks of the water

advancing so far) so that its magnitude could not be well seen. My

impression is that the height of the surf was from 10 to 20 feet. But

the striking part was the clouds of solid spray which formed

immediately and which completely concealed all the other operations of

the water. They rose a good deal higher than the top of the surf, so

the state of things was this. A great swell is seen coming, growing

steeper and steeper; then it all turns over and you see a face just

like the pictures of falls of Niagara; but in a little more than one

second this is totally lost and there is nothing before you but an

enormous impenetrable cloud of white spray. In about another second

there comes from the bottom of this cloud the foaming current of water

up the bank, and it returns grating the pebbles together till their

jar penetrates the very brain. I stood in the face of the wind and

rain watching this a good while, and should have stood longer but that

I was so miserably wet. It appeared to me that the surf was higher

farther along the bank, but the air was so thickened by the rain and

the spray that I could not tell. When I returned the bad weather

abated. I have now borrowed somebody else's trowsers while mine are

drying (having got little wet in other parts, thanks to my great-coat,

which successfully brought home a hundredweight of water), and do not

intend to stir out again except perhaps to post this letter.

* * * * *

FLAMSTEED HOUSE,

_1842, May 15_.

Yesterday after posting the letter for you I went per steamboat to

Hungerford. I then found Mr Vignoles, and we trundled off together,

with another engineer named Smith, picking up Stratford by the way, to

Wormwood Scrubs. There was a party to see the Atmospheric Railway in

action: including (among others) Sir John Burgoyne, whom I met in

Ireland several years ago, and Mr Pym, the Engineer of the Dublin and

Kingstown Railway, whom I have seen several times, and who is very

sanguine about this construction; and Mr Clegg, the proposer of the

scheme (the man that invented gas in its present arrangements), and

Messrs Samuda, two Jews who are the owners of the experiment now going

on; and Sir James South! With the latter hero and mechanician we did

not come in contact. Unfortunately the stationary engine (for working

the air-pump which draws the air out of the pipes and thus sucks the

carriages along) broke down during the experiment, but not till we had

seen the carriage have one right good run. And to be sure it is very

funny to see a carriage running all alone "as if the Devil drove it"

without any visible cause whatever. The mechanical arrangements we

were able to examine as well after the engine had broken down as at

any time. And they are very simple and apparently very satisfactory,

and there is no doubt of the mechanical practicability of the thing

even in places where locomotives can hardly be used: whether it will

pay or not is doubtful. I dare say that the Commissioners' Report has

taken a very good line of discrimination.

* * * * *

1843

"In March I wrote to Dr Wynter (Vice-Chancellor) at Oxford, requesting

permission to see Bradley's and Bliss's manuscript Observations, with

the view of taking a copy of them. This was granted, and the books of

Transits were subsequently copied under Mr Breen's superintendence.

--The following paragraph is extracted from the Report to

the Visitors: 'In the Report of last year, I stated that our

reductions had dropped considerably in arrear. I have the satisfaction

now of stating that this arrear and very much more have been

completely recovered, and that the reductions are now in as forward a

state as at any time since my connection with the Observatory.' In

fact the observations of 1842 were sent to press on Mar. 1st,

1843.--About this year the Annual Dinner at the Visitation began to be

more important, principally under the management of Capt. W.H. Smyth,

R.N.--In November I was enquiring about an 8-inch object-glass. I had

already in mind the furnishing of our meridional instruments with

greater optical powers.--On July 14th the Admiralty referred to me a

Memorial of Mr J.G. Ulrich, a chronometer maker, claiming a reward for

improvements in chronometers. I took a great deal of trouble in the

investigation of this matter, by books, witnesses, &c., and finally

reported on Nov. 4th that there was no ground for claim.--In April I

received the first application of the Royal Exchange Committee, for

assistance in the construction of the Clock: this led to a great deal

of correspondence, especially with Dent.--The Lunar Reductions were

going on in full vigour.--I had much work in connection with the Cape

Observatory: partly about an equatoreal required for the Observatory,

but chiefly in getting Maclear's work through the press.--In this year

I began to think seriously of determining the longitude of Valencia in

Ireland, as a most important basis for the scale of longitude in these

latitudes, by the transmission of chronometers; and in August I went

to Valencia and examined the localities. In September I submitted a

plan to the Admiralty, but it was deferred.--The new Commission for

restoring the Standards was appointed on June 20th, I being Chairman.

The work of collecting standards and arranging plans was going on; Mr

Baily attending to Standards of Length, and Prof. W.H. Miller to

Standards of Weight. We held two meetings.--A small assistance was

rendered to me by Mr Charles May (of the firm of Ransomes and May),

which has contributed much to the good order of papers in the

Observatory. Mr Robert Ransome had remarked my method of punching

holes in the paper by a hand-punch, the places of the holes being

guided by holes in a piece of card, and said that they could furnish

me with something better. Accordingly, on Aug. 28th Mr May sent me the

punching machine, the prototype of all now used in the Observatory.

