Yemen can be successfully attempted"--a remark, by the way, which
more than one of the ancients had made before him. All the
comparatively fertile districts in the south of Arabia, in fact, are
even more completely insulated by the deserts and barren mountains of
the interior on one side, than by the sea on the other--inasmuch as
easier access would be gained by an invader, even by the dangerous
and difficult navigation of the Red Sea, than by a march through a
region where the means of subsistence do not exist, and where the
Bedoweens, by choking or concealing the wells, might in a moment cut
off even the scanty supply of water which the country affords. This
mode of passive resistance was well understood and practised by them
as early as the time of Ælius Gallus, the first Roman general who
conceived the hope of rifling the virgin treasures popularly
believed to be buried in the inaccessible hoards of the princes of
Arabia, whose realms were long looked upon--perhaps on the principle
of _omne ignotum pro magnifico_--as a sort of indefinite and
mysterious El Dorado. [31]
[Footnote 31: "Intactis opulentior thesauris Arabum."
--_Horat. Od_. iii. 24. Pliny (_Hist. Nat_. vi. 32) more soberly
endeavours to prove the enormous accumulation of wealth which must
have taken place in Arabia, from the constant influx of the precious
metals for the purchase of their spices and other commodities, while
they bought none of the productions of other countries in return.]
These golden dreams speedily vanished as the country became more
extensively known: and though the Arab tribes of the desert between
Syria and the Euphrates acknowledged a nominal subjection to Rome,
the intercourse of the Imperial City with Yemen, or Arabia Felix,
was confined to the trade which was carried on over the Red Sea from
Egypt, and which became the channel through which not only the
spices of Arabia, but the rich products of India, and even the slaves
[32] and ivory of Eastern Africa, were supplied to the markets of
Italy. At the present day, almost the whole of the south coast of
Arabia fronting the Indian Ocean, nearly from the head of the Persian
Gulf to the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, as well as the eastern coast of
Africa, from Cape Guardafui to the entrance of the Mozambique Channel
a seaboard approaching 4000 miles in length--is more or less subject
to the Sultan of Muscat, [33] a prince whose power is almost wholly
maritime, and whose dominions nowhere extend more than thirty or forty
miles inland: while our own recent acquisition of Aden, a detached point
with which our communication can be maintained only by restraining
the command of the sea, has for the first time given an European
power (excepting the Turks, whose possessions in Arabia always
depended on Egypt) a _locus standi_ on the shores of Yemen.
[Footnote 32: This part of Africa is noticed by Arrian as famous for
the excellent quality of the slaves brought from [Greek: ta doulicha
chreissota],and it still retains its pre-eminence. The tribes in
this quarter are far superior both in personal appearance and
intellect to the negroes of Guinea.]
[Footnote 33: We have seen it somewhere stated that the Sultan has
also attempted, by means of his navy, to exercise authority on the
shores of Beloochistan; which would bring him into contact with our
own outposts at Soumeeani, &c., near the mouth of the Indus.]
The process by which we obtained this footing in Arabia was strictly
in accordance with the maxims of policy adopted by the then rulers
of British India, and which they were at the same time engaged in
carrying out, on a far more extended scale, in Affghanistan. In both
cases--perhaps from a benevolent anxiety to accommodate our
diplomacy to the primitive ideas of those with whom we had to deal--
"the good old rule
Sufficeth them, the simple plan
That they should take who have the power,
And they should keep who can"--
was assumed as the basis of our proceedings: and though the brilliant
success which for a time attended our philanthropic exertions in the
cause of good order and civilization beyond the Indus, so completely
threw into the shade the minor glories of Aden, that this latter
achievement attracted scarcely any public attention at the time of
its occurrence, its merits are quite sufficient to entitle it to a
more detailed notice than it has hitherto received in the pages of
Maga. Nor can a more opportune juncture be found than the present,
when the late events in Cabul have apparently had a marvellous
effect in opening the eyes of our statesmen, both in India and
England, to the moral and political delinquency of the system we
have so long pursued--of taking the previous owner's consent for
granted, whenever it suited our views to possess ourselves of a
fortress, island, or tract of territory, belonging to any nation not
sufficiently civilized to have had representatives at the Congress
of Vienna. Whether our repentance is to be carried the length of
universal restitution, remains to be seen; if so, it is to be hoped
that the circumstances of the capture of Aden will be duly borne in
mind. But before we proceed to detail the steps by which the British
colours came to be hoisted at this remote angle of Arabia, it will
be well to give some account of the place itself and its previous
history; since we suspect that the majority of newspaper politicians,
unless the intelligence of its capture chanced to catch their eye in
the columns of the _Times_, are to this day ignorant that such a
fortress is numbered among the possessions of the British crown.
The harbour of Aden, then, lies on the south coast of Yemen, as
nearly as possible in 12º 45' N. latitude, and 45º 10' E. longitude;
somewhat more than 100 miles east of Cape Bab-el-Mandeb, at the
entrance of the Red Sea; and about 150 miles by sea, or 120 by land,
from Mokha, [34] the nearest port within the Straits. The town was built
on the eastern side of a high rocky peninsula, about four miles in
length from E. to W., by two miles and a half N. and S.--which was
probably, at no very remote period, an island, but is now joined to
the mainland by a long low sandy isthmus, [35] on each side of which,
to the east and west, a harbour is formed between the peninsula and
the mainland. The East Bay, immediately opposite the town, though
of comparatively small extent, is protected by the rocky islet of
Seerah, rising seaward to the height of from 400 to 600 feet, and
affords excellent anchorage at all times, except during the north-east
monsoon: but the Western or Black Bay, completely landlocked and
sheltered in great part of its extent by the high ground of its
peninsula, (which rises to an elevation of nearly 1800 feet,) runs up
inland a distance of seven miles from the headland of Jibel-Hassan,
(which protects its mouth on the west,) to the junction of the isthmus
with the main, and presents at all times a secure and magnificent
harbour, four miles wide at the entrance, and perfectly free from
rocks, shoals, and all impediments to ingress or egress. Such are the
natural advantages of Aden: and "whoever"--says Wellsted--"might have
been the founder, the site was happily selected, and well calculated
by its imposing appearance not only to display the splendour of its
edifices, but also, uniting strength with ornament, to sustain the
character which it subsequently bore, as the port and bulwark of
Arabia Felix."
[Footnote 35: This isthmus is said by Lieutenant Wellsted to be "about
200 yards in breadth:" perhaps a misprint for 1200, as a writer in the
_United Service Journal_, May 1840, calls it 1350 yards; and,
according to the plan in the papers laid before Parliament, it would
appear to be rather more than half a mile at the narrowest part, where
it is crossed by the Turkish wall.]
From the almost impregnable strength of its situation, and the
excellence of its harbour, which affords almost the only secure
shelter for shipping near the junction of the Red Sea and the Indian
Ocean, Aden has been, both in ancient and modern times, a place of
note and importance as a central point for the commerce carried on
with the East by way of Egypt. It was known to the ancients as the
Arabian emporium, and Abulfeda, in the fourteenth century, describes
it, in his Geography, as "a city on the sea-shore, within the
district of Abiyan; with a safe and capacious port, much frequented
by ships from India and China, and by merchants and men of
wealth, not only from those countries, but from Abyssinia, the
Hedjaz, &c.;" adding, however, "that it is dry and burnt up by the
sun, and so totally destitute of pasture and water, that one of the
gates is named Bab-el-Sakiyyin, or _Gate of the Water-carriers_,
for fresh water must be brought from a distance." In somewhat
later times, when the Portuguese began to effect settlements on the
coasts of Guzerat and Malabar, and to attack the Mohammedan commerce
in the Indian Seas, the port of Aden (when, with the rest of Yemen,
then paid a nominal allegiance to the Egyptian monarchy) became the
principal rendezvous for the armaments equipped by the Circassian
Sultans of Cairo in the Red Sea, in aid of their Moslem brethren,
then oppressed by those whom the Sheikh Zein-ed-deen emphatically
denounces as "a race of unclean Frank interlopers--may the curse of
Allah rest upon them and all infidels!" It was, in consequence, more
than once attacked by the famous Alboquerque, (who, in 1513, lost
2000 men before it,) and his successor Lope Soarez, but the
Portuguese never succeeded in occupying it; and the Mamluke empire
was overthrown, in 1517, by the arms of the Ottoman Sultan, Selim I.
The new masters of Egypt, however, speedily adopted the policy of
the rulers whom they had supplanted; and not contented with the
limited _suzerainté_ over the Arab chiefs of Yemen, exercised by the
Circassian monarchs, determined on bringing that country under the
direct control of the Porte, as a _point d'appui_ for the operations
to be undertaken in the Indian Ocean. With this view, the eunuch,
Soliman-Pasha, who was sent in command of a formidible squadron from
Suez, in 1538, to attempt the recapture of Dui, [36] in Guzerat, from
the Portuguese, received instructions to make himself in the first place
master of Aden, to the possession of which the Turks might reasonable
lay claim as a dependency of their newly-acquired realm of Egypt; the
seizure, however, was effected by means of base treachery. The prince,
Sheikh-Amer, of the race of the Beni-Teher, was summoned on board
the admiral's galley, and accepted the invitation without suspicion;
but he was instantly placed in confinement, and shortly afterwards
publicly hanged at the yard-arm; while the Pasha, landing his troops,
took possession of Aden in the name of Soliman the Magnificent. It
was not, however, till 1568, that the final reduction of Yemen was
accomplished, when Aden and other towns, which had fallen into the
hands of an Arab chief named Moutaher, were recaptured by a powerful
army sent from Egypt; the whole province was formally divided into
sandjaks or districts, and the seat of the beglerbeg, or supreme
pasha, fixed at Sana.
[Footnote 36: The warfare of the Ottomans in India is a curious
episode in their history, which has attracted but little notice from
European writers. The Soliman-Pasha above mentioned (called by
the Indian historians Soliman-Khan _Roomi_, or the Turk, and by the
Portuguese Solimanus Peloponnesiacus) bore a distinguished part
in those affairs; but this expedition against Diu was the last in
which he was engaged. The kingdom of Guzerat was, at that time, in
great confusion after the death of its king, Bahadur Shah, who had
been treacherously killed in an affray with the Portuguese in 1536;
and it would appear probable that the Turks, if they had succeeded
against Diu, meditated taking possession of the country.]
