CHAPTER LXXII

A POSTSCRIPT WHICH SHOULD HAVE BEEN A PREFACE

Our journey is now finished, gentle reader; and if your patience has

accompanied me through these sheets, the contract is, on your part,

strictly fulfilled. Yet, like the driver who has received his full

hire, I still linger near you, and make, with becoming diffidence, a

trifling additional claim upon your bounty and good nature. You are as

free, however, to shut the volume of the one petitioner as to close

your door in the face of the other.

This should have been a prefatory chapter, but for two reasons: First,

that most novel readers, as my own conscience reminds me, are apt to be

guilty of the sin of omission respecting that same matter of prefaces;

Secondly, that it is a general custom with that class of students to

begin with the last chapter of a work; so that, after all, these

remarks, being introduced last in order, have still the best chance to

be read in their proper place.

There is no European nation which, within the course of half a century

or little more, has undergone so complete a change as this kingdom of

Scotland. The effects of the insurrection of 1745,--the destruction of

the patriarchal power of the Highland chiefs,--the abolition of the

heritable jurisdictions of the Lowland nobility and barons,--the total

eradication of the Jacobite party, which, averse to intermingle with

the English, or adopt their customs, long continued to pride themselves

upon maintaining ancient Scottish manners and customs,--commenced this

innovation. The gradual influx of wealth and extension of commerce have

since united to render the present people of Scotland a class of beings

as different from their grandfathers as the existing English are from

those of Queen Elizabeth's time.

The political and economical effects of these changes have been traced

by Lord Selkirk with great precision and accuracy. But the change,

though steadily and rapidly progressive, has nevertheless been gradual;

and, like those who drift down the stream of a deep and smooth river,

we are not aware of the progress we have made until we fix our eye on

the now distant point from which we have been drifted. Such of the

present generation as can recollect the last twenty or twenty-five

years of the eighteenth century will be fully sensible of the truth of

this statement; especially if their acquaintance and connexions lay

among those who in my younger time were facetiously called 'folks of

the old leaven,' who still cherished a lingering, though hopeless,

attachment to the house of Stuart.

This race has now almost entirely vanished from the land, and with it,

doubtless, much absurd political prejudice; but also many living

examples of singular and disinterested attachment to the principles of

loyalty which they received from their fathers, and of old Scottish

faith, hospitality, worth, and honour.

It was my accidental lot, though not born a Highlander (which may be an

apology for much bad Gaelic), to reside during my childhood and youth

among persons of the above description; and now, for the purpose of

preserving some idea of the ancient manners of which I have witnessed

the almost total extinction, I have embodied in imaginary scenes, and

ascribed to fictitious characters, a part of the incidents which I then

received from those who were actors in them. Indeed, the most romantic

parts of this narrative are precisely those which have a foundation in

fact.

The exchange of mutual protection between a Highland gentleman and an

officer of rank in the king's service, together with the spirited

manner in which the latter asserted his right to return the favour he

had received, is literally true. The accident by a musket shot, and the

heroic reply imputed to Flora, relate to a lady of rank not long

deceased. And scarce a gentleman who was 'in hiding' after the battle

of Culloden but could tell a tale of strange concealments and of wild

and hair'sbreadth'scapes as extraordinary as any which I have ascribed

to my heroes. Of this, the escape of Charles Edward himself, as the

most prominent, is the most striking example. The accounts of the

battle of Preston and skirmish at Clifton are taken from the narrative

of intelligent eye-witnesses, and corrected from the 'History of the

Rebellion' by the late venerable author of 'Douglas.' The Lowland

Scottish gentlemen and the subordinate characters are not given as

individual portraits, but are drawn from the general habits of the

period, of which I have witnessed some remnants in my younger days, and

partly gathered from tradition.

It has been my object to describe these persons, not by a caricatured

and exaggerated use of the national dialect, but by their habits,

manners, and feelings, so as in some distant degree to emulate the

admirable Irish portraits drawn by Miss Edgeworth, so different from

the 'Teagues' and 'dear joys' who so long, with the most perfect family

resemblance to each other, occupied the drama and the novel.

I feel no confidence, however, in the manner in which I have executed

my purpose. Indeed, so little was I satisfied with my production, that

I laid it aside in an unfinished state, and only found it again by mere

accident among other waste papers in an old cabinet, the drawers of

which I was rummaging in order to accommodate a friend with some

fishing-tackle, after it had been mislaid for several years.

Two works upon similar subjects, by female authors whose genius is

highly creditable to their country, have appeared in the interval; I

mean Mrs. Hamilton's 'Glenburnie' and the late account of 'Highland

Superstitions.' But the first is confined to the rural habits of

Scotland, of which it has given a picture with striking and impressive

fidelity; and the traditional records of the respectable and ingenious

Mrs. Grant of Laggan are of a nature distinct from the fictitious

narrative which I have here attempted.

I would willingly persuade myself that the preceding work will not be

found altogether uninteresting. To elder persons it will recall scenes

and characters familiar to their youth; and to the rising generation

the tale may present some idea of the manners of their forefathers.