"On Sept. 25th was made my proposal for an Altazimuth Instrument for

making observations of the Moon's place more frequently and through

parts of her orbit where she could never be observed with meridional

instruments; the most important addition to the Observatory since its

foundation. The Board of Visitors recommended it to the Admiralty,

and the Admiralty sanctioned the construction of the instrument and

the building to contain it." The following passage is quoted from the

Address of the Astronomer Royal to the Board of Visitors at the

Special Meeting of Nov. 10th, 1843: "The most important object in the

institution and maintenance of the Royal Observatory has always been

the Observations of the Moon. In this term I include the determination

of the places of fixed stars which are necessary for ascertaining the

instrumental errors applicable to the instrumental observations of the

Moon. These, as regards the objects of the institution, were merely

auxiliaries: the history of the circumstances which led the Government

of the day to supply the funds for the construction of the Observatory

shews that, but for the demands of accurate Lunar Determinations as

aids to navigation, the erection of a National Observatory would never

have been thought of. And this object has been steadily kept in view

when others (necessary as fundamental auxiliaries) were passed

by. Thus, during the latter part of Bradley's time, and Bliss's time

(which two periods are the least efficient in the modern history of

the Observatory), and during the latter part of Maskelyne's presidency

(when, for years together, there is scarcely a single observation of

the declination of a star), the Observations of the Moon were kept up

with the utmost regularity. And the effect of this regularity, as

regards its peculiar object, has been most honourable to the

institution. The existing Theories and Tables of the Moon are founded

entirely upon the Greenwich Observations; the Observatory of Greenwich

has been looked to as that from which alone adequate observations can

be expected, and from which they will not be expected in vain: and it

is not perhaps venturing too much to predict that, unless some gross

dereliction of duty by the managers of the Observatory should occur,

the Lunar Tables will always be founded on Greenwich Observations.

With this impression it has long been to me a matter of

consideration whether means should not be taken for rendering the

series of Observations of the Moon more complete than it can be made

by the means at present recognized in our observatories."--In

illustration of the foregoing remarks, the original inscription still

remaining on the outside of the wall of the Octagon Room of the

Observatory may be quoted. It runs thus: 'Carolus II's Rex Optimus

Astronomiae et Nauticae Artis Patronus Maximus Speculam hanc in

utriusque commodum fecit Anno D'ni MDCLXXVI Regni sui XXVIII curante

Iona Moore milite RTSG.'

"The Ashburton Treaty had been settled with the United States, for the

boundary between Canada and the State of Maine, and one of its

conditions was, that a straight line about 65 miles in length should

be drawn through dense woods, connecting definite points. It soon

appeared that this could scarcely be done except by astronomical

operations. Lord Canning, Under Secretary of the Foreign Office,

requested me to nominate two astronomers to undertake the work. I

strongly recommended that Military Officers should carry out the work,

and Capt. Robinson and Lieut. Pipon were detached for this service. On

Mar. 1st they took lodgings at Greenwich, and worked at the

Observatory every day and night through the month. My detailed

astronomical instructions to them were drawn out on Mar. 29th. I

prepared all the necessary skeleton forms, &c., and looked to their

scientific equipment in every way. The result will be given in 1844.

"Of private history: In January I went to Dover with my wife to see

the blasting of a cliff there: we also visited Sir J. Herschel at

Hawkhurst. In April I was at Playford, on a visit to Arthur

Biddell. On Apr. 9th my daughter Annot was born. From July 22nd to

August 25th I was travelling in the South of Ireland, chiefly to see

Valencia and consider the question of determining its longitude:

during this journey I visited Lord Rosse at Birr Castle, and returned

to Weymouth, where my family were staying at the time. In October I

visited Cambridge, and in December I was again at Playford."

The journey to Cambridge (Oct. 24th to 27th) was apparently in order

to be present on the occasion of the Queen's visit there on the 25th:

the following letter relating to it was written to his wife:

SEDGWICK'S ROOMS,

TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.

_1843, Oct. 26, Thursday_.