The domination of the Turks in Yemen did not continue much more than
sixty years after this latter epoch; the constant revolts of the
Arab tribes, and the feuds of the Turkish military chiefs, whose
distance from the seat of government placed them beyond the control
of the Porte, combined in rendering it an unprofitable possession.
The Indian trade, moreover, was permanently diverted to the route by
the Cape; and any political schemes which the Porte might at one time
have entertained in regard to India, had been extinguished by the
reunion, under the Mogul sway, of the various shattered sovereignties
of Hindostan. In 1633, [37] the Turkish troops were finally withdrawn
from the province, which then fell under the rule of the still existing
dynasty of the Imams of Sana, who claim descent from Mohammed. But the
ruins even now remaining of the fortifications and publick works
constructed in Aden by the Ottomans during their tenure of the place,
are on a scale which not only proves how fully they were aware of the
importance of the position, but gives a high idea of the energy with
which their resources were administered during the palmy days of their
power, when such vast labour and outlay were expended on the security
of an isolated stronghold at the furthest extremity of their empire.
The defences of the town, even in their present state, are the most
striking evidence now existing of the science and skill of the Turkish
engineers in former times; and, when they were entire, Aden must have
been another Gibraltar. "The lines taken for the works," says a late
observer, "evince great judgment, a good flanking fire being every
where obtained; no one place which could possibly admit of being
fortified has been omitted, and we could not do better than tread in
the steps of our predecessors. The profile is tremendous." A supply
of water (of which the peninsula had been wholly destitute) was
secured, not only by constructing numerous tanks within the walls,
and by boring numerous wells through the solid rock to a depth of
upwards of 200 feet, [38] but by carrying an aqueduct into the
town from a spring eight miles in the country, the reservoir at the
end of which was defended by a redoubt mounted with artillery. The
outposts were not less carefully strengthened than the body of the
place--a rampart with bastions (called, in the reports of the
garrison, _the Turkish Wall_) was carried along some high ground on
the isthmus from sea to sea, to guard against an attack on the land
side--the lofty rocky islet of Seerah, immediately off the town, was
covered with watchtowers and batteries--and several of those
enormous guns, with the effect of which the English became
practically acquainted at the passage of the Dardanelles in 1807,
were mounted on the summit of the precipices, to command the seaward
approach; and, when Lieutenant Wellsted was at Aden, those huge
pieces of ordnance was lying neglected on the beach; and he asked
Sultan Mahassan why he did not cut them up for the sake of the metal,
which is said to contain a considerable intermixture of silver;
"but he replied, with more feeling than could have been anticipated,
that he was unwilling to deprive Aden of the only remaining sign of
its former greatness and strength." Several of them have been sent
to England since the capture of the place, measuring from fifteen to
eighteen and a half feet in length; they are covered with ornaments
and inscriptions, stating them to have been cast in the reign of
"Soliman the son of Selim-Khan," (Soliman the Magnificent.)
[Footnote 37: Captain Haines, in the "Report upon Aden," appended to the
Parliamentary papers published on the subject, erroneously places this
even in 1730, the year in or about which, according to Niebuhr, the
Sheikh of Aden made himself independent of Sana.]
[Footnote 38: "No part of the coast of Arabia is celebrated for the
goodness of its water, with the single exception of Aden. The wells
there are 300 in number, cut mostly though the rock, ... and the tanks
were found in good order, coated inside and out with excellant chunam,
(stucco,) and merely requiring cleaning out to be again serviceable."]
At the time of its evacuation by the Turks, Aden is said,
notwithstanding the decay of its Indian trade, to have contained from
20,000 to 30,000 inhabitants; and the lofty minarets which, a few
years since, still towered above the ruins of the mosques to which
they had formerly been attached, as well as the extensive
burying-grounds, in which the turbaned headstones peculiar to the
Turks are even yet conspicuous, bear testimony, not less than the
extent and magnitude of the ruinous fortifications, to the
population and splendour of the town under the Ottomans.--(See
WELLSTED'S _Arabia_, vol. ii, chap. 19.) From the time, however, of
its return into the hands of its former owners, its decline was rapid.
Niebuhr, who visited it in the latter part of the last century, says,
that it had but little trade, as its Sheikh [39] (who had long since
shaken off his dependence on the Iman of Sana) was not on good terms
with his neighbors; and, though Sir Home Popham concluded a commercial
treaty with the uncle and predecessor of the present Sultan Mahassan,
no steps appear to have been taken in consequence of this arrangement.
[Footnote 39: The town would appear to have passed into the hands of
another tribe since Niebuhr's time, as he gives the Sheikh the surname
of _El-Foddeli_ (Futhali,) the present chief being of the Abdalli
tribe.]
In 1835, according to Wellsted, the inhabitants of this once
flourishing emporium did not exceed 800, the only industrious class
among whom were the Jews, who numbered from 250 to 300. The
remainder were "the descendants of Arabs, Sumaulis," (a tribe of the
African coast,) "and the offspring of slaves," who dwelt in wretched
huts, or rather tents, on the ruins of the former city. "Not more
than twenty families are now engaged in mercantile pursuits, the
rest gaining a miserable existence either by supplying the Hadj
boats with wood and water, or by fishing." The chief, Sultan Mahassan,
did not even reside in Aden, but in a town called Lahedj, about
eighteen miles distant, where he kept the treasures which his uncle,
who was a brave and politic ruler, had succeeded in amassing. He
reputation for wealth, however, and the inadequacy of his means for
defending it, drew on him the hostility of the more warlike tribes
in the vicinity; and in 1836 Aden was sacked by the Futhalis,
who not only carried off booty to the value of 30,000 dollars,
(principally the property of the Banians and the Sumauli merchants in
the port,) but compelled the Sultan to agree to an annual payment of
360 dollars; while two other tribes, the Yaffaees and the Houshibees,
took the opportunity to exhort from him a tribute of half that amount.
There can be no doubt but that, if the Arabs had been left to
themselves, this state of things would have ended in all the
contending parties being speedily swallowed up in the dominions of
Mohammed Ali, Pasha of Egypt; who, under pretence of re-asserting
the ancient rights of the Porte to the sovereignty of Yemen, had
already occupied Mokha and Taaz, and was waging war with the tribes
in the neighbouring coffee country, whom he had exasperated by the
treacherous murder of Sheikh Hussein, one of their chiefs, who,
having been inveigled by the Egyptian commander into a personal
conference, was shot dead, like the Mamlukes at Cairo, in the tent of
audience. Aden, in the natural course of things, would have been the
next step; but an unforeseen intervention deprived him of his prey.
Since the establishment of the overland communication with India
through Egypt, and the steam navigation of the Red Sea, the want had
been sensibly felt of an intermediate station between Suez and Bombay,
which might serve both as a coal depot, and, in case of necessity,
as a harbour of shelter. The position of Aden, almost exactly halfway,
would naturally have pointed it out as the sought-for haven, even
had its harbour been less admirably adapted than it is, from its
facility of entrance and depth of water close to the shore, for
steamers to run straight in, receive their fuel and water from the
quay, and proceed on their voyage without loss of time; while the
roadstead of Mokha, [40] the only other station which could possibly be
made available for the purpose, is at all times open and insecure,
and in certain points of the wind, particularly when it blows from
the south through the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, communication with
the shore is absolutely impracticable. It was clear, therefore, that
the proposed depot, if carried into effect at all, must be fixed at
Aden; and there can be little doubt that its occupation was contemplated
by the Indian government from the time of the visit of the surveying
ships to the Red Sea. A pretext was now all that was sought for, and
this was not long wanted. It was reported to the Bombay Administration
in October 1836, by Captain Haines, (then in command of the Palinurus
at Makullah) that great insecurity to navigation prevailed on both the
African and Indian shores, at the entrance of the Red Sea; and one
particular instance was adduced, in which the crew of a Muscat vessel,
wrecked on the coast near Aden, were subjected to such inordinate
extortion by Sultan Mahassan, that "the master, in anger or despair,
burned his vessel. The Bombay government could only give general
instructions, that in case of any outrage being offered to a vessel
under British colours, redress should be peremptorily demanded. But
long before these instructions were issued, and, indeed, before the
intelligence which elicited them had reached Bombay, a case, such as
they had supposed, had really occurred."--(_Corresponderce relating to
Aden_, printed in May 1839, by order of the House of Commons,
No. 49, p. 38.)
[Footnote 40: "A vessel will lie" (at Mokha) "with a whole chain on end,
topgallant masts struck, and yards braced by, without being able to
communicate with the shore; while at the same time in Aden harbour she
will lie within a few yards of the shore, in perfectly smooth water,
with the bight of her chain cable scarcely taught."--CAPTAIN HAINES'S
_Report_.]
An Indian ship called the Derya-Dowlut, (Fortune of the Sea,) the
property of a lady of the family of the Nawab of Madras, but sailing
under British colours, was wrecked on the coast near Aden, February
20, 1837, when on her voyage from Calcutta to Jiddah, with a cargo
valued at two lacs of rupees, (L.20,000.) It would appear, from the
depositions of the survivors, that the loss of the ship was
intentional on the part of the supercargo and _nakhoda_, (or
sailing-master,) the latter of whom, however, was drowned, with
several of the crew, in attempting to get on shore in the boat. The
passengers--who had been denied help both by the officers who had
deserted them, and by the Arabs who crowded down to the beach--with
difficulty reached the land, when they were stripped, plundered, and
ill-treated by the Bedoweens, but at last escaped without any
personal injury, and made their way in miserable plight to Aden,
where they were relieved and clothed by a Sheikh, the hereditary
guardian of the tomb of Sheikh Idris, the guardian saint of the town.
