CHAMPLAIN, THE JESUITS AND THE SAVAGES
The first inhabitants of the settlement of New France were the
interpreters, clerks, and workmen, employed by the merchants. They were
termed the winterers, in opposition to the captains and sailors who
visited the colony for the purpose of trading only. The interpreters
present an interesting feature in the life of the new colony. Their
functions rendered it necessary for them to reside for an indefinite
period with an Indian tribe, in order to qualify themselves to act as
interpreters for their countrymen during trade, or for the missionaries
while catechising or providing other religious exercises. A daily
intercourse with the Indians was absolutely essential in order to induce
them to keep their appointments with the traders at the established
rendezvous. The interpreters had seldom any other occupation, although
some of them acted as clerks, and thereby received a larger salary, in
addition to a certain number of beaver skins which they could exchange
for goods.
Étienne Brûlé and Nicholas Marsolet, who arrived at Quebec with
Champlain in the year 1608, acted as interpreters, but at first they did
not meet with much success. They were, however, both young and
intelligent, and Brûlé soon acquired a knowledge of the Huron language,
while Marsolet mastered the idiom of the Algonquin tongue. Brûlé spent
nearly all his life among the Hurons, who adopted him as a member of
their family, while Marsolet accompanied the Algonquins to Allumette
Island, and became one of their best friends. Historians of Canada
mention the names of many other interpreters of this period, some of
whom founded families, while others afterwards returned to France. In
the year 1613 three interpreters arrived, Nicholas du Vignau, Jacques
Hertel, and Thomas Godefroy. In the year 1618 there was only one
arrival, Jean Manet, who took up his residence among the people residing
on the shores of Lake Nipissing.
In the year 1619 Jean Nicolet came to Canada, and won great esteem in
the country of his choice. He was the father of a large family, the
descendants of whom are very numerous. Three more interpreters came in
1621, Du Vernet, Le Baillif, and Olivier Le Tardif, and two in 1623,
namely, Jean-Paul Godefroy and Jacques Couillard, and finally in 1624
Jean Richer and Lamontagne, thus making twelve interpreters between the
years 1608 and 1625. Of this number the two Godefroys, Marsolet,
Nicolet, Hertel, and Le Tardif were distinguished on account of the part
which they took in Canadian affairs; and the knowledge which they had
obtained of the native languages rendered them competent to discuss
delicate questions relating to the welfare of the colony. Their services
to the authorities, both civil and religious, were therefore at certain
periods exceedingly valuable. It is among these men that we may
fittingly seek for the founders of the Canadian race.
The second class of settlers, or winterers, as they were termed, will be
spoken of later. From the year 1608 to 1613 not a single settler or head
of a family came to Canada, but at this latter date we find the names of
Abraham Martin, Nicholas Pivert and Pierre Desportes. They were married
and brought their wives and families with them. Abraham Martin and
Pierre Desportes had each a daughter, and Pivert had a niece. Guillaume
Couillard arrived during the same year, but he was a bachelor. We have
already spoken in a previous chapter of the return of Champlain from
France in the year 1617, on which occasion he was accompanied by Louis
Hébert and his family. There also arrived in 1617, Étienne Jonquest, to
whom we have likewise referred. In 1618 another family took up its
residence in New France, namely Adrien Duchesne, surgeon, and his wife.
Eustache Boullé, brother-in-law to Champlain, came over in 1618, and two
families arrived in 1619, but they were immediately sent back, as the
occupation of the head of one of the families was that of a butcher, and
the other was a needle manufacturer, and there was no opening for either
in a new settlement. In the year 1620, the settlers gave a cordial
welcome to Hélène Boullé, who was attended by three female servants.
From the year 1620 to 1625, history is silent as to new arrivals.
Champlain had made every effort to induce settlers to take up their
residence in Quebec, but the population was still very scanty.