I have this morning received your letter: I had no time to write

yesterday. There are more things to tell of than I can possibly

remember. The Dean of Ely yesterday was in a most ludicrous state of

misery because his servant had sent his portmanteau (containing his

scarlet academicals as well as everything else) to London, and it went

to Watford before it was recovered: but he got it in time to shew

himself to-day. Yesterday morning I came early to breakfast with

Sedgwick. Then I walked about the streets to look at the

flags. Cambridge never had such an appearance before. In looking along

Trinity Street or Trumpington Street there were arches and flags as

close as they could stand, and a cord stretched from King's Entrance

to Mr Deck's or the next house with flags on all its length: a flag on

St Mary's, and a huge royal standard ready to hoist on Trinity

Gateway: laurels without end. I applied at the Registrar's office for

a ticket which was to admit me to Trinity Court, the Senate House,

&c., and received from Peacock one for King's Chapel. Then there was

an infinity of standing about, and very much I was fatigued, till I

got some luncheon at Blakesley's rooms at 1 o'clock. This was

necessary because there was to be no dinner in hall on account of the

Address presentation. The Queen was expected at 2, and arrived about

10 minutes after 2. When she drove up to Trinity Gate, the

Vice-Chancellor, masters, and beadles went to meet her, and the

beadles laid down their staves, which she desired them to take

again. Then she came towards the Lodge as far as the Sundial, where

Whewell as master took the college keys (a bundle of rusty keys tied

together by a particularly greasy strap) from the bursar Martin, and

handed them to the Queen, who returned them. Then she drove round by

the turret-corner of the court to the Lodge door. Almost every member

of the University was in the court, and there was a great hurraing

except when the ceremonies were going forward. Presently the Queen

appeared at a window and bowed, and was loudly cheered. Then notice

was given that the Queen and Prince would receive the Addresses of the

University in Trinity hall, and a procession was formed, in which I

had a good place, as I claimed rank with the Professors. A throne and

canopy were erected at the top of the hall, but the Queen did not sit,

which was her own determination, because if she had sat it would have

been proper that everybody should back out before presenting the

Address to the Prince: which operation would have suffocated at least

100 people. The Queen wore a blue gown and a brown shawl with an

immense quantity of gold embroidery, and a bonnet. Then it was known

that the Queen was going to service at King's Chapel at half past

three: so everybody went there. I saw the Queen walk up the antechapel

and she looked at nothing but the roof. I was not able to see her in

chapel or to see the throne erected for her with its back to the

Table, which has given great offence to many people. (I should have

said that before the Queen came I called on Dr Haviland, also on

Scholefield, also on the Master of Christ's.) After this she returned

to Trinity, and took into her head to look at the chapel. The cloth

laid on the pavement was not long enough and the undergraduates laid

down their gowns. Several of the undergraduate noblemen carried

candles to illuminate Newton's statue. After this the Prince went by

torchlight to the library. Then I suppose came dinner, and then it was

made known that at half-past nine the Queen would receive some Members

of the University. So I rigged myself up and went to the levée at the

Lodge and was presented in my turn; by the Vice-Chancellor as

"Ex-Professor Airy, your Majesty's Astronomer Royal." The Queen and

the Prince stood together, and a bow was made to and received from

each. The Prince recognised me and said "I am glad to see you," or

something like that. Next to him stood Goulburn, and next Lord

Lyndhurst, who to my great surprise spoke very civilly to me (as I

will tell you afterwards). The Queen had her head bare and a sort of

French white gown and looked very well. She had the ribbon of the

Garter on her breast; but like a ninny I forgot to look whether she

had the Garter upon her arm. The Prince wore his Garter. I went to bed

dead tired and got up with a headache.--About the degree to the Prince

and the other movements I will write again.

* * * * *

Here is a note from Cubitt relating to the blasting of the Round Down

Cliff at Dover referred to above:

GREAT GEORGE STREET,

_Jan. 20th, 1843_.

MY DEAR SIR,

_Thursday_ next the 26th at 12 is the time fixed for the attempt to

blow out the foot of the "Round Down" Cliff near Dover.

The Galvanic apparatus has been repeatedly tried in place--that is by

exploding cartridges in the very chambers of the rock prepared for the

powder--with the batteries at 1200 feet distance they are in full form

and act admirably so that I see but little fear of failure on that

head.

They have been rehearsing the explosions on the plan I most strongly

recommended, that is--to fire each chamber by an independent battery

and circuit and to discharge the three batteries simultaneously by

signal or word of command which answers well and "no mistake."

I shall write to Sir John Herschel to-day, and remain

My dear Sir,

Very truly yours,

W. CUBITT.

G.B. Airy, Esq.

* * * * *

The following extracts are from letters to his wife written in Ireland

when on his journey to consider the determination of the longitude of

Valencia.

SKIBBEREEN,

_1843, July 28_.

By the bye, to shew the quiet of Ireland now, I saw in a newspaper at

Cork this account. At some place through which a repeal-association

was to pass (I forget its name) the repealers of the place set up a

triumphal arch. The police pulled it down, and were pelted by the

repealers, and one of the policemen was much bruised. O'Connell has

denounced this place as a disgrace to the cause of repeal, and has

moved in the full meeting that the inhabitants of this place be struck

off the repeal list, with no exception but that of the parish priest

who was proved to be absent. And O'Connell declares that he will not

pass through this place. Now for my journey. It is a sort of

half-mountain country all the way, with some bogs to refresh my eyes.

VALENCIA HOTEL,

_1843, August 6_.