The stranded ship, meanwhile, after being cleared of as much of her
cargo and stores as could be saved, was burned by direction of the
supercargo, who shortly afterwards took his departure to Jiddah,
carrying with him one-third of the rescued property, and leaving the
remainder as a waif to the Sultan of Aden. After he was gone, the
Sultan made an offer to the agent [41] of the ship to restore the
goods which had fallen to his share on a payment of ten per cent for
salvage; but this was declined, on the ground that after such a length
of time "the things on board must have been almost all lost; that he
did not require them, nor had he money to pay for them." The Sultan,
however, still refused to allow him to leave Aden till he had given
him written acquittance of all claims on account of the ship; a document
was accordingly signed, as he says, under compulsion, to the effect that
he made no claim against the Sultan, but with a full reservation of his
claim for redress from the supercargo, who had wrecked the ship and
embezzled the goods saved from her. The agent and several of the crew,
after undergoing great hardships, at last reached Mokha, and laid their
complaint before the commanders of the Company's cruisers Coote and
Palinurus. The latter vessel, under the command of Captain Haines,
immediately repaired to Aden to demand redress for the injuries thus
inflicted on English subjects, while a formal report of the case was made
to the Government at Bombay. The Sultan at first attempted to deny that
he possessed any of the goods in question, and afterwards alleged
that they had been given to him voluntarily by the supercargo; but
finding all his subterfuges unavailing, he at length gave up
merchandize and stores to the amount of nearly 8000 dollars, besides
a bond at a year's date for 4191 dollars more, in satisfaction for
the goods which had been previously sold or made away with, as well
as for the insults offered to the passengers.
[Footnote 41: This person, Syud Nooradeen, had been captain of the
vessel at the outset of the voyage; but had been deposed from the
responsible command by an order purporting to come from the merchant
who had freighted the ship, but which is now said to have been forged
by the supercargo.]
Here, in ordinary cases, the matter might have rested; for though
the conduct of this Arab chief would certainly have been
indefensible in a civilized country, the worst charge that can be
considered as fairly proved against him is that of being a receiver
of stolen goods, as the price of his connivance at the appropriation
of the rest by the supercargo--since with the wreck of the ship,
whether premeditated or not, he had certainly nothing to do--and the
outrages committed by the wild Bedoweens on the beach can scarcely be
laid to his charge. A far more atrocious insult to the British flag in
1826, when a brig from the Mauritius had been piratically seized at
Berbera, (a port on the African coast, just outside the Straits of
Bab-el-Mandeb,) and part of her crew murdered, had been expiated by
the submission of the offenders, and the repayment of the value of the
plunder by yearly instalments, (see WELLSTED'S _Arabia_, vol. ii.
chap. 18;)--whereas, in the present case, restitution, however reluctant,
had been prompt and complete. But so eager were the authorities in India
to possess themselves of the place on any terms, that even while the
above-mentioned negotiation was pending, a minute was drawn up
(Sept. 28) by the Governor of Bombay, and transmitted to the
Governor-general at Calcutta, in which, after stating that "the
establishment of a monthly communication by steam with the Red Sea,
and the formation of a flotilla of armed steamers, renders it
_absolutely necessary_ that we should have a station of our own on
the coast of Arabia, as we already have on the Persian Gulf"
--alluding to the seizure of the island of Karrack--and noticing
"the insult which has been offered to the British flag by the Sultan
of Aden," requests permission "to take possession of Cape Aden." [42]
The Governor-general, however, in his reply, (Oct. 16,) appears scarcely
of opinion that so strong a measure is warranted by the provocation,
and suggests "that satisfaction should, in the first instance, be
demanded of the Sultan. If it be granted, some _amicable arrangement_
may be made with him for the occupation of this port as a depot for
coals, and harbour for shelter. If it be refused, then further measures
may be considered." [43]
[Footnote 42: Correspondence, No. 16.]
[Footnote 43: Ibid. No. 19.]
But notwithstanding the qualified terms of the Governor-general's
reply, it appears to have been regarded by the Bombay government as
equivalent to a full permission [44] for the prosecution of the
object on which they had fixed their views: for by the despatch
of Captain Haines from Aden, (dated Jan. 20, 1838,) we find that no
sooner had he "completed the first duty on which he was sent,"
(the recovery of the cargo of the Derya-Dowlet,) than he addressed a
letter (Jan. 11) to the Sultan, to the effect that "he was empowered
by Government to form a treaty with the Sultan for the purchase of
Aden, with the land and points surrounding it," &c. &c.--that he felt
assured that the Sultan "would, in his wisdom, readily foresee the
advantages which would accrue to his country from having such an
intimate connecting link with the British"--and enclosing a rough
draft of the terms on which it was proposed that the transfer should
be effected. The Sultan appears to have been considerably _taken
aback_ at this unexpected proposition, which, it should be observed,
was not put forward as part of the atonement required for the affair
of the Derya-Dowlut--as for this, (in the words of Captain Haines,)
"satisfaction has been given by you, and our friendship is as before."
A lengthened correspondence ensued, at the rate of a letter or two
daily, till the end of January--in which the Sultan, with all the
tortuous tact of an Asiatic, endeavoured, without expressly pledging
himself on the main point, to stipulate in the first instance for
assistance, in the shape of artillery and ammunition, against the
hostile tribes in the neighbourhood, and other advantages for
himself and his family, particularly for the retention of their
jurisdiction over the _Arab_ residents in Aden: and he at last
quitted Aden for Lahedj, without absolutely concluding any thing,
but having authorized a merchant of the former place, named
Reshid-Ebn-Abdallah, to act as his agent.
[Footnote 44: "The Government of India did not, indeed, in express
words authorize us to negotiate with the Sultan for a cession to us
of the post and harbour: but they desired us to obtain the occupation
of the port as a coal depot, and that of the harbour as a place of
shelter. These words far exceed the mere establishment of a coal depot
under the auspices of the Sultan, and in fact, could not in any
practical sense, or to any beneficial purpose, be fulfilled, except
by our obtaining the occupation of that port and harbour as a matter
not of sufferance but of right."--_Minute by the Governor of Bombay_,
No. 49.]
Still every thing appeared in a fair way for adjustment; the
principal difficulty remaining to be settled being the annual sum to
be paid as an equivalent for the port-dues of Aden. The Sultan's
commissioner at first rated this source of revenue at the exorbitant
sum of 50,000 dollars!--but it was at last agreed that it should be
commuted for a yearly stipend of 8708, a mode of payment preferred
by the Sultan to the receipt of a gross sum, lest the rapacity of
his neighbours should be excited against him by so sudden an
accession of wealth: while the amount thus fixed was believed even
to exceed the actual amount of the customs. The Sultan meanwhile,
though evading the formal execution of the deed of transfer,
constantly wrote from Lahedj that the English were at liberty to
begin building in Aden as soon as they pleased--adding on more than
one occasion--"if the Turks or any other people should come and take
away the whole country by strength from me, the blame will not rest
on my shoulders."
On the 27th, however, Sultan Hamed, the eldest son and heir-apparent
of Sultan Mahassan, arrived at Aden from Lahedj, accompanied by a
_synd_ or descendant of the prophet, named Hussein, who was
represented as having come as a witness to the transaction; and
Captain Haines was invited on shore to meet them. While he was
preparing, however, to repair to the place of meeting, he received a
private intimation through the merchant already mentioned,
Reshid-Ebn-Abdallih, to the effect that the Arab chiefs had
determined on seizing his person at the interview, in order to
possess themselves of the papers connected with the proposed
transfer of Aden, (to which Sultan Hamed had from the first been
strongly opposed,) and in particular of the bond for 4191 dollars
which had been given in satisfaction for the balance of the goods in
the Derya-Dowlut. How far this imputed treachery was really meditated,
there can be, of course, no means of precisely ascertaining; and the
minute of the governor of Bombay (_Correspondence_, No. 49,) seems
to consider it doubtful; [45] but Captain Haines acted as if fully
convinced of the correctness of the intelligence which he had
received; and after reproaching Sultan Hamed with his intended
perfidy, returned first to Mokha, and afterwards (in February) to
Bombay, carrying with him the letter in which the old Sultan was
alleged to have given his consent to the cession, but leaving the
recovered goods at Aden in charge of a Banyan--a tolerably strong
proof, by the way, that the Sultan, notwithstanding the bad faith
laid to his charge, was not considered likely to appropriate them
afresh.
[Footnote 45: "I am not, however, disposed to treat the matter as
one of much importance. We have no knowledge of it but from report,
and all concerned in it will solemnly deny the truth of the
information."]
The unsuccessful issue of this mission pretty clearly proved, that
notwithstanding the dread of the British power entertained by the
Abdalli chiefs, their reluctance to part with their town would not
be easily overcome by peaceable means: while the Governor-general
(then busily engaged at Simla in forwarding the preparations for the
ill-fated invasion of Affghanistan) still declined, in despite of a
renewed application from Bombay to give any special sanction to
ulterior measures--"a question on which"--in the words of the
despatch--"her Majesty's Government is rather called upon to
pronounce judgment, than the supreme government of India." The
authorities at Bombay, however, were not to be thus diverted from
the attainment of their favourite object; and in a despatch of
September 7, 1838, to the Secret Committee, (_Corresp_. No. 59,)
they announce that, "on reconsideration, they have resolved to adopt
immediate measures for attempting to obtain peaceable possession of
Aden, without waiting for the previous instructions of the
Governor-general of India:" but "as the steamer Berenice will leave
Bombay on the 8th inst.," (_the next day_,) "we have not time to
enter into a detail of the reasons which have induced us to come to
the above resolution." A notification similar to the above had been
forwarded two days previously to Lord Auckland at Simla; and a
laconic reply was received (Oct. 4) from Sir William Macnaghten,
simply to the effect that "his lordship was glad to find that, at
the present crisis of our affairs, the governor (of Bombay) in
council has resolved to resort to no other than peaceful means
for the attainment of the object in view."
In the latter part of October, accordingly, Captain Haines once more
reached Aden in the Coote, with a small party of Bombay sepoys on
board as his escort; but the aspect of affairs was by no means
favourable. The old Sultan Mahassan, worn out with age and
infirmities, had resigned the management of affairs almost entirely
to his fiery son Hamed, who, encouraged not only by his success in
baffling the former attempt, but by the smallness of the force which
had accompanied the British commissioner, [46] openly set him at
defiance, declaring that he himself, and not his father, was now the
Sultan of the Bedoweens: that his father was but an imbecile old man;
and that any promise which might have been extorted from him could
not be regarded as of any avail: and, in short, that the place
should not be given up upon any terms. In pursuance of this
denunciation, all supplies, even of wood and water, were refused to
the ship; the Banyan in charge of the Derya-Dowlut's cargo was
prohibited from giving up the goods to the English; and though the
interchange of letters was kept up as briskly as before, the
resolution of Sultan Hamed was not to be shaken by this torrent of
diplomacy: and he constantly adhered to his first expressed
position--"I wish much to be friends, and that amity was between us,
but you must not speak or write about the land of Aden again." The
English agent, however, persisted in speaking of the transfer as
already legally concluded, and out of the power of Hamed to
repudiate or annul: while, in order to give greater stringency to
his remonstrances, he gave orders for the detention of the
date-boats and other vessels which arrived off Aden, hoping to
starve the Sultan into submission, by thus at once stopping his
provisions, and cutting off his receipt of port dues. The blockade
does not seem to have been very effectual: and an overture from the
Futhali chief to aid with his tribe in an attack on the Abdallis, was
of course declined by Captain Haines.