There were really only seven settled families at this time, composed of
twenty persons, seven men and seven women, and six children. Their names
were as follows:--Abraham Martin and his wife Marguerite Langlois, and
his two daughters, Anne and Marguerite; Pierre Desportes and his wife
Françoise Langlois, and a girl named Hélène; Nicholas Pivert and his
wife Marguerite Lesage, and their niece; Louis Hébert and his wife Marie
Rollet, and a son named Guillaume; Adrien Duchesne and his wife;
Guillaume Couillard, his wife, Guillemette Hébert, and a girl named
Louise; Champlain and his wife Hélène Boullé.
When Abraham Martin came to Quebec, he was twenty-four years of age. The
official documents refer to him as king's pilot, and the Jesuits named
him Maître Abraham, while to the people he was Martin l'Ecossais. His
family gave to the Catholic Church of Canada her second priest in
chronological order. This priest, who was born at Quebec, was named
Charles Amador. After having served as a mariner for the Company of
Rouen, Abraham Martin became a farmer, and was the proprietor of two
portions of land, consisting of thirty-two acres.[21] He received
twenty acres of land from Adrien Duchesne, and twelve acres from the
Company of New France, on December 4th, 1635.[22] This property was
named the Plains of Abraham, and all the ground in the immediate
vicinity gradually assumed the same title. A part of the famous conflict
fought on September 13th, 1759, and known as the Battle of the Plains of
Abraham, actually occurred on the ground owned by Abraham Martin, and
thus it is that the name of this first settler has been perpetuated in
prose and verse.
Louis Hébert, the son of a Parisian apothecary, followed the profession
of his father in Canada. He first tried to establish himself at Port
Royal, where we find him in the year 1606. He left Port Royal in 1607,
but he appears to have returned there, as in the year 1613 he is
mentioned as acting as lieutenant in the place of Biencourt, son of
Poutrincourt. When Port Royal was abandoned, Hébert returned to France,
where he met Champlain, who induced him to turn his steps towards Canada
once more. Soon after his second visit to New France, he commenced to
build a residence in the Upper Town of Quebec, upon the summit of
Mountain Hill. This building, which was of stone, measured thirty-eight
feet in length, and was nineteen feet broad. It was in this house that
Father Le Jeune said mass when he came to Quebec in 1632. Hébert
received some concessions of land from the companies, and at once
commenced to cultivate it, so that he was able to live from its produce.
Champlain praises him for this course. Hébert died in the year 1627,
from mortal injuries caused by a fall. He was buried in the cemetery of
the Récollets, at the foot of the great cross, according to his desire.
The Récollet fathers lived until the year 1620 in their humble residence
near the chapel and habitation of Quebec, in the Lower Town. In the year
1619 they employed some workmen to fell trees on the shores of the River
St. Charles, near an agreeable tract of land which Hébert had cleared.
It was situated at half a league from the habitation, and the people of
Quebec hoped at that time to build the town there. During the winter
each piece of timber was prepared for the building, and the savages
assisted in the work. On June 3rd, 1620, the first stone of the convent
was solemnly laid by Father d'Olbeau. The arms of the king were engraved
upon the stone near those of the Prince de Condé. The convent was
finished and blessed on May 25th, 1621, and dedicated to Notre Dame des
Anges. It was on this date that the name of St. Charles was given to the
river Ste. Croix, or the Cabir-Coubat of the Indians, in honour of the
Reverend Charles de Ransay des Boues, syndic of the Canadian missions.
There were six Récollet fathers at Quebec in 1621, and two brothers.
Fathers Guillaume Galleran and Irénée Piat came in 1622, the former in
the capacity of visitor and superior. A coincidence of their arrival was
the induction of the first religious novitiate. Pierre Langoissieux, of
Rouen, took the monastic habit under the name of Brother Charles, at a
special ceremony in the presence of Champlain and his wife, and some
Frenchmen and Indians. Three young men also received the small scapulary
of the Franciscan order. Father Piat left Quebec for the Montagnais
mission, while Father Huet was sent to Three Rivers, and Father Poullain
to the Nipissing mission in the west. In the year 1623, Father Nicholas
Viel and Brother Gabriel Sagard-Théodat, the historian of the Huron
mission, arrived. They were entertained at the convent of Notre Dame des
Anges. At the solemn Te Deum, which was sung in the chapel on this
occasion, there were present seven fathers and four brothers. Fathers Le
Caron and Viel, and Brother Sagard arranged for some Indian guides to
conduct them to the Huron country, where they arrived on July 23rd. The
party spent the winter among the Hurons, and during the following year
Brother Sagard was recalled to France by his superiors. The Récollets
continued to conduct services in the small chapel in the Lower Town,
which served as the parochial church of Quebec.