It seems that my coming here has caused infinite alarm. The common

people do not know what to conjecture, but have some notion that the

"sappers and miners" are to build a bridge to admit the charge of

cavalry into the island. An attendant of Mrs Fitzgerald expressed how

strange it was that a man looking so mild and gentle could meditate

such things "but never fear, Maam, those that look so mild are always

the worst": then she narrated how that her husband was building some

stables, but that she was demanding of him "Pat, you broth of a boy,

what is the use of your building stables when these people are coming

to destroy everything." I suspect that the people who saw me walking

up through the storm yesterday must have thought me the prince of the

powers of the air at least.

HIBERNIAN HOTEL, TRALEE,

_1843, August 7_.

I sailed from Valencia to Cahersiveen town in a sail-boat up the water

(not crossing at the ferry). I had accommodated my time to the wish of

the boatman, who desired to be there in time for prayers: so that I

had a long waiting at Cahersiveen for the mail car. In walking through

the little town, I passed the chapel (a convent chapel) to which the

people were going: and really the scene was very curious. The chapel

appeared to be overflowing full, and the court in front of it was full

of people, some sitting on the ground, some kneeling, and some

prostrate. There were also people in the street, kneeling with their

faces towards the gate pillars, &c. It seemed to me that the priest

and the chapel were of less use here than even in the continental

churches, and I do not see why both parties should not have stopped at

home. When the chapel broke up, it seemed as if the streets were

crammed with people. The turnout that even a small village in Ireland

produces is perfectly amazing.

1844

"In the course of 1843 I had put in hand the engraving of the drawings

of the Northumberland Telescope at Cambridge Observatory, and wrote

the description for letterpress. In the course of 1844 the work was

completed, and the books were bound and distributed.

"The building to receive the Altazimuth Instrument was erected in the

course of the year; during the construction a foreman fell into the

foundation pit and broke his leg, of which accident he died. This is

the only accident that I have known at the Observatory.--The

Electrometer Mast and sliding frame were erected near the Magnetic

Observatory.--The six-year Catalogue of 1439 stars was finished; this

work had been in progress during the last few years.--In May I went to

Woolwich to correct the compasses of the 'Dover,' a small iron steamer

carrying mails between Dover and Ostend: this I believe was the first

iron ship possessed by the Admiralty.--The Lunar Reductions were

making good progress; 16 computers were employed upon them. I made

application for printing them and the required sum (_£1000_) was

granted by the Treasury.--In this year commenced that remarkable

movement which led to the discovery of Neptune. On Feb. 13th

Prof. Challis introduced Mr Adams to me by letter. On Feb. 15th I sent

my observed places of Uranus, which were wanted. On June 19th I also

sent places to Mr E. Bouvard.--As regards the National Standards, Mr

Baily (who undertook the comparisons relating to standards of length)

died soon, and Mr Sheepshanks then undertook the work.--I attended the

meeting of the British Association held at York (principally in

compliment to the President, Dr Peacock), and gave an oral account of

my work on Irish Tides.--At the Oxford Commemoration in June, the

honorary degree of D.C.L. was conferred on M. Struve and on me, and

then a demand was made on each of us for _£6. 6s._ for fees. We were

much disgusted and refused to pay it, and I wrote angrily to Dr

Wynter, the Vice-Chancellor. The fees were ultimately paid out of the

University Chest.

"In this year the longitude of Altona was determined by M. Struve for

the Russian Government. For this purpose it was essential that

facilities should be given for landing chronometers at Greenwich. But

the consent of the customhouse authorities had first to be obtained,

and this required a good deal of negotiation. Ultimately the

determination was completed in the most satisfactory manner. The

chronometers, forty-two in number, crossed the German Sea sixteen

times. The transit observers were twice interchanged, in order to

eliminate not only their Personal Equation, but also the gradual

change of Personal Equation. On Sept. 30th Otto Struve formally wrote

his thanks for assistance rendered.

"For the determination of the longitude of Valencia, which was carried

out in this year, various methods were discussed, but the plan of

sending chronometers by mail conveyance was finally approved. From

London to Liverpool the chronometers were conveyed by the railways,

from Liverpool to Kingstown by steamer, from Dublin to Tralee by the

Mail Coaches, from Tralee to Cahersiveen by car, from Cahersiveen to

Knightstown by boat, and from Knightstown to the station on the hill

the box was carried like a sedan-chair. There were numerous other

arrangements, and all succeeded perfectly without a failure of any

kind. Thirty pocket chronometers traversed the line between Greenwich

and Kingstown about twenty-two times, and that between Kingstown and

Valencia twenty times. The chronometrical longitudes of Liverpool

Observatory, Kingstown Station, and Valencia Station are 12m 0.05s,

24m 31.17s, 41m 23.25s; the geodetic longitudes, computed from

elements which I published long ago in the Encyclopaedia

Metropolitana, are 12m 0.34s, 24m 31.47s, 41m 23.06s. It appears from

this that the elements to which I have alluded represent the form of

the Earth here as nearly as is possible. On the whole, I think it

probable that this is the best arc of parallel that has ever been

measured.