[Footnote 46: "Their first exclamation was, 'Are the English so poor
that they can only afford to send one vessel? and is she only come to
talk? Why did they not send her before? Had they sent their men and
vessels, we would have given up; but until they do, they shall never
have the place.'"--CAPTAIN HAINES'S _Despatch_, Nov. 6, (No. 61.)]
The apparently interminable cross fire of protocols [47] (in which both
Captain Haines and his employers appear to have luxuriated to a degree
which would have gladdened the heart of Lord Palmerston himself) was now,
however, on the point of being brought to a close. On the 20th of
November, one of the Coote's boats, while engaged in overhauling an
Arab vessel near the shore, was fired at by the Bedoweens on the beach,
and hostilities were carried on during several days, but with little
damage on either side. In most cases, it would have been considered
that blockading a port, and intercepting its supplies of provisions
constituted a sufficiently legitimate ground of warfare to justify
these reprisals: but Captain Haines, it appears, thought otherwise,
as he stigmatizes it as "a shameful and cowardly attack," and
becomes urgent with the Bombay government for a reinforcement which
might enable him to assume offensive operations with effect. Her
Majesty's ships Volage, 28, and Cruiser, 16 gun-brig, which had been
employed in some operations about the mouth of the Indus, were
accordingly ordered on this service, and sailed from Bombay December
29, accompanied by two transports conveying about 800 troops--Europeans,
sepoys, and artillerymen--under the command-in-chief of Major Baillie,
24th Bombay native infantry. The Abdalli chiefs, on the other hand,
made an effort to induce the Sultan of the Futhalis, (with whom they
held a conference during the first days of 1839, at the tomb of
Sheikh Othman near Aden, on the occasion of the payment of the annual
tribute above referred to,) to make common cause with them against
the intruders who were endeavouring to establish themselves in the
country; but the negotiation wholly failed, and the two parties
separated on not very amicable terms.
[Footnote 47: It is worthy of remark, that in a note of December 1st,
(_Corresp_. No. 81,) from the Governor of Bombay to the Sultan,
the ill treatment of the passengers of the Derya-Dowlut is again
advanced as the ground of offence, as an atonement for which the
cession of Aden is indispensable; though for this, ample satisfaction
had been admitted long since to have been given.]
It appears that the determination of the Abdallis to hold out had
been materially strengthened by the intelligence which they received
from India, (where many Arabs from this part of Yemen and the
neighbouring country of Hadramout are serving as mercenaries to the
native princes,) of the manifold distractions which beset the
Anglo-Indian government, and the armaments in course of equipment for
Affghanistan, Scinde, the Persian Gulf, &c., and which confirmed
them in the belief that no more troops could be spared from Bombay
for an attack on Aden. The stoppage of provisions by sea, however,
and the threatened hostilities of the Futhalis, caused severe
distress among the inhabitants of the town; and dissensions arose
among the chiefs themselves, as to the proportions in which (in the
event of an amicable settlement) the annual payment of 8700 dollars
should be divided among them--it being determined that Sultan
Mahassan should not have it all. An attempt was now made by the
_synds_ to effect a reconciliation; but though abundance of notes
were once more interchanged, [48] and the old Sultan came down
from Lahedj to offer his mediation, all demands for the main
object, the cession of the place, were rejected or evaded. The
negotiation consequently came to nothing, and hostilities were
resumed with more energy than before, the artillery of Aden being
directed (as was reported) by an European Turk; till, on the 16th of
January, the flotilla from Bombay, under the command of Captain Smith,
R.N., anchored in Western Bay.
[Footnote 48: In this correspondence, the phrase of--"If you will
land and enter the town, I will be upon your head," is more than once
addressed by Sultan Hamed to Captain Haines and seems to have been
understood as a menace; but we have been informed that it rather
implies, "I will be answerable for your safety--your head shall be
in my charge."]
A peremptory requisition was now sent on shore for the immediate
surrender of the town; but the answer of the Sultan was still evasive,
and, as the troops had only a few days' water on board, an immediate
landing was decided upon. On the morning of the 19th, accordingly,
the Coote, Cruiser, Volage, and the Company's armed schooner Mahi,
weighed and stood in shore, opening a heavy fire on the island of
Seerah and the batteries on the mainland, to cover the disembarkation.
The Arabs at first stood to their guns with great determination, but
their artillery was, of course, speedily silenced or dismounted by
the superior weight and rapidity of the English fire; and though the
troops were galled while in the boats by matchlocks from the shore,
both the town and the island of Seerah were carried by storm without
much difficulty. The loss of the assailants was no more than fifteen
killed and wounded--that of the Arabs more than ten times that number,
including a nephew of the Sultan and a chief of the Houshibee tribe,
who fought gallantly, and received a mortal wound; considerable
bloodshed was also occasioned by the desperate resistance made by the
prisoners taken on Seerah in the attempt to disarm them, during which
the greater part of them cut their way through their captors and got
clear off. Most of the inhabitants fled into the interior during the
assault, but speedily returned on hearing of the discipline and good
order preserved by the conquerors; and the old Sultan, on being
informed of the capture of the place, sent an apologetic letter
(Jan. 21) to Captain Haines, in which he threw all the blame on his
son Hamed, and expressed an earnest wish for a reconciliation.
Little difficulty was now experienced in conducting the negotiations,
and during the first days of February articles of pacification were
signed both with the Abdallis and the other tribes in the
neighbourhood. To secure the good-will of the Futhali chief, the
annual payment which he had received from Aden of 360 dollars, was
still guaranteed to him, as were the 8700 dollars per annum to the
Sultan of Lahedj, whose bond for 4191 dollars was further remitted
as a token of good-will.
Such were the circumstances under which Aden became part of the
colonial empire of Great Britain--and the details of which we have
taken, almost entirely, from the official accounts published by
order of Government. In whatever point of view we consider the
transaction, we think it can scarcely be denied that it reflects
little credit on the national character for even-handed justice and
fair dealing. Even if the tact and _savoir faire_, which Captain
Haines must be admitted to have displayed in an eminent degree in
the execution of his instructions, had succeeded in intimidating the
Arabs into surrendering the place without resistance, such a
proceeding would have amounted to nothing more or less than the
appropriation of the territory of a tribe not strong enough to defend
themselves, simply because it was situated conveniently for the
purposes of our own navigation: and the open force by which the
scheme was ultimately carried into effect, imparts to this act of
usurpation a character of violence still more to be regretted. The
originally-alleged provocation, the affair of the Derya-Dowlut, is
not for a moment tenable as warranting such extreme measures:--since
not only was the participation of the parties on whom the whole
responsibility was thrown, at all events extremely venial; but
satisfaction had been given, and had been admitted to have been given,
before the subject of the cession of the place was broached:--and
the Sultan constantly denied that his alleged consent to the transfer,
on which the subsequent hostilities were grounded, had ever been
intended to be so construed. It is evident, moreover, that the Arabs
would gladly have yielded to any amicable arrangement short of the
absolute cession of the town, which they regarded as disgraceful:
--the erection of a factory, which might have been fortified so as
to give us the virtual command of the place and the harbour, would
probably have met with no opposition:--and even if Aden had fallen,
as it seemed on the point of doing, into the hands of the Pasha of
Egypt, there can be little doubt that the Viceroy would have shown
himself equally ready to facilitate our intercourse with India, in
his Arabian as in his Egyptian harbours. At all events, it is
evident that the desired object of obtaining a station and coal
depot for the Indian steamers, might easily have been secured in
various ways, without running even the risk of bringing on the
British name the imputation of unnecessary violence and oppression.
Aden, however, was now, whether for right or wrong, under the British
flag; but the hostile dispositions of the Arabs, notwithstanding the
treaties entered into, were still far from subdued; and the cupidity
of these semi-barbarous tribes was still further excited by the
lavish expenditure of the new garrison, and by the exaggerated
reports of vast treasures said to be brought from India for the
repairs of the works. Among the advantages anticipated by Captain
Haines in his official report from the possession of the town,
especial stress is laid on its vicinity to the coffee and gum
districts, and the certainty, that when it was under the settled
rule of British law, the traffic in these rich products, as well as
in the gold-dust, ivory, and frankincense of the African coast,
would once more centre in its long-neglected harbour. But it was
speedily found that the insecurity of communication with the
interior opposed a serious obstacle to the realization of these
prospects--the European residents and the troops were confined
within the Turkish wall--and though the extreme heat of the climate
(which during summer averaged 90° of Fahrenheit in the shade within
a stone house) did not prove so injurious as had been expected to
European constitutions, it was found, singularly enough, to exercise
a most pernicious influence on the sepoys, who sickened and died in
alarming numbers. Aden at this period is compared, in a letter
quoted in the _Asiatic Journal_, to "the crater of Etna enlarged,
and covered with gravestones and the remains of stone huts;"
provisions were scarce, and vegetables scarcely procurable. By
degrees, however, some symptoms of reviving trade appeared and by the
end of 1839 the population had increased to 1500 souls.
The smouldering rancour with which the Arabs had all along regarded
the Frank intruders upon their soil, had by this time broken out
into open hostility; and, after some minor acts of violence, an
attack was made on the night of November 9th on the Turkish wall
across the isthmus, (which had been additionally strengthened by
redoubts and some guns,) by a body of 4000 men, collected from the
Abdallis, the Futhalis, and the other tribes in the neighbourhood.