In the year 1624 the French colony was placed under the patronage of
Saint Joseph, who has remained from that date the patron saint of
Canada. Champlain was at this time in France, and had met Montmorency at
St. Germain-en-Laye, after the Récollets had complained of the conduct
of the Huguenots. While the missionaries were celebrating mass, the
Huguenots annoyed them by singing psalms, and they occupied the
poop-royal on board the vessels for their services, while the Catholics
were compelled to assemble in the forecastle, without distinction of
persons. The Récollets also complained of the negligence of the
associates, who had not provided for the material requirements of the
mission. Father Piat set forth that while the missionaries were prepared
to sacrifice their health and their mother country in order to civilize
the Indians, they were not ready, under the circumstances, to die simply
for the want of food, when it was the duty of the associates to provide
for them. Father Piat also suggested the advisability of forming a
seminary for young Indians, as a means of developing their moral
character, of teaching them the rudiments of religion, and whereby the
Récollets might acquire a knowledge of the Indian language. Realizing
that they were unable to found such an institution alone, they decided
to ask assistance from the Jesuits, who had great influence at court,
and who might possibly be able to establish such a building from their
own resources. If these resolutions had been known, the Huguenots would
doubtless have prevented the Jesuits' departure, but the news was only
made public when it was too late to formulate any opposition.
Champlain, who was at this time endeavouring to induce the merchants to
carry out their engagements, thought it advisable not to take any part
in urging the requests of the mission, for fear of compromising its
success, and he considered it the best policy to be very discreet.
Father Coton, provincial of the Jesuit order, accepted with pleasure the
proposals of the Récollets, as the order was always glad of an
opportunity of preaching the gospel in distant lands. The Jesuits had
already founded the Acadian mission, but its results had much
disappointed their hopes. Champlain was pleased to learn that the desire
of the Récollets was accomplished, although he had taken no part towards
its fulfilment. Indeed his services were fully employed elsewhere. The
old merchants were fighting with the new ones, the dispute arising from
the different methods of recruiting crews for their ships.
These petty quarrels, which were constantly brought to the notice of
Montmorency, caused him much annoyance, and he consequently resigned his
position of viceroy in favour of his nephew, Ventadour, peer of France
and governor of Languedoc, for a sum of one hundred thousand livres. The
king gave his assent to the transaction, and Henri de Lévis, duc de
Ventadour, received his commission, dated March 25th, 1625. He is
described as a pious man, who had no other desire than the glory of God.
The duke appointed Champlain as his lieutenant, and ordered him to erect
forts in New France wherever he should deem it necessary, and empowered
him to create officers of justice to maintain peace and harmony.
Endued with such powers, Champlain did not hesitate to continue his
work. The duke's appointment was also received with favour by the
Récollets and Jesuits. The associates were not friendly disposed towards
the Jesuits, but seeing that they did not ask any assistance from them,
they made no opposition to their departure for Canada.
Guillaume de Caën took with him on his vessel three Jesuit fathers and
two brothers. These were Fathers Charles Lalemant, Jean de Brébeuf and
Enemond Massé. The brothers were François Charton and Gilbert Burel.
Father Lalemant, formerly director of the college of Clermont, was
appointed director of the mission. Champlain speaks of him as a very
devoted and zealous man. Father Massé had been previously in Acadia,
where he proved his devotedness to the Indians. Father de Brébeuf, the
youngest of the three, was distinguished by reason of his mature
judgment and great prudence. The number of the Récollets was increased
by the arrival of Father Joseph de la Roche d'Aillon, a man of noble and
exalted character.