"With regard to the Maine Boundary: on May 7th Col. Estcourt, the

British Commissioner, wrote to me describing the perfect success of

following out my plan: the line of 64 miles was cut by directions laid

out at the two ends, and the cuttings met within 341 feet. The country

through which this line was to pass is described as surpassing in its

difficulties the conception of any European. It consists of

impervious forests, steep ravines, and dismal swamps. A survey for the

line was impossible, and a tentative process would have broken the

spirit of the best men. I therefore arranged a plan of operations

founded on a determination of the absolute latitudes and the

difference of longitudes of the two extremities. The difference of

longitudes was determined by the transfer of chronometers by the very

circuitous route from one extremity to the other; and it was necessary

to divide the whole arc into four parts, and to add a small part by

measure and bearing. When this was finished, the azimuths of the line

for the two ends were computed, and marks were laid off for starting

with the line from both ends. One party, after cutting more than

forty-two miles through the woods, were agreeably surprised, on the

brow of a hill, at seeing directly before them a gap in the woods on

the next line of hill; it opened gradually, and proved to be the line

of the opposite party. On continuing the lines till they passed

abreast of each other, their distance was found to be 341 feet. To

form an estimate of the magnitude of this error, it is to be observed

that it implies an error of only a quarter of a second of time in the

difference of longitudes; and that it is only one-third (or nearly so)

of the error which would have been committed if the spheroidal form of

the Earth had been neglected. I must point out the extraordinary merit

of the officers who effected this operation. Transits were observed

and chronometers were interchanged when the temperature was lower than

19° below zero: and when the native assistants, though paid highly,

deserted on account of the severity of the weather, the British

officers still continued the observations upon whose delicacy

everything depended.

"Of private history: From July 3rd to Aug. 13th I was in Ireland with

my wife. This was partly a business journey in connection with the

determination of the longitude of Valencia. On Jan. 4th I asked Lord

Lyndhurst (Lord Chancellor) to present my brother to the living of

Helmingham, which he declined to do: but on Dec. 12th he offered

Binbrooke, which I accepted for my brother."

1845

"A map of the Buildings and Grounds of the Observatory was commenced

in 1844, and was still in progress.--On Mar. 19th I was employed on a

matter which had for some time occupied my thoughts, viz., the

re-arrangement of current manuscripts. I had prepared a sloping box

(still in use) to hold 24 portfolios: and at this time I arranged

papers A, and went on with B, C, &c. Very little change has been made

in these.--In reference to the time given to the weekly report on

Meteorology to the Registrar General, the Report to the Board of

Visitors contains the following paragraph: 'The devotion of some of my

assistants' time and labour to the preparation of the Meteorological

Report attached to the weekly report of the Registrar General, is, in

my opinion, justified by the bearing of the meteorological facts upon

the medical facts, and by the attention which I understand that Report

to have excited.'--On Dec. 13th the sleep of Astronomy was broken by

the announcement that a new planet, Astraea, was discovered by Mr

Hencke. I immediately circulated notices.--But in this year began a

more remarkable planetary discussion. On Sept. 22nd Challis wrote to

me to say that Mr Adams would leave with me his results on the

explanation of the irregularities of Uranus by the action of an

exterior planet. In October Adams called, in my absence. On Nov. 5th I

wrote to him, enquiring whether his theory explained the irregularity

of radius-vector (as well as that of longitude). I waited for an

answer, but received none. (See the Papers printed in the Royal

Astronomical Society's Memoirs and Monthly Notices).--In the Royal

Society, the Royal Medal was awarded to me for my Paper on the Irish

Tides.--In the Royal Astronomical Society I was President; and, with a

speech, delivered the Medal to Capt. Smyth for the Bedford Catalogue

of Double Stars.--On Jan. 21st I was appointed (with Schumacher) one

of the Referees for the King of Denmark's Comet Medal: I have the

King's Warrant under his sign manual.--The Tidal Harbour Commission

commenced on Apr. 5th: on July 21st my Report on Wexford Harbour (in

which I think I introduced important principles) was communicated. One

Report was made this year to the Government.--In the matter of Saw

Mills (which had begun in 1842), I had prepared a second set of plans

in 1844, and in this year Mr Nasmyth made a very favourable report on

my plan. A machinist of the Chatham Dock Yard, Sylvester, was set to

work (but not under my immediate command) to make a model: and this

produced so much delay as ultimately to ruin the design.--On Jan. 1st

I was engaged on my Paper 'On the flexure of a uniform bar, supported

by equal pressures at equidistant points.'" (This was probably in

connection with the support of Standards of Length, for the

Commission. Ed.).--In June I attended the Meeting of the British

Association at Cambridge, and on the 20th I gave a Lecture on

Magnetism in the Senate House. The following quotation relating to

this Lecture is taken from a letter by Whewell to his wife (see Life

of William Whewell by Mrs Stair Douglas): "I did not go to the Senate

House yesterday evening. Airy was the performer, and appears to have

outdone himself in his art of giving clearness and simplicity to the

hardest and most complex subjects. He kept the attention of his

audience quite enchained for above two hours, talking about

terrestrial magnetism."--On Nov. 29th I gave evidence before a

Committee of the House of Commons on Dover Harbour Pier.

