PART I.

THE REIGNS OF HENRY VIII., EDWARD VI., AND MARY I.

In the following articles we propose to treat of home life in bygone

days.

That being the case, our net will be spread wide enough to catch a very

miscellaneous collection of facts. Nothing will come amiss to us that

in any way illustrates the domestic existence of our ancestors, and

every reader, whatever her turn of mind, will be sure to find something

worth taking note of.

It will be a different sort of narrative from the history of great men,

or a tale of battles, sieges, and such-like imposing circumstances.

We shall speak of houses and furniture, food and clothing, etiquette

and good manners, wages and prices, education and superstition,

household industries and household amusements, old recipes and domestic

medicines, the ways of the poor and the ways of the rich. We shall make

as much of needles and pins as ordinary history-books do of swords and

guns, and a girl singing an old song will have more attention than they

give to an ambassador negotiating a foreign treaty.

The worst of it is that the subject is long, whilst our space is of

necessity short. We shall try, however, to change that disadvantage

into an advantage, by giving only those facts that appear most

interesting. There is a pleasure, too, when reading about a subject,

to know that the half has not been told, and that to all who care to

pursue it on their own account a rich harvest remains yet unreaped.

We are not going to begin with the time “when wild in woods the noble

savage ran,” and homes were in caves and under the shade of green

trees; our starting-point is to be the reign of Henry VIII., and our

first article will embrace that reign and the reigns of Edward VI. and

Queen Mary—in other words, from 1509 to 1558.

In those far-back days many things were different from what they

are now. There has been a great advance in material comfort. Our

forefathers, no doubt, had just as much wit and wisdom as we have;

but we can boast an advantage over them in possessing more of the

conveniences of life. In that respect, at least, we are lucky to have

been born so late.

Let us not imagine, however, that they had a bad time of it, or

were discontented or miserable because they had not everything just

like us. People do not sigh after what they have never either seen

or heard of. We really find happiness in our affections—not in our

material surroundings, which are of secondary importance; and it is not

unreasonable to conclude that, as human nature is always the same,

these ancestors of ours enjoyed life in their way quite as much as we

do.

We start with the subject of houses and furniture. When Henry VIII.

began to reign, well-to-do people in towns lived, as a rule, in houses

built principally of timber, the fronts being often ornamented with

rich carvings of fanciful and grotesque objects. The upper storeys

projected; so much so, indeed, that in a street people in the attics on

either side could almost shake hands. There was a reason for building

in this way. As the houses were of perishable material, each storey

gave protection from the weather to the storey beneath it.

Such a quantity of timber being used, there was a great danger of fire,

and the warning of the bellmen who proclaimed the hours of the night

in London was certainly needed, when, to their instructions to “be

charitable to the poor, and pray for the dead,” they added, “Take care

of your fire and candle.”

The labouring people in the country lived in houses constructed of the

first things that came to hand—often nothing but wattle and mud or

clay. When the mud or clay cracked, under the influence of summer’s

heat or winter’s frost, it was a simple matter with the same material

to “stop a hole to keep the wind away.” Ventilation was very defective,

and Erasmus attributes the frequent sicknesses with which England

was then visited in a great measure to the want of fresh air in the

dwelling-houses.

The ideas that regulated the furnishing and decoration of the houses

of the upper classes form a marked contrast to those prevailing

nowadays. The furniture was more massive, and there was less of it. The

bedchamber of Henry VIII. contained only a couple of joint cupboards, a

joint stool, two hand-irons, a fire-fork, a pair of tongs, a fire-pan,

and a steel mirror covered with yellow velvet.

Carpets came into use before the reign of Henry VIII. was far advanced,

though in the reign of Queen Mary rushes still strewed the floor of the

presence-chamber. Feather beds were used in Henry VIII.’s reign by the

upper classes. When they went travelling, they were no longer content

with the floor or a hard bench at halting-places, but generally carried

portable beds (packed in leather cases) with them on horseback. In the

lower ranks of life straw pallets, or rough mats with a round log for a

pillow, formed the ordinary provision for sleeping.

Ladies’ dresses amongst the nobility in Henry VIII.’s reign had a

certain formality, but in many points were elegant and becoming. Early

in the sixteenth century they were made low and cut square about the

neck: the sleeves were tight at the shoulder, but suddenly became very

large and open, showing the puffed sleeves of the under-dress. The

long skirts were worn open in front to the waist, showing the kirtle

or petticoat. Sometimes, however, dresses were worn high, with short

waists and a small falling collar.