The assailants were of course repulsed, but not without a severe
conflict, in which the Arabs engaged the defenders hand to hand
with the most determined valour--so highly had their hopes of
plunder been stimulated by the rumours of English wealth. This
daring attempt (which the Pasha of Egypt was by some suspected
to have had some share in instigating) at once placed the occupants
of Aden in a state of open warfare with all their Arab neighbours;
and the subsidies hitherto paid to the Futhali chief and the old
Sultan of Lahedj were consequently stopped--while L.100,000 were
voted by the Bombay government for repairing the fortifications,
and engineers were sent from India to put the place in an efficient
state of defence. These regular ramparts, however, even when
completed, can never be relied on as a security against the guerilla
attacks of these daring marauders, who can wade through the sea at
low water round the flanks of the Turkish wall, and scramble over
precipices to get in the rear of the outposts--and accordingly,
during 1840, the garrison had to withstand two more desperate
attempts (May 20, and July 4,) to surprise the place, both of which
were beaten off after some hard fighting, though in one instance the
attacking party succeeded in carrying off a considerable amount of
plunder from the encampment near the Turkish wall. Since that period,
it has been found necessary gradually to raise the strength of the
garrison from 800 to 4000 men, one-fourth of whom are always European
soldiers--and though no attack in force has lately been made by the
Arabs, the necessity of being constantly on the alert against their
covert approaches, renders the duties of the garrison harassing to
the last degree. Though a considerable trade now exists with the
African coast, scarcely any commercial intercourse has yet been
established with the interior of Arabia, (notwithstanding the
friendly dispositions evinced by the Iman of Sana,) the road being
barred by the hostile tribes--and a further impediment to
improvement is found in the dissensions of the civil and military
authorities of the place itself, who, pent up in a narrow space
under a broiling sun, seem to employ their energies in endless
squabbles with each other. Whatever may be the ultimate fate of this
colony, it must be allowed, to quote the candid admission of a
writer in the _United Service Journal_, that "at present we are not
occupying a very proud position in Arabia"--though considering the
means by which we obtained our footing in that peninsula, our
position is perhaps as good as we deserve.
* * * * *
SONNET
BY THE AUTHOR OP THE LIFE OF BURKE, OF GOLDSMITH, &C.,
ON VIEWING MY MOTHER'S PICTURE.
How warms the heart when dwelling on that face,
Those lips that mine a thousand times have prest,
The swelling source that nurture gav'st her race,
Where found my infant head its downiest rest!
How in those features aim to trace my own,
Cast in a softer mould my being see;
Recall the voice that sooth'd my helpless moan,
The thoughts that sprang for scarcely aught save me;
That shaped and formed me; gave me to the day,
Bade in her breast absorbing love arise;
O'er me a ceaseless tender care display,
For weak all else to thee maternal ties!
This debt of love but One may claim; no other
Such self-devotion boasts, save thee, my Mother!
* * * * *
CALEB STUKELY.
PART XIII.
THE FUGITIVE.
The tongue has nothing to say when the soul hath spoken all! What
need of words in the passionate and early intercourse of love! There
is no oral language that can satisfy or meet the requisitions of the
stricken heart. Speech, the worldling and the false--oftener the
dark veil than the bright mirror of man's thoughts--is banished from
the spot consecrated to purity, unselfishness, and truth. The lovely
and beloved Ellen learnt, before a syllable escaped my lips, the
secret which those lips would never have disclosed. Her innocent and
conscious cheek acknowledged instantly her quick perception, and
with maiden modesty she turned aside--not angrily, but timorous as a
bird, upon whose leafy covert the heavy fowler's foot has trod too
harshly and too suddenly. I thought of nothing then but the pain I
had inflicted, and was sensible of no feeling but that of shame and
sorrow for my fault. We walked on in silence. Our road brought us to
the point in the village at which I had met Miss Fairman and her
father, when, for the first time, we became companions in our
evening walk. We retraced the path which then we took, and the
hallowed spot grew lovelier as we followed it. I could not choose
but tell how deeply and indelibly the scene of beauty had become
imprinted on my heart.
"To you, Miss Fairman," I began, "and to others who were born and
nurtured in this valley, this is a common sight. To me it is a land
of enchantment, and the impression that it brings must affect my
future being. I am sure, whatever may be my lot, that I shall be a
happier man for what I now behold."
"It is well," said my companion, "that you did not make the
acquaintance of our hills during the bleak winter, when their charms
were hidden in the snow, and they had nothing better to offer their
worshipper than rain and sleet and nipping winds. They would have
lost your praise then."
"Do you think so? Imprisoned as I have been, and kept a stranger to
the noblest works of Providence, my enjoyment is excessive, and I
dare scarcely trust myself to feel it as I would. I could gaze on
yonder sweet hillock, with its wild-flowers and its own blue patch
of sky, until I wept."
"Yes, this is a lovely scene in truth!" exclaimed Miss Fairman
pensively.
"Do you remember, Miss Fairman, our first spring walk? For an hour
we went on, and that little green clump, as it appears from here,
was not for a moment out of my sight. My eyes were riveted upon it,
and I watched the clouds shifting across it, changing its hue, now
darkening, now lighting it up, until it became fixed in my
remembrance, never to depart from it. We have many fair visions
around us, but that is to me the fairest. It is connected with our
evening walk. Neither can be forgotten whilst I live."
It was well that we reached the parsonage gate before another word
was spoken. In spite of the firmest of resolutions, the smallest
self-indulgence brought me to the very verge of transgression.
In the evening I sat alone, and began a letter to the minister. I
wrote a few lines expressive of my gratitude and deep sense of
obligation. They did not read well, and I destroyed them. I
recommenced. I reproached myself for presumption and temerity, and
confessed that I had taken advantage of his confidence by attempting
to gain the affections of his only child. I regretted the fault, and
desired to be dismissed. The terms which I employed, on reperusal,
looked too harsh, and did not certainly do justice to the motives by
which throughout I had been actuated; for, however violent had been
my passion, _principle_ had still protected and restrained me. I had
not coldly and _deliberately_ betrayed myself. The second writing,
not more satisfactory than the first, was, in its turn, expunged. I
attempted a third epistle, and failed. Then I put down the pen and
considered. I pondered until I concluded that I had ever been too
hasty and too violent. Miss Fairman would certainly take no notice
of what had happened, and if I were guarded--silent--and determined
for the future, all would still be well. It was madness to indulge a
passion which could only lead to my expulsion from the parsonage, and
end in misery. Had I found it so easy to obtain a home and quiet,
that both were to be so recklessly and shamefully abandoned? Surely
it was time to dwell soberly and seriously upon the affairs of life.
I had numbered years and undergone trial sufficient to be acquainted
with true policy and the line of duty. Both bade me instantly reject
the new solicitation, and pursue, with singleness of purpose, the
occupation which fortune had mercifully vouchsafed to me. All this
was specious and most just, and sounded well to the understanding
that was not less able to look temperately and calmly upon the
argument in consequence of the previous overflow of feeling. Reason
is never so plausible and prevailing as when it takes the place of
gratified passion. Never are we so firmly resolved upon good, as in
the moment that follows instantly the doing of evil. Never is
conscience louder in her complaints than when she rises from a
temporary overthrow. I had discovered every thing to Miss Fairman. I
had fatally committed myself. There was no doubt of this; and
nothing was left for present consolation but sapient resolutions for
the future. Virtuous and fixed they looked in my silent chamber and
in the silent hour of night. Morning had yet to dawn, and they had
yet to contend with the thousand incitements which our desires are
ever setting up to battle with our better judgment. I did not write
to Mr. Fairman, but I rose from my seat much comforted, and softened
my midnight pillow with the best intentions.
Fancy might have suggested to me, on the following morning, that the
eyes of Miss Fairnan had been visited but little by sleep, and that
her face was far more pallid than usual, if her parent had not
remarked, with much anxiety, when she took her place amongst us,
that she was looking most weary and unwell. Like the sudden
emanation that crimsons all the east, the beautiful and earliest
blush of morning, came the driven blood into the maiden's cheek,
telling of discovery and shame. Nothing she said in answer, but
diligently pursued her occupation. I could perceive that the fair
hand trembled, and that the gentle bosom was disquieted. _I_ could
tell why downwards bent the head, and with what new emotions the
artless spirit had become acquainted. Instantly I saw the mischief
which my rashness had occasioned, and felt how deeply had fallen the
first accents of love into the poor heart of the secluded one. What
had I done by the short, indistinct, most inconsiderate avowal, and
how was it possible now to avert its consequences? Every tender and
uneasy glance that Mr. Fairman cast upon his cherished daughter,
passed like a sting to me, and roused the bitterest self-reproach. I
could have calmed his groundless fears, had I been bold enough to
risk his righteous indignation. The frankness and cordiality which
had ever marked my intercourse with Miss Fairman, were from this
hour suspended. Could it be otherwise with one so innocent, so
truthful, and so meek! Anger she had none, but apprehension and
conceptions strange, such as disturb the awakened soul of woman, ere
the storm of passion comes to overcharge it.
I slunk from the apartment and the first meal of the day, like a man
guilty of a heinous fault. I pleaded illness, and did not rejoin my
friends. I knew not what to do, and I passed a day in long and
feverish doubt. Evening arrived. My pupils were dismissed, and once
more I sat in my own silent room lost in anxious meditation. Suddenly
an unusual knock at the door roused me, and brought me to my feet. I
requested the visitor to enter, and Mr. Fairman himself walked slowly
in. He was pale and care-worn and he looked, as I imagined, sternly
upon me. "All is known!" was my first thought, and my throat swelled
with agitation. I presented a chair to the incumbent; and when he
sat down and turned his wan face upon me, I felt that my own cheek
was no less blanched than his. I awaited his rebuke in breathless
suspense.
"You are indeed ill, Stukely," commenced Mr. Fairman, gazing
earnestly. "I was not aware of this, or I would have seen you before.
You have overworked yourself with the boys. You shall be relieved
to-morrow. I will take charge of them myself. You should not have
persevered when you found your strength unequal to the task. A
little repose will, I trust, restore you."
With every animating syllable, the affrighted blood returned again,
and I gained confidence. His tones assured me that he was still in
ignorance. A load was taken from me.
"I shall be better in the morning, sir," I answered. "Do not think
seriously of the slightest indisposition. I am better now."
"I am rejoiced to hear it," answered the incumbent. "I am full of
alarm and wretchedness to-day. Did you observe my daughter this
morning, Stukely?"