Yet I heartily wish that the task of tracing the evanescent manners of

his own country had employed the pen of the only man in Scotland who

could have done it justice--of him so eminently distinguished in

elegant literature, and whose sketches of Colonel Caustic and

Umphraville are perfectly blended with the finer traits of national

character. I should in that case have had more pleasure as a reader

than I shall ever feel in the pride of a successful author, should

these sheets confer upon me that envied distinction. And, as I have

inverted the usual arrangement, placing these remarks at the end of the

work to which they refer, I will venture on a second violation of form,

by closing the whole with a Dedication--

THESE VOLUMES BEING RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED TO OUR SCOTTISH ADDISON,

HENRY MACKENZIE, BY AN UNKNOWN ADMIRER OF HIS GENIUS.

THE END

NOTES

NOTE I, p. 19

The clan of Mac-Farlane, occupying the fastnesses of the western side

of Loch Lomond, were great depredators on the Low Country, and as their

excursions were made usually by night, the moon was proverbially called

their lantern. Their celebrated pibroch of Hoggil nam Bo, which is the

name of their gathering tune, intimates similar practices, the sense

being:--

We are bound to drive the bullocks,

All by hollows, hirsts, and hillocks,

Through the sleet, and through the rain.

When the moon is beaming low

On frozen lake and hills of snow,

Bold and heartily we go;

And all for little gain.

NOTE 2, p. 22

This noble ruin is dear to my recollection, from associations which

have been long and painfully broken. It holds a commanding station on

the banks of the river Teith, and has been one of the largest castles

in Scotland. Murdoch, Duke of Albany, the founder of this stately pile,

was beheaded on the Castle-hill of Stirling, from which he might see

the towers of Doune, the monument of his fallen greatness.

In 1745-46, as stated in the text, a garrison on the part of the

Chevalier was put into the castle, then less ruinous than at present.

It was commanded by Mr. Stewart of Balloch, as governor for Prince

Charles; he was a man of property near Callander. This castle became at

that time the actual scene of a romantic escape made by John Home, the

author of Douglas, and some other prisoners, who, having been taken at

the battle of Falkirk, were confined there by the insurgents. The poet,

who had in his own mind a large stock of that romantic and enthusiastic

spirit of adventure which he has described as animating the youthful

hero of his drama, devised and undertook the perilous enterprise of

escaping from his prison. He inspired his companions with his

sentiments, and when every attempt at open force was deemed hopeless,

they resolved to twist their bed-clothes into ropes and thus to

descend. Four persons, with Home himself, reached the ground in safety.

But the rope broke with the fifth, who was a tall, lusty man. The sixth

was Thomas Barrow, a brave young Englishman, a particular friend of

Home's. Determined to take the risk, even in such unfavourable

circumstances, Barrow committed himself to the broken rope, slid down

on it as far as it could assist him, and then let himself drop. His

friends beneath succeeded in breaking his fall. Nevertheless, he

dislocated his ankle and had several of his ribs broken. His

companions, however, were able to bear him off in safety.

The Highlanders next morning sought for their prisoners with great

activity. An old gentleman told the author he remembered seeing the

commandant Stewart

Bloody with spurring, fiery red with haste,

riding furiously through the country in quest of the fugitives.

NOTE 3, p. 28

To go out, or to have been out, in Scotland was a conventional phrase

similar to that of the Irish respecting a man having been up, both

having reference to an individual who had been engaged in insurrection.

It was accounted ill-breeding in Scotland about forty years since to

use the phrase rebellion or rebel, which might be interpreted by some

of the parties present as a personal insult. It was also esteemed more

polite, even for stanch Whigs, to denominate Charles Edward the

Chevalier than to speak of him as the Pretender; and this kind of

accommodating courtesy was usually observed in society where

individuals of each party mixed on friendly terms.

NOTE 4, p. 38

The Jacobite sentiments were general among the western counties and in

Wales. But although the great families of the Wynnes, the Wyndhams, and

others had come under an actual obligation to join Prince Charles if he

should land, they had done so under the express stipulation that he

should be assisted by an auxiliary army of French, without which they

foresaw the enterprise would be desperate. Wishing well to his cause,

therefore, and watching an opportunity to join him, they did not,

nevertheless, think themselves bound in honour to do so, as he was only

supported by a body of wild mountaineers, speaking an uncouth dialect,

and wearing a singular dress. The race up to Derby struck them with

more dread than admiration. But it is difficult to say what the effect

might have been had either the battle of Preston or Falkirk been fought

and won during the advance into England.

NOTE 5, p. 43

Divisions early showed themselves in the Chevalier's little army, not

only amongst the independent chieftains, who were far too proud to

brook subjection to each other, but betwixt the Scotch and Charles's

governor O'Sullivan, an Irishman by birth, who, with some of his

countrymen bred in the Irish Brigade in the service of the King of

France, had an influence with the Adventurer much resented by the

Highlanders, who were sensible that their own clans made the chief or

rather the only strength of his enterprise. There was a feud, also,

between Lord George Murray and John Murray of Broughton, the Prince's

secretary, whose disunion greatly embarrassed the affairs of the

Adventurer. In general, a thousand different pretensions divided their

little army, and finally contributed in no small degree to its

overthrow.