At a little later date the sleeves of dresses were puffed at the

shoulders, and when the dress was made open above the girdle, what

was called a “partlet”—a kind of habit-shirt—was worn beneath it, and

carried up to the throat.

Sleeves were one of the strong points of the ladies of those times.

They were independent articles of clothing, and were attached at

pleasure to the rest of the costume. “Much splendour,” says Mr. J.

R. Planché, “was lavished on this part of the dress, and its various

fashions were singularly quaint and elegant.” Amongst the inventories

of Henry VIII.’s reign we find “three pair of purple satin sleeves for

women; one pair of linen sleeves, paned with gold over the arm, quilted

with black silk, and wrought with flowers between the panes and at the

hands; one pair of sleeves of purple gold tissue damask wire, each

sleeve tied with aglets of gold; one pair of crimson satin sleeves,

four buttons of gold being set on each sleeve, and in every button nine

pearls.”

Necklaces and other ornaments of jewellery were much worn. No dress was

complete without a girdle, and from the girdle was suspended by means

of chains such articles as tablets, knives and purses. Sometimes, in

place of the chains, the girdles themselves had a long pendant, which

was elaborately decorated.

We get a glimpse of the style of dress amongst commoner folk, in the

history of a famous clothier known as “Jack of Newbury.” When Jack

was married, the bride, in her wedding costume, must have cut quite

a picturesque figure. “The bride,” we read, “being dressed in a gown

of sheep’s russet and a kirtle of fine worsted, her head attired in

a _billiment_ (habiliment) of gold, and her hair, as yellow as gold,

hanging down behind her, which was curiously combed and plaited,

according to the manner of those days, was led to church by two boys

with bride laces, and rosemary tied about their silken sleeves.”

Mrs. Jack became a widow, and after she had laid aside her weeds she is

described as coming one day out of the kitchen “in a fair train gown

stuck full of silver pins, having a white cap on her head, with cuts of

curious needlework under the same, and an apron before her as white as

driven snow.”

The ordinary costume for men of the upper ranks in the time of Henry

VIII. was a full-skirted jacket or doublet, with large sleeves to the

wrists, over which was hung a short cloak or coat, with loose hanging

sleeves and a broad, rolling collar of fur. To these articles of dress

was added a brimmed cap, jewelled and bordered with ostrich feathers;

stockings and square-toed shoes.

A sumptuary law was passed in 1533, limiting the use of certain

expensive stuffs and valuable personal ornaments to certain classes.

Common people and serving men, for example, were confined to the use of

cloth of a fixed price, and lamb’s fur only, and they were forbidden

to wear any ornaments or even buttons of gold, silver, or gilt work,

excepting the badge of their lord or master.

The apprentices of London wore blue cloaks in summer, and in winter

gowns of the same colour. Blue cloaks or gowns were a mark of servitude.

Fourteen years before the beginning of Henry VIII.’s reign wages were

settled by Act of Parliament. A free mason, master carpenter, rough

mason, bricklayer, master tiler, plumber, glazier, carver or joiner,

was allowed from Easter to Michaelmas to take 6d. a day, without meat

or drink. Suppose he had meat and drink, he could only charge 4d. A

master having under him six men was allowed a penny a day extra. From

Michaelmas to Easter a penny a day was taken off these prices. Wages,

however, gradually rose all through the sixteenth century.

In 1511, in the household of the Earl of Northumberland, the principal

priest of the chapel had £5 a year; a chaplain graduate £3 6s. 8d.; a

chaplain not a graduate, £2; a minstrel, £4; a serving boy, 13s. 4d.

These payments were over and above food and lodging.

When wages and salaries were so low, compared with those of our own

day, we must expect to find a corresponding difference in prices. In

1541 a hundred eggs sold for 1s. 2d., a dozen pigeons cost 10d., a good

fat goose cost 8d., and you could buy a fat sheep for from 2s. 4d. to

4s., and an ox for about £2. In 1533 an Act was passed by which the

price of beef and pork was fixed at ½d. a pound, and veal at ¾d.

Of the state of learning, in the houses at any rate of the upper

classes, much is to be said that reflects credit on our ancestors.

The royal court of Henry VIII., whatever might be its faults, did not

neglect study. In the case of Prince Edward, afterwards Edward VI.,

devotion to his books no doubt had an injurious effect on his health,

and there is no saying what might have been the result to England had

he had less learning and more exercise. Bishop Burnet tells us that he

was so forward in his education that “before he was eight years old

he wrote Latin letters to his father, who was a prince of that stern

severity that one can hardly think that those about his son durst cheat

him by making letters for him.”