"With respect to the Magnetical and Meteorological Establishment, the

transactions in this year were most important. It had been understood

that the Government establishments had been sanctioned twice for

three-year periods, of which the second would expire at the end of

1845: and it was a question with the scientific public whether they

should be continued. My own opinion was in favour of stopping the

observations and carefully discussing them. And I am convinced that

this would have been best, except for the subsequent introduction of

self-registering systems, in which I had so large a share. There was

much discussion and correspondence, and on June 7th the Board of

Visitors resolved that 'In the opinion of the Visitors it is of the

utmost importance that these observations should continue to be made

on the most extensive scale which the interests of those sciences may

require.' The meeting of the British Association was held at Cambridge

in June: and one of the most important matters there was the Congress

of Magnetic Philosophers, many of them foreigners. It was resolved

that the Magnetic Observatory at Greenwich be continued

permanently. At this meeting I proposed a resolution which has proved

to be exceedingly important. I had remarked the distress which the

continuous two-hourly observations through the night produced to my

Assistants, and determined if possible to remove it. I therefore

proposed 'That it is highly desirable to encourage by specific

pecuniary reward the improvement of self-recording magnetical and

meteorological apparatus: and that the President of the British

Association and the President of the Royal Society be requested to

solicit the favourable consideration of Her Majesty's Government to

this subject,' which was adopted. In October the Admiralty expressed

their willingness to grant a reward up to _£500_. Mr Charles Brooke

had written to me proposing a plan on Sept. 23rd, and he sent me his

first register on Nov. 24th. On Nov. 1st the Treasury informed the

Admiralty that the Magnetic Observatories will be continued for a

further period.

"The Railway Gauge Commission in this year was an important

employment. The Railways, which had begun with the Manchester and

Liverpool Railway (followed by the London and Birmingham) had advanced

over the country with some variation in their breadth of gauge. The

gauge of the Colchester Railway had been altered to suit that of the

Cambridge Railway. And finally there remained but two gauges: the

broad gauge (principally in the system allied with the Great Western

Railway); and the narrow gauge (through the rest of England). These

came in contact at Gloucester, and were likely to come in contact at

many other points--to the enormous inconvenience of the public. The

Government determined to interfere, beginning with a Commission. On

July 3rd Mr Laing (then on the Board of Trade) rode to Greenwich,

bearing a letter of introduction from Sir John Lefevre and a request

from Lord Dalhousie (President of the Board of Trade) that I would act

as second of a Royal Commission (Col. Sir Frederick Smith, Airy, Prof.

Barlow). I assented to this: and very soon began a vigorous course of

business. On July 23rd and 24th I went with Prof. Barlow and our

Secretary to Bristol, Gloucester, and Birmingham: on Dec. 17th I went

on railway experiments to Didcot: and on Dec. 29th to Jan. 2nd I went

to York, with Prof. Barlow and George Arthur Biddell, for railway

experiments. On Nov. 21st I finished a draft Report of the Railway

Gauge Commission, which served in great measure as a basis for that

adopted next year.

"Of private history: I wrote to Lord Lyndhurst on Feb. 20th,

requesting an exchange of the living to which he had presented my

brother in Dec. 1844 for that of Swineshead: to which he

consented.--On Jan. 29th I went with my wife on a visit to my uncle

George Biddell, at Bradfield St George, near Bury.--On June 9th I went

into the mining district of Cornwall with George Arthur Biddell.--From

Aug. 25th to Sept. 26th I was travelling in France with my sister and

my wife's sister, Georgiana Smith. I was well introduced, and the

journey was interesting.--On Oct. 29th my son Osmund was born.--Mr

F. Baily bequeathed to me _£500_, which realized _£450_."

Here are some extracts from letters written to his wife relating to

the visit to the Cornish mines, &c.--

PEARCE'S HOTEL, FALMOUTH,

_1845, June 12th, Thursday_.