De Caën's vessel sailed from Dieppe, and although the voyage was long,
it was a pleasant one. When the Jesuits reached Quebec, they met with
strong opposition from the clerks, and there was no residence prepared
for them. The only course which appeared open to them was to return to
France, unless they could find a lodging with the Récollets.
In the meantime the clerks circulated a pamphlet amongst the families of
the settlement, with a view to creating a prejudice against the Jesuits.
It was _L'Anticoton_,[23] a libellous communication, which had been
proven false by Father Coton. The Récollets at once extended a courteous
invitation to the Jesuits, which they gratefully accepted, and took up
their residence in the convent. The Récollets also begged them to accept
as a loan the timber work of a building which had been prepared for
their own use.
The gratitude of the Jesuits under these circumstances, is not
sufficiently well known. Father Lalemant's letter addressed to the
Provincial of the Récollets in France, admirably sets forth their
position, and will be read with interest by every student of this
portion of our history.
"Reverend Father: Pax Christi. It would be too ungrateful
were I not to write to your Reverence to thank you for the many
letters lately written in our favour to the Fathers who are here in
New France, and for the charity which we have received from the
Fathers, who put us under eternal obligation. I beseech our good
God to be the reward of you both. For myself, I write to our
Superiors that I feel it so deeply that I will let no occasion pass
of showing it, and I beg them, although already most affectionately
disposed, to show your whole holy order the same feelings. Father
Joseph will tell your Reverence the object of his voyage, for the
success of which we shall not cease to offer prayers and sacrifices
to God. This time we must advance in good earnest the affairs of
our Master, and omit nothing that shall be deemed necessary. I have
written to all who, I thought, could aid it, and I am sure they
will exert themselves, if affairs in France permit. Your Reverence,
I doubt not, is affectionately inclined, and so _vis unita_, our
united effort, will do much. Awaiting the result, I commend myself
to the Holy Sacrifice of your Reverence, whose most humble servant
I am.
"Charles Lalemant."
"Quebec, July 28th, 1625."
The Jesuits accepted the hospitality of the Récollets until the convent
which they built on the opposite side of the river St. Charles, was
ready for their habitation. It was situated near the entrance of the
river Lairet, about two hundred paces from the shore. We shall meet them
there a little later, working hard, in common with the Récollets with
whom they were good friends, for the civilization of the Indians.
When Guillaume de Caën returned to France, he was summoned to appear
before the tribunal of the state council, as he had not put into effect
all the articles of his contract. The chief complaint against him was
that the admiral or commodore of the fleet was not a Catholic. For this
appointment, however, he was not responsible, as it was made by the
associates, and he therefore summoned them to give their explanations
before the admiralty judge. The case was finally settled by His
Majesty's council in favour of Guillaume de Caën, on the condition that
he should at once appoint a Catholic. Raymond de la Ralde was the
officer of his choice.
Champlain started at once for Dieppe, together with Eustache Boullé whom
he appointed his lieutenant, and Destouches, his second lieutenant.
Their departure for Canada occurred on April 24th, 1626, and there were
five vessels in the squadron: the _Catherine_, two hundred and fifty
tons, commanded by de la Ralde;[24] _La Flèque_, two hundred and sixty
tons, with Emery de Caën as vice-admiral; _L'Alouette_, eighty tons, and
two other vessels, one of two hundred tons, and the other of one hundred
and twenty tons.
Champlain was on board the _Catherine_, and he arrived at Percé on June
20th. Before anchoring at Tadousac, Emery de Caën caused his crew to
assemble on deck, and he there informed them that the Duc de Ventadour
desired that psalms should not be sung, as they had been accustomed to
sing them on the Atlantic. Two-thirds of the crew grumbled at this
order, and Champlain advised de Caën to allow meetings for prayer only.
This ruling was judicious, although it was not accepted with pleasure.
At Moulin Baude, near Tadousac Bay, Champlain received intelligence that
Pont-Gravé, who had wintered at Quebec, had been very ill, and that the
inhabitants had resolved to leave the country at the earliest
opportunity owing to the sufferings which they had endured from famine.