Mary had a good knowledge of classic authors, and wrote good Latin

letters. Elizabeth began every day with an hour’s reading in the Greek

Testament, the tragedies of Sophocles, and the orations of Isocrates

and Demosthenes. She also was a good Latin scholar, spoke French and

Italian as fluently as English, had a smattering of Dutch and German,

and was a devourer of works on history.

These two princesses were the highest in station of the accomplished

women of the time, but there were many who equalled, and some

who surpassed, them in learning. The most remarkable of all for

accomplishments was certainly Lady Jane Grey, afterwards the

unfortunate queen of a ten-days’ reign. Lady Jane took so kindly to

study that she became the marvel of the age for her acquirements. She

excelled in needlework and in music, and, aided by her tutor, Dr.

Elmer, or Aylmer, afterwards Bishop of London, had thoroughly mastered

Latin, Greek, French, and Italian, and knew something of at least three

Oriental tongues—Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic.

One of the most interesting passages—and a touching one it is, too—in

the writings of Roger Ascham is that in “The Schoolmaster,” in which

he describes a visit he paid to the home of Lady Jane’s parents in

Leicestershire in 1550. She was then little over thirteen years old.

It gives us a glimpse of the girl-life of the period in a high rank of

society, and deserves to be quoted in full.

“Before I went into Germany,” says Ascham, “I came to Broadgate, in

Leicestershire, to take my leave of that noble Lady Jane Grey, to whom

I was exceeding much beholden. Her parents, the Duke and Duchess, with

all the household, gentlemen and gentlewomen, were hunting in the park.

I found her in her chamber, reading Phædon Platonis, in Greek, and

that with as much delight as some gentlemen would read a merry tale in

Boccaccio.

“After salutation and duty done with some other talk, I asked her why

she would leave such pastime in the park?

“Smiling, she answered me, ‘I wis all their sport in the park is but a

shadow to that pleasure that I find in Plato. Alas, good folk! they

never felt what true pleasure meant.’

“‘And how came you, madam,’ quoth I, ‘to this deep knowledge of

pleasure, and what did chiefly allure you unto it, seeing not many

women but very few men have attained thereunto?’

“‘I will tell you,’ quoth she, ‘and tell you a truth which perchance

you will marvel at. One of the greatest benefits that God ever gave

me is that He sent me so sharp and severe parents, and so gentle a

schoolmaster. For when I am in presence either of father or mother,

whether I speak, keep silence, sit, stand or go, eat, drink, be merry

or sad, be sewing, playing, dancing, or doing anything else, I must do

it as it were in such weight, measure, and number—even so perfectly

as God made the world—or else I am so sharply taunted, so cruelly

threatened, yea, presently, sometimes, with pinches, nips, and bobs,

and other ways which I will not name for the honour I bear them; so

without measure misordered that I think myself in hell, till time come

that I must go to Mr. Elmer, who teacheth me so gently, so pleasantly,

with such fair allurements to learning, that I think all the time

nothing whiles I am with him. And when I am called from him I fall on

weeping, because whatsoever I do else but learning is full of grief,

trouble, fear, and whole misliking unto me. And thus my book hath been

so much my pleasure, and bringeth daily to me more pleasure and more,

that in respect of it all other pleasures in very deed be but trifles

and troubles unto me.’

“I remember this talk gladly,” Ascham adds, “both because it is so

worthy of memory, and because, also, it was the last talk that ever I

had and the last time that ever I saw that noble and worthy lady.”

However learning might flourish in the upper circles of society, it

seems to have languished in the schools and among the people. But

efforts were made in the direction of popular education, and more

grammar schools it is said were founded in the latter part of Henry

VIII.’s reign than in the three hundred years preceding.

Music was practised by all classes. Erasmus, who saw much of England in

the beginning of the sixteenth century, speaks of the English as the

most accomplished in the skill of music of any people. “It is certain,”

says Mr. Chappell, “that the beginning of the sixteenth century

produced in England a race of musicians equal to the best in foreign

countries, and in point of secular music decidedly in advance of them.”

Henry VIII. was a great patron of music, and, more than that, he was

himself a composer and performer. He played well on both the virginals

and the lute, and could sing at sight. But to sing at sight was a

common accomplishment amongst gentlemen; so common, indeed, that

inability to do so was looked on as a serious drawback to success in

life. Homes were rendered cheerful by the singing of madrigals and

other part music. The first collection of songs in parts that was

printed in England belongs to the year 1530.