Then we walked to the United Mines in Gwennap. The day was very fine

and now it was perfectly broiling: and the hills here are long and

steep. At the United Mines we found the Captain, and he invited us to

join in a rough dinner, to which he and the other captains were going

to sit down. Then we examined one of the great pumping engines, which

is considered the best in the country: and some other engines. Between

3 and 4 there was to be a setting out of some work to the men by a

sort of Dutch Auction (the usual way of setting out the work here):

some refuse ores were to be broken up and made marketable, and the

subject of competition was, for how little in the pound on the gross

produce the men would work them up. While we were here a man was

brought up who was hurt in blasting: a piece of rock had fallen on

him. At this mine besides the ladder ways, they have buckets sliding

in guides by which the men are brought up: and they are just preparing

for work another apparatus which they say is tried successfully at

another mine (Tresavean): there are two wooden rods _A_ and _B_

reaching from the top to the bottom, moved by cranks from the same

wheel, so that one goes up when the other goes down, and vice versâ:

each of these rods has small stages, at such a distance that when the

rod _A_ is down and the rod _B_ is up, the first stage of _A_ is level

with the first stage of _B_: but when the rod _A_ is up and the rod

_B_ is down, the second stage of _A_ is level with the first stage of

_B_: so a man who wants to descend steps on the first stage of _A_ and

waits till it goes down: then he steps sideways on the first stage of

_B_ and waits till it goes down: then he steps sideways to the second

stage of _A_ and waits till it goes down, and so on: or if a man is

coming up he does just the same. While we were here Mr R. Taylor

came. We walked home (a long step, perhaps seven miles) in a very hot

sun. Went to tea to Mr Alfred Fox, who has a house in a beautiful

position looking to the outside of Falmouth Harbour.

* * * * *

PENZANCE,

_1845, June 14, Saturday_.

Yesterday morning we breakfasted early at Falmouth, and before 9

started towards Gwennap. I had ascertained on Thursday that John

Williams (the senior of a very wealthy and influential family in this

country) was probably returned from London. So we drove first to his

house Burntcoose or Barncoose, and found him and his wife at

home. (They are Quakers, the rest of the family are not.) Sedgwick,

and Whewell, and I, or some of our party including me, had slept once

at their house. They received George and me most cordially, and

pressed us to come and dine with them after our visit to Tresavean

mine, of which intention I spoke in my last letter: so I named 4

o'clock as hour for dinner. After a little stay we drove to Tresavean,

where I found the Captain of the mine prepared to send an Underground

Captain and a Pit-man to descend with us. So we changed our clothes

and descended by the ladders in the pumpshaft. Pretty work to descend

with the huge pump-rods (garnished with large iron bolts) working

violently, making strokes of 12 feet, close to our elbows; and with a

nearly bottomless pit at the foot of every ladder, where we had to

turn round the foot of the ladder walking on only a narrow

board. However we got down to the bottom of the mine with great safety

and credit, seeing all the mighty machinery on the way, to a greater

depth than I ever reached before, namely 1900 feet. From the bottom of

the pump we went aside a short distance into the lowest workings where

two men nearly naked were driving a level towards the lode or vein of

ore. Here I felt a most intolerable heat: and upon moving to get out

of the place, I had a dreadful feeling of feebleness and fainting,

such as I never had in my life before. The men urged me to climb the

ladders to a level where the air was better, but they might as well

have urged me to lift up the rock. I could do nothing but sit down and

lean fainting against the rocks. This arose entirely from the badness

of the air. After a time I felt a trifle better, and then I climbed

one short ladder, and sat down very faint again. When I recovered, two

men tied a rope round me, and went up the ladder before me, supporting

a part of my weight, and in this way I ascended four or five ladders

(with long rests between) till we came to a level, 260 fathoms below

the adit or nearly 300 fathoms below the surface, where there was a

tolerable current of pretty good air. Here I speedily recovered,

though I was a little weak for a short time afterwards. George also

felt the bad air a good deal, but not so much as I. He descended to

some workings equally low in another place (towards which the party

that I spoke of were directing their works), but said that the air

there was by no means so bad. We all met at the bottom of the

man-engine 260 fathoms below the adit. We sat still a little while,

and I acquired sufficient strength and nerve, so that I did not feel

the slightest alarm in the operation of ascending by the

man-engine. This is the funniest operation that I ever saw: it is the

only absolute novelty that I have seen since I was in the country

before: it has been introduced 2-1/2 years in Tresavean, and one day

in the United Mines. In my last letter I described the principle. In

the actual use there is no other motion to be made by the person who

is ascending or descending than that of stepping sideways each time

(there being proper hand-holds) with no exertion at all, except that

of stepping exactly at the proper instant: and not the shadow of

unpleasant feeling in the motion. Any woman may go with the most

perfect comfort, if she will but attend to the rules of stepping, and

forget that there is an open pit down to the very bottom of the

mine. In this way we were pumped up to the surface, and came up as

cool as cucumbers, instead of being drenched with perspiration. In my

description in last letter I forgot to mention that between the stages

on the moving rods which I have there described there are intermediate

stages on the moving rods (for which there is ample room, inasmuch as

the interval between the stages on each rod used by one person is 24

feet), and these intermediate stages are used by persons _descending_:

so that there are persons _ascending_ and persons _descending_ at the

same time, who never interfere with each other and never step on the

same stages, but merely see each other passing on the other rods--It

is a most valuable invention. We then changed our clothes and washed,

and drove to Barncoose, arriving in good time for the dinner. I found

myself much restored by some superb Sauterne with water. When we were

proposing to go on to Camborne, Mr and Mrs Williams pressed us so

affectionately to stop that we at length decided on stopping for the

night, only bargaining for an early breakfast this morning. This

morning after breakfast, we started for Redruth and Camborne. The

population between them has increased immensely since I was here

before. &c. &c.