"Yes, sir," I faltered.
"You did at breakfast, but you have not seen her since. I wish you
had. I am sick at heart."
"Is she unwell, sir?"
"Do you know what consumption is? Have you ever watched its fearful
progress?"
"Never."
"I thought you might have done so. It is a fearful disease, and
leaves hardly a family untouched. Did she not look ill?--you can
tell me that, at least."
"Not quite so well, perhaps, as I have seen her, sir; but I should
hope"--
"Eh--what, not very ill, then? Well, that is strange, for I was
frightened by her. What can it be? I wish that Mayhew had called in.
Every ailment fills me with terror. I always think of her dear mother.
Three months before her death, she sat with me, as we do here
together, well and strong, and thanking Providence for health and
strength. She withered, as it might be from that hour, and, as I
tell you, three short months of havoc brought her to the grave."
"Was she young, sir?"
"A few years older than my child--but that is nothing. Did you say
you did not think her looks this morning indicated any symptoms?
Oh--no! I recollect. You never saw the malady at work. Well,
certainly she does not cough as her poor mother did. Did it look
like languor, think you?"
"The loss of rest might"--
"Yes, it might, and perhaps it is nothing worse. I know Mayhew
thinks lightly of these temporary shadows; but I do not believe he
has ever seen her so thoroughly feeble and depressed as she appears
to-day. She is very pale, but I was glad to find her face free from
all flush whatever. That is comforting. Let us hope the best. How do
the boys advance? What opinion have you formed of the lad Charlton?"
"He is a dull, good-hearted boy, sir. Willing to learn, with little
ability to help him on. Most difficult of treatment. His tears lie
near the surface. At times it seems that the simplest terms are
beyond his understanding, and then the gentlest reproof opens the
flood-gate, and submerges his faculties for the day."
"Be tender and cautious, Stukely, with that child. He is a sapling
that will not bear the rough wind. Let him learn what he will--rest
assured, it is all he can. His eagerness to learn will never fall
short of your's to teach. He must be kindly encouraged, not frowned
upon in his reverses; for who fights so hard against them, or
deplores them more deeply than himself? Poor, weak child, he is his
own chastiser."
"I will take care, sir."
"Have you seen this coming on, Stukely?"
"With Charlton, sir?"
"No. Miss Fairman's indisposition. For many weeks she has certainly
improved in health. I have remarked it, and I was taken by surprise
this morning. I should be easier had Mayhew seen her."
"Let me fetch him in the morning, sir. His presence will relieve you.
I will start early--and bring him with me."
"Well, if you are better, but certainly not otherwise. I confess I
should be pleased to talk with him. But do not rise too early. Get
your breakfast first. I will take the boys until you come back."
This had been the object of the anxious father's visit. As soon as I
had undertaken to meet his wish, he became more tranquil. My mission
was to be kept a secret. The reason why a servant had not been
employed, was the fear of causing alarm in the beloved patient.
Before Mr. Fairman left me, I was more than half persuaded that I
myself had mistaken the cause of his daughter's suffering; so
agreeable is it, even against conviction, to discharge ourselves of
blame.
The residence of Dr. Mayhew was about four miles distant from our
village. It was a fine brick house, as old as the oaks which stood
before it, conferring upon a few acres of grass land the right to be
regarded as a park. The interior of the house was as substantial as
the outside; both were as solid as the good doctor himself. He was a
man of independent property, a member of the University of Oxford,
and a great stickler for old observances. He received a fee from
every man who was able to pay him for his services; and the poor
might always receive at his door, at the cost of application only,
medical advice and physic, and a few commodities much more
acceptable than either. He kept a good establishment, in the most
interesting portion of which dwelt three decaying creatures, the
youngest fourscore years of age and more. They were an entail from
his grandfather, and had faithfully served that ancestor for many
years as coachman, housekeeper, and butler. The father of Dr. Mayhew
had availed himself of their integrity and experience until Time
robbed them of the latter, and rendered the former a useless ornament;
and dying, he bequeathed them, with the house and lands, to their
present friend and patron. There they sat in their own hall, royal
servants every one, hanging to life by one small thread, which when
it breaks for one must break for all. They had little interest in
the present world, to which the daily visit of the doctor, and that
alone, connected them. He never failed to pay it. Unconscious of all
else, they never failed to look for it.
The village clock struck eleven as I walked up the avenue that
conducted to the house. The day was intensely hot, and at that early
hour the fierce fire of the sun had rendered the atmosphere sweltry
and oppressive. I knocked many times before I could obtain admittance,
and, at last, the door was opened by a ragged urchin about twelve
years of age, looking more like the son of a thief or a gypsy than a
juvenile member of the decent household.
"Is Dr. Mayhew at home?" I asked.
"Oh, I don't know!" he answered surlily; "you had better come and see;"
and therewith he turned upon his heel, and tramped heavily down the
kitchen stairs. For a few seconds I remained where I was. At length,
hearing no voices in the house, and finding that no one was likely
to come to me, I followed him. At the bottom of the stairs was a
long passage leading to the offices. It was very dark, or it was
rendered so to me who had just left the glare of noonday. At the end
of it, however, a small lamp glimmered, and under its feeble help I
advanced. Arriving at its extremity, I was stopped by the hum of many
voices that proceeded from a chamber on the right. Here I knocked
immediately. The voice of Dr. Mayhew desired me to enter. The door
was opened the moment afterwards, and then I beheld the doctor
himself and every servant of the house assembled in a crowd. The
little boy who had given me admission was in the group; and in the
very centre of all, sitting upright in a chair, was the strangest
apparition of a man that I have ever gazed upon, before or since. The
object that attracted, and at the same time repelled, my notice, was
a creature whose age no living man could possibly determine. He was
at least six feet high, with raven hair, and a complexion sallow as
the sear leaf. Look at his figure, then mark the absence of a single
wrinkle, and you judge him for a youth. Observe again: look at the
emaciated face; note the jet-black eye, deeply-sunken, and void of
all fire and life; the crushed, the vacant, and forlorn expression;
the aquiline nose, prominent as an eagle's, from which the parchment
skin is drawn as rigidly as though it were a dead man's skin,
bloodless and inert. The wear and tear, the buffeting and misery of
seventy years are there. Seventy!--yea, twice seventy years of mortal
agony and suffering could hardly leave a deeper impress. He is
strangely clad. He is in rags. The remnants of fine clothes are
dropping from his shrunken body. His hand is white and small. Upon
the largest finger he wears a ring--once, no doubt, before his hand
had shrivelled up--the property and ornament of the smallest. It is
a sparkling diamond, and it glistens as his own black eye should, if
it be true that he is old only in mental misery and pain. There is
no sign of thought or feeling in his look. His eye falls on no one,
but seems to pass beyond the lookers-on, and to rest on space. The
company are far more agitated. A few minutes before my arrival the
strange object had been found, with the boy whom I had first seen,
wandering in the garden. He was apprehended for a thief, brought
into the house, and not until Dr. Mayhew had been summoned, had it
been suspected that the poor creature was an idiot. Commiseration
then took the place of anger quickly, and all was anxiety and desire
to know whence he had come, who he might be, and what his business
was. He could not speak for himself, and the answers of the boy had
been unsatisfactory and vague. When I entered the room, the doctor
gave me a slight recognition, and proceeded at once to a further
examination of the stripling.
"Where did you pick him up, Sir?" enquired the Doctor.
"Mother sent me out a-begging with him," answered the gypsy boy.
"Who is your mother?"
"Mabel."
"Mabel what?"
"Mabel nothing."
"Where does she live, then?"
"She doesn't live nowhere. She's a tramper."
"Where is she now?"
"How can I tell? We shall pick up somewhere. Let me go, and take
Silly Billy with me. I shall get such a licking if I don't."
"Is his name Billy?"
"No, Silly Billy, all then chaps as is fools are called Silly Billy.
You know that, don't you? Oh, I say, do let's go now, there's good
fellows!"
"Wait a moment, boy--not so fast. How long have you been acquainted
with this unfortunate?"
"What, Silly Billy? Oh, we ain't very old friends! I only see'd him
yesterday. He came up quite unawares to our camp whilst we were
grubbing. He seemed very hungry, so mother gave him summut, and made
him up a bed--and she means to have him. So she sent me out this
morning a-begging with him, and told me she'd break every gallows
bone I'd got, if I did not bring him back safe. I say, now I have
told all, let us go--there's a good gentleman! I'm quite glad he is
going to live with us. It's so lucky to have a Silly Billy."
"How is it, you young rascal, you didn't tell me all this before?
What do you mean by it?
"Why, it isn't no business of your'n. Let us go, will you?"
"Strange," said Doctor Mayhew, turning to his butler--"Strange, that
they should leave that ring upon his finger--valuable as it looks."
"Oh, you try it on, that's all! Catch mother leaving that there, if
she could get it off. She tried hard enough, I can tell you and I
thought he'd just have bitten her hand off. Wasn't he savage neither,
oh cry! She won't try at it again in a hurry. She says it serves her
right, for no luck comes of robbing a Silly Billy."
The servants, who betrayed a few minutes before great anxiety and
apprehension, were perfectly overcome by this humorous sally, and
burst, with on accord, into the loudest laughter. The generally
jocose doctor, however, looked particularly serious, and kept his
eye upon the poor idiot with an expression of deep pity. "Will he
not speak?" he asked, still marking his unhappy countenance bereft of
every sign of sensibility.
"He won't say not nuffin," said the boy, in a tone which he hoped
would settle the business; "You have no right to keep us. Let us go."
"Leave me with these persons," said the Doctor, turning to the
servants. "We will see if the tongue of this wretched be really tied.
Go, all of you."
In an instant the room was left to Doctor Mayhew and myself--the
idiot and his keeper.
"What is your name, my man?" enquired the physician in a soothing
tone. "Do not be frightened. Nobody will hurt you here. We are all
your very good friends. Tell me now, what is your name?"
The questioner took the poor fellow at the same time by the hand, and
pressed it kindly. The latter then looked round the room with a
vacant stare, and sighed profoundly.
"Tell me your name," continued the Doctor, encouraged by the movement.
The lips of the afflicted man unclosed. His brick-red tongue
attempted to moisten them. Fixing his expressionless eyes upon the
doctor, he answered, in a hollow voice, "_Belton_."