When Champlain arrived at Quebec on July 5th, 1626, he found all the
settlers in good health, but little had been done towards the building
of the fort, or towards repairing the habitation. He, therefore, set
twenty men to work at once. Emery de Caën left Quebec in order to carry
on trade with the Indians. There were at Quebec at this time fifty-five
persons, of whom eighteen were labourers. Champlain wished to have ten
men constantly employed at the fort, but Guillaume de Caën had promised
them elsewhere, and the merchants obliged them to work at the
habitation, which they considered more useful than the fort. Champlain,
however, did not agree with them on this point.
The oldest fortification of Quebec was commenced in the year 1620, on
the summit of Cape Diamond, and the work was continued in 1621, when
Champlain was able to establish a small garrison within the walls.
Communication was opened between the habitation and the fort during the
winter of 1623-4, by means of a small road, less abrupt than the former
one. The fort was named Fort St. Louis.
In April 1624, a strong wind carried away the roof of the fort, and
transported it a distance of thirty feet, over the rampart. During this
storm the gable of Louis Hébert's residence was also destroyed. This
accident caused some delay to the works, and the merchants still
maintained their opposition to the construction of the fort. "If we
fortify Quebec," they said, "the garrisons will be the masters of the
ground, and our trade will be over." Guillaume de Caën supported the
opposition by saying that the Spaniards would take possession of New
France, if a boast were made of its resources. The king, finally, had to
undertake the defence of the colony alone.
Before leaving for France in 1624, Champlain had ordered the workmen to
gather fascines for the completion of the fort, but upon his return to
Canada, two years later, he found that nothing had been done. Champlain
therefore decided to demolish the old fort, and to construct a more
spacious one with the old materials, composed of fascines, pieces of
wood and grass, after the Norman method. The fort was flanked with two
bastions of wood and grass, until such time as they could be covered
with stone. The fort was ready for habitation at the commencement of the
year 1629, and Champlain took up his residence there at this date, with
two young Indian girls whom he had adopted as his children. After the
capitulation of Quebec in 1629, Louis Kirke resided in the fort with a
part of his crew.[25]
Although Champlain was not satisfied with the conduct of the merchants
towards the French, he was nevertheless pleased with the Indian tribes.
This noble care and management of these poor natives constitute one of
the brightest pages of his life. If we wish to form an impartial
judgment of the heroic qualities of Champlain, we must study his daily
relations with the chiefs of the various tribes. It is here that his
true character is revealed to us, and we are forced to admire both the
patience and care which he bestowed upon these people, and also his
exercise of diplomacy which rendered him from the first the most beloved
and respected of the French. His word commanded passive obedience, and
to maintain his friendship they were willing to make any sacrifice which
he desired. In this respect Champlain was more successful than the
missionaries, nor is it a matter of surprise that his memory was
cherished among the Indians longer than that of Father Le Caron or of
Father de Brébeuf. In their appreciation of character, the Indians
recognized instinctively that the calling of the missionaries rendered
their lives more perfect than that of a man of the world, but the
special characteristics and virtues of each did not escape their
penetration. Champlain took every care to preserve his friendship with
the Indians, not only on his own account, but also for the sake of the
traders, and of commerce generally, for his name acted as a
safe-conduct. Champlain had another ambition. He realized that if he
could induce the Indians to gather in the vicinity of Quebec, they would
prove a means of defence against the incursions of enemies. It seems to
have been a good policy, and the Jesuits who adopted the same means had
reason to be satisfied with their action.
In the year 1622 Champlain tried to establish the Montagnais near
Quebec. Miristou, their chief, was willing, and they began to cultivate
the land in the vicinity of La Canardière, on the north shore of the
river St. Charles. By living in the midst of such a community, Champlain
hoped to be able to derive new information regarding the country.
The sempiternal question of an open sea, admitting a free passage from
Europe to China, was constantly under the consideration of navigators.