Besides music, many other recreations were indulged in. These were

the days of archery, casting of the bar, wrestling, and such martial

sports as fighting with swords and battle-axes. For rural pastimes

there were hunting and hawking—and in these the ladies were often as

enthusiastic as the gentlemen. Card-playing was highly popular, and in

the reign of Henry VIII. a prohibitory statute was found necessary to

prevent apprentices from using cards, except in the Christmas holidays,

and then only in their masters’ houses. The same statute forbade any

householder to permit card-playing in his house, under the penalty of

six shillings and eightpence for every offence.

May Day was a general holiday, and Maypoles were set up in every town

and village. The observance of May Day differed no doubt in minor

particulars in different places, but in general it consisted in people

of all ranks going out early in the morning into the “sweet meadows

and green woods,” where they broke down branches from the trees, and

adorned them with nosegays and crowns of flowers. “This done, they

returned homewards with their booty, and made their doors and windows

triumph in the flowery spoil.” The Maypole was set up, and the rest

of the day was spent in dancing round it, and in sports of different

kinds. When evening came, bonfires were lighted in the streets. Even

the reigning sovereign joined in these amusements. On May Day, 1515,

Henry VIII. and Queen Katherine, his wife, rode a-Maying from Greenwich

to the high ground of Shooter’s-hill, accompanied by many lords and

ladies.

There was a famous London Maypole in Cornhill before the parish church

of St. Andrew, which thus got the name of St. Andrew Undershaft. The

pole or shaft, Stow tells us, was set up by the citizens “every year,

on May Day, in the morning, in the midst of the street, before the

south door of the said church; which shaft, when it was set on end and

fixed in the ground, was higher than the church steeple.” When its

annual day of usefulness was over, the pole was taken down again and

hung on iron hooks above the doors of the neighbouring houses.

This pole was destroyed in 1550, the fourth year of Edward VI.’s reign,

in an outburst of Puritanism, after a sermon preached at St. Paul’s

Cross against May games. The inhabitants of the houses against whose

wall the pole had found shelter sawed it in pieces, and every man took

a bit and made use of it to light his fire.

Mingled with the festivities of May Day there was a distinct set of

sports, very popular in the early part of the sixteenth century,

intended to represent the adventures of the renowned woodland hero,

Robin Hood. The enthusiasm with which the common people entered into

these sports may be seen from the reception Bishop Latimer met with

when he once proposed to preach in a town on the 1st of May. He tells

the incident himself in a sermon he preached in 1549 before Edward VI.

“I came once myself,” he says, “to a place, riding on a journey

homeward from London, and I sent word overnight into the town that

I would preach there in the morning because it was holy day, and

methought it was an holy day’s work.” (It was the Feast of the Apostles

Philip and James.) “The church stood in my way, and I took my horse

and my company and went thither. I thought I should have found a great

company in the church, and when I came there the church door was fast

locked.

“I tarried there half an hour and more. At last the key was found, and

one of the parish comes to me and says, ‘Sir, this is a busy day with

us. We cannot hear you. It is Robin Hood’s Day. The parish are gone

abroad to gather for Robin Hood. I pray you forbid them not.’

“I was fain there to give place to Robin Hood. I thought my rochet”—or

bishop’s surplice—“should have been regarded, though I were not; but it

would not serve; it was fain to give place to Robin Hood.”

How did stay-at-home people amuse themselves then in the long winter

evenings? No doubt they either made time seem short by going to sleep,

or they sat by the fireside singing songs or telling oft-told stories,

or exercising their wits by asking each other riddles or conundrums.

Some of their fireside riddles are preserved in a little book called

“Demands Joyous”—in modern English Merry Questions—which was printed

by Wynkyn de Worde in 1511.

The following are a few of the conundrums contained in this work, and

at some of them the reader, who is well acquainted with the conundrums

of the present day, will be tempted to exclaim with Solomon, that there

is nothing new under the sun.

“What is it that never freezeth?—Boiling water.

“What is it that never was and never will be?—A mouse’s nest in a cat’s

ear.

“How many straws go to a goose’s nest?—Not one, for straws, not having

feet, cannot go anywhere.

“How many calves’ tails would it take to reach from the earth to the

sky?—No more than one, if it be long enough.

“What man getteth his living backwards?—A ropemaker.

“Why doth a dog turn round three times before he lieth down?—Because he

knoweth not his bed’s head from the foot thereof.

“Why do men make an oven in a town? Because they cannot make a town in

an oven.