"Well, I never!" exclaimed the boy. "Them Silly Billies is the
deceitfulest chaps as is. He made out to mother that he couldn't
speak a word."
"Take care what you are about, boy," said Doctor Mayhew sternly.
"I tell you that I suspect you." Turning to the idiot, he proceeded.
"And where do you come from?"
The lips opened again, and the same hollow voice again answered,
"_Belton_."
"Yes, I understand--that is your name--but whither do you wish to go?"
"_Belton_," said the man.
"Strange!" ejaculated the Doctor. "How old are you?"
"_Belton_," repeated the simple creature, more earnestly than ever.
"I am puzzled," exclaimed Mr. Mayhew, releasing the hand of the idiot,
and standing for a few seconds in suspense. "However," he continued,
"upon one thing I am resolved. The man shall be left here, and in my
care. I will be responsible for his safety until something is done
for him. We shall certainly get intelligence. He has escaped from an
asylum--I have not the slightest doubt of it--and we shall be able,
after a few days, to restore him. As for you, sir," he added,
addressing the young gypsy, "make the best of your way to your mother,
and be thankful that you have come so well off--fly."
The boy began to remonstrate, upon which the doctor began to talk of
the cage and the horsepond. The former then evinced his good sense
by listening to reason, and by selecting, as many a wiser man has
done before him--the smaller of two necessary evils. He departed,
not expressing himself in the most elegant terms that might have
been applied to a leave-taking.
The benevolent physician soon made arrangements for the comfort of
his charge. He was immediately placed in a bath, supplied with food,
and dressed in decent clothing. He submitted at once to his treatment,
and permitted his attendant to do what he would with him, taking,
all the while, especial care to feel the diamond ring safe and
secure under the palm of his own hand. A room was given to him and
Robin, the gardener's son, who was forthwith installed his guardian,
with strict directions not to leave the patient for an instant by
himself. When Dr. Mayhew had seen every thing that could be done
properly executed, he turned cheerfully to me, and bade me follow
him to his library.
"His clothes have been good," muttered the doctor to himself, as he
sat down. "Diamond ring! He is a gentleman, or has been one. Curious
business! Well, we shall have him advertised all round the country
in a day or two. Meanwhile here he is, and will be safe. That
trouble is over. Now, Stukely, what brings you so early? Any thing
wrong at home? Fairman in the dumps again; fidgety and restless, eh?"
I told my errand.
"Ah, I thought so! There's nothing the matter there, sir. She is
well enough now, and will continue so, if her father doesn't
frighten her into sickness, which he may do. I tell you what, I must
get little puss a husband, and take her from him. That will save her.
I have my eye upon a handsome fellow--Hollo, sir, what's the matter
with you! Just look at your face in that glass. It is as red as fire."
"The weather, sir, is"--
"Oh, is it? You mean to say, then, that you are acquainted with the
influences of the weather. That is just the thing, for you can help
me to a few facts for the little treatise on climate which I have
got now in hand. Well, go on, my friend. You were saying that the
weather is--is what?"
"It is very hot, sir," I answered, dreadfully annoyed.
"Well, so it is; that's very true but not original. I have heard the
same remark at least six times this morning. I say, Master Stukely,
you haven't been casting sheep's-eyes in that sweet quarter, have you?
Haven't, perhaps, been giving the young lady instruction as well as
the boys--eh?"
"I do not understand, sir," I struggled to say with coolness.
"Oh, very well!" answered Dr. Mayhew dryly. "That's very unfortunate
too, for," continued he, taking out his watch, "I haven't time to
explain myself just now. I have an appointment four miles away in
half an hour's time. I am late as it is. Williams will get you some
lunch. Tell Fairman I shall see him before night. Make yourself
perfectly at home, and don't hurry. But excuse me; this affair has
made me quite behindhand."
The Doctor took a few papers and a book from the table, and before I
had time to reply, vanished, much to my relief and satisfaction. My
journey homeward was not a happy one. I felt alarm and agitation,
and the beautiful scenery failed to remove or temper them. My
heart's dear secret had been once more discovered. Rumour could not
omit to convey it speedily to the minister himself. In two
directions the flame had now power to advance and spread; and if the
old villager remained faithful, what reason had I to hope that
Dr. Mayhew would not immediately expose me--yes, must not regard it
as his business and duty so to do? Yet one thing was certain. The
secret, such as it had become, might, for all practical purposes, be
known to the whole world, for unquestionably the shallowest observer
was at present able to detect it. The old woman in the village, aged
and ignorant as she was, had been skilful enough to discover it when
I spoke. The doctor had gathered it from my looks even before I
uttered a syllable. What was to hinder the incumbent from reading
the tale on my forehead the moment that I again stood in his presence?
Reaching the parsonage, I proceeded at once to the drawing-room,
where I expected to see the minister. No one was in the room, but a
chair was drawn to the table, and the implements of drawing were
before it. Could I not guess who had been the recent tenant of that
happy chair--who had been busy there? Forgetful of every thing but
her, I stood for a time in silent adoration of the absent one; then
I ventured to approach and gaze upon her handiwork. I shook with joy,
with ravishment, and ecstasy, when I beheld it. What was not made
known to me in that one hasty look! What golden dreams did not engage,
what blissful triumph did not elevate, what passionate delight did
not overflow my aching heart! Oh, it was true--and the blessed
intelligence came to me with a power and a reality that no language
could contain--SHE LOVED ME! she, the beloved, the good, the innocent,
and pure! Before me was the scene--the dearest to me in
life--through which we had so recently walked together, and upon
which she knew I doated, for the sake of her whose presence had
given it light and hallowed it. Why had she brought it on the paper?
Why this particular scene, and that fair hillock, but for the sake
of him who worshipped them--but that the mysterious and communicable
fire had touched her soul, and melted it? I trembled with my
happiness. There was a spot upon the paper--a tear--one sacred drop
from the immaculate fount. Why had it been shed? In joy or pain--for
whom--and wherefore? The paper was still moist--the tear still warm.
Happiest and most unfortunate of my race, I pressed it to my lips,
and kissed it passionately.
Miss Fairman entered at that moment.
She looked pale and ill. This was not a season for consideration.
Before I could speak, I saw her tottering, and about to fall. I
rushed to her and held her in my arms. She strove for recovery, and
set herself at liberty; but she wept aloud as she did so, and
covered her face with her hands. I fell upon my knees, and implored
her to forgive me.
"I have been rash and cruel, Miss Fairman, but extend to me your
pardon, and I will go for ever, and disturb your peace no more. Do
not despise me, or believe that I have deliberately interfered with
your happiness, and destroyed my own for ever. Do not hate me when I
shall see you no more."
"Leave me, Mr. Stukely, I entreat," sobbed Miss Fairman, weeping amain.
Her hand fell. I was inflamed with passion, and I became indifferent
to the claims of duty, which were drowned in the louder clamours of
love. I seized that hand and held it firm. It needed not, for the
lady sought not to withdraw it.
"I am not indifferent to you, dearest Miss Fairman," I exclaimed;
"you do not hate me--you do not despise me--I am sure you do not.
That drawing has revealed to me all that I wish or care to know. I
would rather die this moment possessed of that knowledge, than live
a monarch without it."
"Leave me, leave me, I implore you," faltered Miss Fairman.
"Yes, dearest lady, I must--I shall leave you. I can stay no longer
here. Life is valueless now. I have permitted a raging fire to
consume me. I have indulged, madly and fearfully indulged, in error.
I have struggled against the temptation. Heaven has willed that I
should not escape it. I have learnt that you love me--come what may,
I am content."
"If you regard me, Mr. Stukely, pity me, and go, now. I beg, I
entreat you to leave me."
I raised the quivering hand, and kissed it ardently. I resigned it,
and departed.
My whole youth was a succession of inconsiderate yieldings to passion,
and of hasty visitings of remorse. It is not a matter of surprise
that I hated myself for every word that I had spoken as soon as I
was again master of my conduct. It was my nature to fall into error
against conviction and my cool reason, and to experience speedily the
reaction that succeeds the commission of exorbitant crimes. In
proportion to the facility with which I erred, was the extravagance
and exaggeration with which I viewed my faults. During the
predominance of a passion, death, surrounded by its terrors, would
not have frighted me or driven me back--would not have received my
passing notice; whilst it lasted it prevailed. So, afterwards, when
all was calm and over, a crushing sense of wrong and guilt magnified
the smallest offence, until it grew into a bugbear to scare me night
and day. Leaving Miss Fairman, I rushed into the garden, preparatory
to running away from the parsonage altogether. This, in the height
of remorseful excitement, presented itself to my mind forcibly as
the necessary and only available step to adopt; but this soon came
to be regarded as open to numerous and powerful objections.
It seemed impossible that the incumbent could be kept any longer in
ignorance of the affair; and it was better--oh! how much better--for
comfort and peace of mind that he should not be. In a few hours
Dr. Mayhew would arrive, and his shrewd eye would immediately
penetrate to the very seat of his patient's disquietude. The
discovery would be communicated to her father--and what would he
think of me?--what would become of me? I grew as agitated as though
the doctor were at that moment seated with the minister--and
revealing to his astounded listener the history of my deceit and
black ingratitude. The feeling was not to be borne; and in order to
cast it off, I determined myself to be the messenger of the tale,
and to stand the brunt of his first surprise and indignation. With
the earliest conception of the idea, I ran to put it into execution.
Nor did I stop until I reached the door of his study, when the
difficulty of introducing at once so delicate a business, and the
importance of a little quiet preparation, suggested themselves,
and made me hesitate. It was however, but for a moment for
self-possession. I would argue with myself no longer. The few hours
that intervened before the arrival of the doctor were my own and if
I permitted them to pass away, my opportunity was gone for ever, and
every claim upon the kindness and forgiveness of my patron lost. I
would confess my affection, and offer him the only reparation in my
power--to quit his roof, and carry the passion with me for my
punishment and torment.