Whether or not the founder of Quebec believed in this passage, we are
not prepared to assert, as he does not make any definite statement, but
from his Relations it is evident that he hoped to ascertain whether it
were possible to reach the far west by means of the river St. Lawrence
and the Great Lakes. He knew that he could serve the interest of the
mother country by obtaining new data, and his opinions were well
received in France, although the recent wars had somewhat engrossed
public attention. The travels of the Récollets in the Huron country had
not resulted in the acquisition of new territory, and the interpreters
had nothing further to do than to discover new tribes with whom trade
might be developed. Western Canada had consequently been neglected both
for the want of explorers and of resources, as Champlain was of course
unable to explore the whole American continent, and at the same time
govern the colony of New France, where his presence was necessary to
preserve harmony amongst the Indians.
Champlain tried to effect an alliance with the Iroquois during the year
1622, and for this purpose he sent two Montagnais to their country as
delegates. In the meantime a double murder occurred in the colony. A
Frenchman named Pillet and his companion were murdered by an unknown
party. The facts were brought to the notice of the court in France, and
it was decided to pardon the murderer on the condition that he would
confess his crime, and publicly ask for pardon. Champlain appears to
have been anxious to assert his authority, on this occasion, for the
prevention of such crimes, but the merchants were inclined to condone
the offence, and one day Guillaume de Caën in the presence of Champlain
and some captains, took a sword, and caused it to be cast into the
middle of the St. Lawrence, in order that the Indians might understand
that the crime even as the sword, was buried forever. The effect of this
action was otherwise than desired. The Hurons ridiculed the affair, and
said that they had nothing to fear in the future if they murdered a
Frenchman.
The murderer was a Montagnais, and the tribe consequently approved of
this lack of justice. Champlain, however, desired a more severe
imposition of the law. The Montagnais were perhaps the most dangerous of
Champlain's allies, especially as their treachery was marked by the
outward appearance of serious friendship. In the Montagnais were united
all the vices of the other Indian tribes as well as the bad features of
some of the Europeans, especially those of the Rochelois and Basques.
They were bold and independent, but Champlain soon showed them, by
ceasing to care for them, that he was not to be imposed upon. Fearing to
lose the friendship of Champlain, they endeavoured to regain the
position which they had in a measure lost; but instead of remaining
passive, they boasted of the ease with which they could find protectors
and advocates amongst the French. This conduct did not please Champlain,
who would have preferred to find a people more amenable to natural laws,
which are in themselves a defence against murder.
The Montagnais who had been sent to the Iroquois returned to Quebec in
July, 1624. They had been courteously received, and as a result of their
negotiations, a general meeting of the Indians was held at Three Rivers.
There might be seen Hurons, Algonquins, Montagnais, Iroquois, and the
French with their interpreters. The meeting was conducted with perfect
order. There were many speeches, followed by the feast pantagruelic. The
war hatchet was buried, so that Champlain could leave for France without
being very anxious as to the fate of his compatriots.
The alliance of 1624 did not last long, however, owing to the imprudence
of the Montagnais who had journeyed to the Dutch settlement on the banks
of the Hudson and promised to assist the settlers in their wars against
the Mohicans and Iroquois. Champlain interfered, and reminded the
Montagnais that they were bound to observe the treaty of 1624, and
there was no reason to break it. "The Iroquois," said Champlain, "ought
to be considered as our friends as long as the war hatchet is not
disinterred, and I will go myself to help them in their wars, if
necessary."
This language pleased the chief of the Montagnais, and he asked
Champlain to send some one to Three Rivers, if he could not go himself,
in order to prevent the other nations from fighting against the
Iroquois. Étienne Brûlé was sent on this delicate mission, but as
opinion was divided as to the advisability of the war, it was decided to
wait until the arrival of the vessels. Emery de Caën arrived soon after,
and hastened to meet the allies, who, according to rumour, were
preparing to go to war against the Iroquois. In addition to this a party
had gone to Lake Champlain, where they had made two Iroquois prisoners,
who were, however, delivered by the murderer of Pillet.