“How may a man discern a cow in a flock of sheep?—By his eyesight.

“What is the worst bestowed charity that one can give?—Alms to a blind

man; for he would be glad to see the person hanged that gave it to him.”

An industry of considerable interest from a domestic point of view came

to the front in 1542; this was the manufacture of pins. These useful

articles were originally made abroad, but the English pinners took to

making them, and on their engaging to keep the public well supplied at

reasonable prices, an Act of Parliament was passed in the year just

named, forbidding the sale of any sort of pins excepting “only such as

shall be double-headed, and have the heads soldered fast to the shank

of the pin, well smoothed, the shank well shaven, the point well and

round filed, canted and sharped.”

The English pinmakers, however, either proved unable or unwilling to

keep their part of the bargain, and complaints were so loudly made

that the pins were not what they should be, that in 1545 the Act was

declared “frustrate and annihilated, and to be repealed for ever.”

Pins of good quality were of brass, but unscrupulous makers made pins

of iron wire, blanched, and passed them off as brass ones.

People who went from home then had no choice—they must either ride or

walk. Kings, queens, and gentlefolk all mounted to the saddle, the

ladies being accustomed to ride on pillions fixed on the horse, and

generally behind some relative or serving-man. Rude carriages, however,

made their appearance in England in 1555.

Before the Reformation there were no poor’s rates. The poor had their

wants supplied by charitable doles given at religious houses, and by

contributions placed in the poor man’s box which stood in every church.

In all parishes there was a church house supplied with dishes and

cooking utensils. “Here,” says John Aubrey, “the housekeepers met, and

were merry and gave their charity.”

Begging, under certain conditions, was regulated by an Act of

Parliament passed in 1530. By this Act justices of the peace were

required to give licences under their seals to such poor, aged, and

impotent persons to beg within a certain precinct as they thought had

most need. If anyone begged out of the district assigned to him he was

to be set in the stocks two days and two nights; and if anyone begged

without first obtaining a licence he was to be put in the stocks three

days and three nights, and be fed with bread and water only.

Vagrants were very sternly dealt with; but in this Act, and in

subsequent legislation on the same subject, we see that our

sixteenth-century forefathers had an honest desire to do their duty in

relieving such as were in “unfeigned misery.” In an Act passed in the

first year of Edward VI.’s reign we find the curate of every parish

required, “on every Sunday and holiday, after reading the Gospel of

the day, to make (according to such talent as God hath given him) a

godly and brief exhortation to his parishioners, moving and exciting

them to remember the poor people, and the duty of Christian charity in

relieving of them which be their brethren in Christ, born in the same

parish and needing their help.”

One of the interesting households of the period was that of Sir Thomas

More, the famous Lord Chancellor who was executed in 1535. More lived

at Chelsea, and of his happy home there Erasmus, who knew him well,

has given the following charming account:—“More,” he says, “has built,

near London, upon the Thames, a modest yet commodious mansion. There

he lives, surrounded by his numerous family, including his wife, his

son, and his son’s wife, his three daughters and their husbands, with

eleven grandchildren. There is not any man living so affectionate to

his children as he, and he loveth his old wife as if she were a girl

of fifteen. Such is the excellence of his disposition, that whatsoever

happeneth that could not be helped, he is as cheerful and as well

pleased as though the best thing possible had been done.

“In More’s house you would say that Plato’s Academy was revived again,

only whereas in the Academy the discussion turned upon geometry and

the power of numbers, the house at Chelsea is a veritable school

of Christian religion. In it is none, man or woman, but readeth or

studieth the liberal arts; yet is their chief care of piety. There is

never any seen idle. The head of the house governs it, not by a lofty

carriage and oft rebukes, but by gentleness and amiable manners. Every

member is busy in his place, performing his duty with alacrity; nor is

sober mirth wanting.”

Speaking of More’s home life in his “Short History of the English

People,” Mr. J. R. Green says:—“The reserve which the age exacted

from parents was thrown to the winds in More’s intercourse with his

children. He loved teaching them, and lured them to their deeper

studies by the coins and curiosities he had gathered in his cabinet. He

was as fond of their pets and their games as the children themselves,

and would take grave scholars and statesmen into the garden to see

his girls’ rabbit-hutches or to watch the gambols of their favourite

monkey.”

(_To be continued._)

THE SHEPHERD’S FAIRY.

A PASTORALE.

BY DARLEY DALE, Author of “Fair Katherine,” etc.

The Girl's Own Paper, Vol. VIII, No. 367, January 8, 1887 · 第 2 / 4 章