Mr. Fairman was alone. The pupils were playing on the lawn upon
which the window of the study opened. There they ran, and leaped, and
shouted, all feeling and enjoyment, without an atom of the leaden
care of life to press upon the light elastic soul; and there stood I,
young enough to be a playmate brother, separated from them and their
hearts' joyousness by the deep broad line which, once traversed, may
never be recovered, ground to the earth by suffering, trial, and
disappointment; darkness and discouragement without; misery and
self-upbraiding robbing me of peace within. My eyes caught but a
glimpse of the laughing boys before they settled on the minister,
and summoned me to my ungracious task--and it was a glimpse of a
bright and beautiful world, with which I had nothing in common, of
which I had known something, it might be ages since--but whose glory
had departed even from the memory.
"Is he here?" enquired the incumbent.
"Doctor Mahew could not accompany me, sir," I answered, "but he will
shortly come."
"Thank you, Stukely, thank you. I have good news for you. I can
afford you time to recruit and be yourself again. The lads return
home on Monday next; you shall have a month's holiday, and you shall
spend it as you will--with us, or elsewhere. If your health will be
improved by travelling, I shall be happy to provide you with the
means. I cannot afford to lose your services. You must not get ill."
"You are very kind, sir," I replied--"kinder than I deserve."
"That is a matter of opinion, Stukely. I do not think so. You have
served me faithfully and well. I consult my own interest in rewarding
you and taking care of yours."
"Yes, sir--but"--
"Well, never mind now. We will not argue on whose side the obligation
lies. It is perhaps well that we should both of us think as we do. It
is likely that we shall both perform our duty more strictly if we
strike the balance against ourselves. Go and refresh yourself. You
look tired and worn. Get a glass of wine, and cheer up. Have you
seen Miss Fairman?"
"It is concerning her, sir," I answered, trembling in every joint,
"that I desire particularly to speak to you."
"Good heaven!" exclaimed the incumbent, starting from his chair,
"what do you mean? What is the matter? What has happened? Why do you
tremble, Stukely, and look so ghastly pale? What has happened since
the morning? What ails her? Go on. Speak. Tell me at once. My poor
child--what of her?"
"Calm yourself, I implore you, sir. Miss Fairman is quite well.
Nothing has happened. Do not distress yourself. I have done very
wrong to speak so indiscreetly. Pardon me, sir. I should have known
better. She is well."
Mr. Fairman paced the room in perturbation, and held his hand upon
his heart to allay its heavy throbs.
"This is very wrong," he said--"very impious. I have thought of
nothing else this day--and this is the consequence. I have dwelt
upon the probability of calamity, until I have persuaded myself of
its actual presence--looked for woe, until I have created it. This
is not the patience and resignation which I teach; for shame, for
shame!--go to thy closet, worm--repent and pray."
Mr. Fairman resumed his seat, and hid his face for a time in his
hands. At length he spoke again.
"Proceed, Stukely. I am calm now. The thoughts and fears in which it
was most sinfull to indulge, and which accumulated in this most
anxious breast, are dissipated. What would you say? I can listen as I
ought."
"I am glad, sir, that the boys revisit their homes on Monday, and
that a month, at least, will elapse before their return to you. In
that interval, you will have an opportunity of providing them with a
teacher worthier your regard and confidence; and, if I leave you at
once, you will not be put to inconvenience."
"I do not understand you."
"I must resign my office, sir," I said with trepidation.
"Resign? Wherefore? What have I said or done?"
"Let me beg your attention, sir, whilst I attempt to explain my
motives, and to do justice to myself and you. I mentioned the name
of Miss Fairman."
"You did. Ha! Go on, sir."
"You cannot blame me, Mr. Fairman, if I tell you that, in common
with every one whose happiness it is to be acquainted with that lady,
I have not been insensible to the qualities which render her so
worthy of your love, so deserving the esteem"--I stopped.
"I am listening, sir--proceed."
"I know not how to tell you, sir, in what language to express the
growth of an attachment which has taken root in this poor heart,
increased and strengthened against every effort which I have made to
crush it."
"Sir!" uttered the incumbent in great amazement.
"Do not be angry, Mr. Fairman, until you have heard all. I confess
that I have been imprudent and rash, that I have foolishly permitted
a passion to take possession of my heart, instead of manfully
resisting its inroads; but if I have been weak, do not believe that
I have been wicked."
"Speak plainly, Stukely. What am I to understand by this?"
"That I have dared, sir, to indulge a fond, a hopeless love,
inspired by the gentlest and most innocent of her sex--that I have
striven, and striven, to forget and flee from it--that I have
failed--that I come to confess the fault, to ask your pardon, and
depart."
"Tell me one thing," asked the incumbent quickly. "Have you
communicated your sentiments to Miss Fairman?"
"I have, sir."
"Is her illness connected with that declaration?--You do not answer.
Stukely, I am deceived in you. I mistrust and doubt you. You have
_murdered_ my poor child."
"Mr. Fairman, do not, I entreat"--
"Heaven have mercy upon me for my wild uncrucified temper. I will
use no harsh terms. I retract that expression, young man. I am sorry
that I used it. Let me know what more you have to say."
The tears came to my eyes, and blinded them. I did not answer.
"Be seated, Stukely," continued the minister, in a kinder tone;
"compose yourself. I am to blame for using such a term. Forgive me
for it--I did not mean all that it conveyed. But you know how
fragile and how delicate a plant is that. You should have thought of
her and me before you gratified a passion as wild as it is idle. Now,
tell me every thing. Conceal and disguise nothing. I will listen to
your calmly, and I will be indulgent. The past is not to be recalled.
Aid me in the future, if you are generous and just."
I related all that had passed between Miss Fairman and myself--all
that had taken place in my own turbulent soul--the battlings of the
will and judgment, the determination to overcome temptation, and the
sudden and violent yielding to it. Faithful to his command, I
concealed nothing, and, at the close of all, I signified my readiness,
my wish, and my intention to depart.
"Forgive me, sir, at parting," said I, "and you shall hear no more of
the disturber of your peace."
"I do not wish that, Stukely. I am indebted to you for the candour
with which you have spoken, and the proper view which you take of
your position. I wish to hear of you, and to serve you--and I will
do it. I agree with you, that you must leave us now--yes, and at once;
and, as you say, without another interview. But I will not turn you
into the world, lad, without some provision for the present, and
good hopes for the future. I owe you much. Yes--very much. When I
consider how differently you might behave, how very seriously you
might interfere with my happiness"--as Mr. Fairman spoke, he opened
the drawer of a table, and drew a checque-book from it--"I feel that
you ought not to be a loser by your honesty. I do not offer you this
as a reward for that honesty--far from it--I would only indemnify
you--and this is my duty."
Mr. Fairman placed a draft for a hundred pounds in my hand.
"Pardon me, sir," said I, replacing it on his table. "I can take no
money. Millions could not _indemnify_ me for all that I resign.
Judge charitably, and think kindly of me, sir--and I am paid. Honour
is priceless."
"Well, but when you get to London?"--
"I am not altogether friendless. My salary is yet untouched, and will
supply my wants until I find employment."
"Which you shall not be long without, believe me, Stukely, if I have
power to get it you--and I think I have. You will tell me where I may
address my letters. I will not desert you. You shall not repent this."
"I do not, sir; and I believe I never shall. I propose to leave the
parsonage to-night, sir."
"No, to-morrow, we must have some talk. You need not see her. I
could not let you go to-night. You shall depart to-morrow, and I rely
upon your good sense and honourable feelings to avoid another meeting.
It could only increase the mischief that has already taken place, and
answer no good purpose. You must be aware of this."
"I am, sir. You shall have no reason to complain."
"I am sure of it, Stukely. You had better see about your preparations.
John will help you in any way you wish. Make use of him. There must
be many little things to do. There can be no impropriety, Stukely,
in your accepting the whole of your year's salary. You are entitled
to that. I am sorry to lose you--very--but there's no help for it. I
will come to your room this evening, and have some further
conversation. Leave me now." The incumbent was evidently much excited.
Love for his child, and apprehension for her safety, were feelings
that were, perhaps, too prominent and apparent in the good and
faithful minister of heaven; they betrayed him at times into a
self-forgetfulness, and a warmth of expression, of which he repented
heartily as soon as they occurred. Originally of a violent and
wayward disposition, it had cost the continual exercise and the
prayers of a life, to acquire evenness of temper and gentleness of
deportment, neither of which, in truth, was easily, if ever disturbed,
if not by the amiable infirmity above alluded to. He was the best of
men; but to the best, immunity from the natural weakness of
mortality is not to be vouchsafed.
Mr. Fairman was the last person whom I saw that night. He remained
with me until I retired to rest. He was the first person whom I saw
on the following morning. I do not believe that he did not rely upon
the word which I had pledged to him. I did not suppose that he
suspected my resolution, but I an convinced that he was most
restless and unhappy, from the moment that I revealed my passion to
him, until that which saw me safely deposited at the foot of the hill,
on my way to the village. So long as I remained in his house, he
could only see danger for his daughter; and with my disappearance he
counted upon her recovery and peace.
The incumbent was himself my companion from the parsonage. The
servant had already carried my trunk to the inn. At the bottom of
the hill, Mr. Fairman stopped and extended his hand.
"Fare-you-well, Stukely," said he, with emotion. "Once more, I am
obliged to you. I will never forget your conduct; you shall hear
from me."
Since the conversation of the preceding day, the incumbent had not
mentioned the name of his daughter. I had not spoken of her. I felt
it impossible to _part_ without a word.
"What did Doctor Mayhew say?" I asked.
"She is a little better, and will be soon quite well, we trust."
"That is good news. Is she composed?"
"Yes--she is better."
"One question more, sir. Does she know of my departure?"
"She does not--but she will, of course."
"Do not speak unkindly of me to her, sir. I should be sorry if she
thought ill"--
"She will respect you, Stukely, for the part which you have acted.
She must do so. You will respect yourself."
I had nothing more to say, I returned his warm pressure, and bade
him farewell.
"God bless you, lad, and prosper you! We may meet again in a happier
season; but if we do not, receive a father's thanks and gratitude.
You have behaved nobly. I feel it--believe me."
Manly and generous tears rushed to the eyes of my venerable friend,
and he could not speak. Once more he grasped my hand fervently, and
in the saddest silence that I have ever known we separated.
There was gloom around my heart, which the bright sun in heaven, that
gladdened all the land, could not penetrate or disperse; but it gave
way before a touch of true affection, which came to me as a last
memorial of the beloved scene on which I lingered.