Champlain and Mahicanaticouche arrived in the meantime, whereupon a
general council was held. Champlain severely blamed the authors of this
escapade, the consequences of which might be terrible. It was resolved
to send a new embassy to the Five Nations at once, composed of
Cherououny called _Le Réconcilié_ by the French, Chimeourimou, chief of
the Montagnais, Pierre Magnan, and an Iroquois, adopted when young by a
Montagnais widow. The delegates left for Lake Champlain on July 24th.
One month after, an Indian came to Quebec with the news that the four
delegates had been murdered by the Tsonnontouans. Magnan had murdered
one of his compatriots in France, and by coming to Canada had evaded
justice.
This massacre put an end to thoughts of peace. In September some
Iroquois were known to be _en route_ for Quebec, evidently with hostile
motives. It was just at this time that a number of savages were coming
from a distance of fifty or sixty leagues to fish in the river St.
Lawrence. Nothing serious happened from the visit of the Iroquois, and
Champlain was able to visit his habitation at Cape Tourmente without
danger. In his absence, however, a double murder was committed at La
Canardière. Two Frenchmen, one named Dumoulin, and the other Henri, a
servant of the widow Hébert, were found dead, having been shot with
muskets.
The murderer's intention had been to kill the baker of the habitation,
and a servant of Robert Giffard, the surgeon. Champlain was anxious to
punish this murderer, but the difficulty was to discover him. Champlain
summoned all the captains of the Montagnais, and having set forth all
the favours which he had bestowed upon the nation, contrasted them with
the conduct which he had received at their hands since 1616. There had
already been four murders of which they were guilty. Champlain therefore
demanded that they should find and give up the guilty party. One
Montagnais who was suspected, was examined, but he denied everything.
Champlain, however, ordered him to be detained in jail until the real
criminal should be found.
During the winter of 1628, about thirty Montagnais, miserable and
hungry, came to the habitation, asking for bread. Champlain took this
opportunity of pointing out to them the evil of their race, and of the
crimes they had committed. They declared that they knew nothing whatever
of the crime, and to show that they were not responsible they offered
three young girls to Champlain to be educated. Champlain accepted them
and treated them as his own children, naming them _Foi_, _Espérance_,
and _Charité_.
After having kept the Montagnais in jail for fourteen months he was
released, as there was no proof against him. Champlain learned soon
after that he was not guilty, and that the real criminal was dead, being
none other than Mahicanaticouche, one of the captains of the Montagnais.
FOOTNOTES:
[21] For a plan of Abraham Martin's property, see, _The Story of the
Siege and the Battle of the Plains of Abraham_, by A.G. Doughty.
[22] See _Deed of Concession_, p. 414, Trans. R.S.C., 1899, by A.G.
Doughty.
[23] Father Mariana, a Jesuit, having published a book entitled, _De
Regi et Regis Institutione_, in which he denounced tyranny and its
fomenters, the court ordered that the work should be burnt, under the
pretext that Ravaillac, who had assassinated Henri IV, had taken
advantage of the Jesuit's authority to excuse his murder. It was certain
that the Jesuits were the best friends of the late king. Nevertheless,
they had to suffer the hostility of a certain part of the secular
clergy. Father Coton, a Jesuit, published at once a pamphlet under the
title, "Is it lawful to kill the tyrants?" in which he taught that it is
not lawful to kill a king, except he abuses his authority. An answer to
the pamphlet, published anonymously, soon appeared, which was a
satirical paper rather than a refutation of Father Coton's letter.
During the same year a new satirical paper against the Jesuits was
printed, entitled _L'Anticoton_. It was translated into Latin.
[24] Raymond de la Ralde who was a Catholic, was the first captain of
the island of Miscou, the history of which commenced in 1620. Guillaume
de Caën appointed de la Ralde as his lieutenant to protect the trade in
the Gulf of St. Lawrence against the Basques and others, especially at
Percé, Gaspé, and Miscou. From the year 1627, de la Ralde ceased to be
of importance, as his fortunes followed the de Caëns.
[25] Champlain died within Fort St. Louis, and the Governor Montmagny
had the building restored under the title of Château St. Louis, which
name it bore until its complete demolition.