* * * * *

Here is a letter written to his wife while he was engaged on the

business of the Railway Gauge Commission. It contains reminiscences of

some people who made a great figure in the railway world at that time,

and was preceded by a letter which was playfully addressed "From the

Palace of King Hudson, York."

GEORGE INN, YORK,

_1845, Dec. 30_.

I wrote yesterday from Mr Hudson's in time for the late post, and hope

that my letter might be posted by the servant to whom it was

given. Our affairs yesterday were simple: we reached Euston Station

properly, found Watson there, found a carriage reserved for us, eat

pork-pie at Wolverton (not so good as formerly), dined at Derby, and

arrived in York at 5.20. On the way Watson informed me that the

Government have awarded us _£500_ each. Sir F. Smith had talked over

the matter with us, and I laid it down as a principle that we

considered the business as an important one and one of very great

responsibility, and that we wished either that the Government should

treat us handsomely or should consider us as servants of the State

acting gratuitously, to which they assented. I think the Government

have done very well. Mr Hudson, as I have said, met us on the platform

and pressed us to dine with him (though I had dined twice). Then we

found the rival parties quarrelling, and had to arrange between

them. This prevented me from writing for the early post. (I forgot to

mention that Saunders, the Great Western Secretary, rode with us all

the way). At Hudson's we had really a very pleasant dinner: I sat

between Vernon Harcourt and Mrs Malcolm (his sister Georgiana) and

near to Mr Hudson. This morning we were prepared at 9 at the Station

for some runs. Brunel and other people had arrived in the night. And

we have been to Darlington and back, with a large party in our

experimental train. George Arthur Biddell rode on the engine as

representing me. But the side wind was so dreadfully heavy that, as

regards the wants of the case, this day is quite thrown away. We have

since been to lunch with Vernon Harcourt (Mrs Harcourt not at home)

and then went with him to look at the Cathedral. The Chapter-house,

which was a little injured, has been pretty well restored: all other

things in good order. The Cathedral looks smaller and lower than

French cathedrals. Now that we have come in, the Lord Mayor of York

has just called to invite us to dinner to-morrow.--I propose to George

Arthur Biddell that he go to Newcastle this evening, in order to see

glass works and other things there to-morrow, and to return when he

can.

I think that I can persuade Barlow to stop to see the experiments out,

and if so I shall endeavour to return as soon as possible. The

earliest day would be the day after to-morrow.

* * * * *

The following extract is from a letter written to Mr Murray for

insertion in his Handbook of France, relating to the Breakwater at

Cherbourg, which Airy had visited during his journey in France in the

autumn of this year.

ROYAL OBSERVATORY, GREENWICH,

_1845, Oct. 8th_.

My opinion on the construction I need not say ought not to be quoted:

but you are quite welcome to found any general statement on it; or

perhaps it may guide you in further enquiries. To make it clear, I

must speak rather generally upon the subject. There are three ways in

which a breakwater may be constructed. 1. By building a strong wall

with perpendicular face from the bottom of the sea. 2. By making a

bank with nothing but slopes towards the sea. 3. By making a sloping

bank to a certain height and then building a perpendicular wall upon

it.--Now if the 1st of these constructions could be arranged, I have

no doubt that it would be the best of all, because a sea does not

_break_ against a perpendicular face, but recoils in an unbroken

swell, merely making a slow quiet push at the wall, and not making a

violent impact. But practically it is nearly impossible. The 2nd

construction makes the sea to break tremendously, but if the sloping

surface be made of square stone put together with reasonable care

there is not the smallest tendency to unseat these stones. This is the

principle of construction of Plymouth Breakwater. In the 3rd

construction, the slope makes the sea to break tremendously, and then

it strikes the perpendicular face with the force of a battering ram:

and therefore in my opinion this is the worst construction of all. A

few face-stones may easily be dislodged, and then the sea entering

with this enormous force will speedily destroy the whole. This is the

form of the Cherbourg Digue.

From this you will gather that I have a full belief that Plymouth

Breakwater will last very long, and that the Digue of Cherbourg, at

least its upper wall, will not last long. The great bank will last a

good while, gradually suffering degradation, but still protecting the

Road pretty well.

I was assured by the officers residing on the Digue that the sea which

on breaking is thrown vertically upwards and then falls down upon the

pavement does sometimes push the stones about which are lying there

and which weigh three or four tons.

I saw some preparations for the foundations of the fort at the eastern

extremity of the Digue. One artificial stone of concrete measured

12'9" × 6'7" × 5'7", and was estimated to weigh 25000 kilogrammes.