NOTE 6, p. 78

This circumstance, which is historical, as well as the description that

precedes it, will remind the reader of the war of La Vendee, in which

the royalists, consisting chiefly of insurgent peasantry, attached a

prodigious and even superstitious interest to the possession of a piece

of brass ordnance, which they called Marie Jeanne.

The Highlanders of an early period were afraid of cannon, with the

noise and effect of which they were totally unacquainted. It was by

means of three or four small pieces of artillery that the Earls of

Huntly and Errol, in James VI's time, gained a great victory at

Glenlivat, over a numerous Highland army, commanded by the Earl of

Argyle. At the battle of the Bridge of Dee, General Middleton obtained

by his artillery a similar success, the Highlanders not being able to

stand the discharge of Musket's Mother, which was the name they

bestowed on great guns. In an old ballad on the battle of the Bridge of

Dee these verses occur:--

The Highlandmen are pretty men

For handling sword and shield,

But yet they are but simple men

To stand a stricken field.

The Highlandmen are pretty men

For target and claymore,

But yet they are but naked men

To face the cannon's roar.

For the cannons roar on a summer night

Like thunder in the air;

Was never man in Highland garb

Would face the cannon fair

But the Highlanders of 1745 had got far beyond the simplicity of their

forefathers, and showed throughout the whole war how little they

dreaded artillery, although the common people still attached some

consequence to the possession of the field-piece which led to this

disquisition.

NOTE 7, p. 93

The faithful friend who pointed out the pass by which the Highlanders

moved from Tranent to Seaton was Robert Anderson, junior, of Whitburgh,

a gentleman of property in East Lothian. He had been interrogated by

the Lord George Murray concerning the possibility of crossing the

uncouth and marshy piece of ground which divided the armies, and which

he described as impracticable. When dismissed, he recollected that

there was a circuitous path leading eastward through the marsh into the

plain, by which the Highlanders might turn the flank of Sir John Cope's

position without being exposed to the enemy's fire. Having mentioned

his opinion to Mr. Hepburn of Keith, who instantly saw its importance,

he was encouraged by that gentleman to awake Lord George Murray and

communicate the idea to him. Lord George received the information with

grateful thanks, and instantly awakened Prince Charles, who was

sleeping in the field with a bunch of pease under his head. The

Adventurer received with alacrity the news that there was a possibility

of bringing an excellently provided army to a decisive battle with his

own irregular forces. His joy on the occasion was not very consistent

with the charge of cowardice brought against him by Chevalier

Johnstone, a discontented follower, whose Memoirs possess at least as

much of a romantic as a historical character. Even by the account of

the Chevalier himself, the Prince was at the head of the second line of

the Highland army during the battle, of which he says, 'It was gained

with such rapidity that in the second line, where I was still by the

side of the Prince, we saw no other enemy than those who were lying on

the ground killed and wounded, though we were not more than fifty paces

behind our first line, running always as fast as we could to overtake

them.'

This passage in the Chevalier's Memoirs places the Prince within fifty

paces of the heat of the battle, a position which would never have been

the choice of one unwilling to take a share of its dangers. Indeed,

unless the chiefs had complied with the young Adventurer's proposal to

lead the van in person, it does not appear that he could have been

deeper in the action.

NOTE 8, p. 100

The death of this good Christian and gallant man is thus given by his

affectionate biographer, Doctor Doddridge, from the evidence of

eye-witnesses:--

'He continued all night under arms, wrapped up in his cloak, and

generally sheltered under a rick of barley which happened to be in the

field. About three in the morning he called his domestic servants to

him, of which there were four in waiting. He dismissed three of them

with most affectionate Christian advice, and such solemn charges

relating to the performance of their duty, and the care of their souls,

as seemed plainly to intimate that he apprehended it was at least very

probable he was taking his last farewell of them. There is great reason

to believe that he spent the little remainder of the time, which could

not be much above an hour, in those devout exercises of soul which had

been so long habitual to him, and to which so many circumstances did

then concur to call him. The army was alarmed by break of day by the

noise of the rebels' approach, and the attack was made before sunrise,

yet when it was light enough to discern what passed. As soon as the

enemy came within gun-shot they made a furious fire; and it is said

that the dragoons which constituted the left wing immediately fled. The

Colonel at the beginning of the onset, which in the whole lasted but a

few minutes, received a wound by a bullet in his left breast, which

made him give a sudden spring in his saddle; upon which his servant,

who led the horse, would have persuaded him to retreat, but he said it

was only a wound in the flesh, and fought on, though he presently after

received a shot in his right thigh. In the mean time, it was discerned

that some of the enemy fell by him, and particularly one man who had

made him a treacherous visit but a few days before, with great

professions of zeal for the present establishment.

'Events of this kind pass in less time than the description of them can

be written, or than it can be read. The Colonel was for a few moments

supported by his men, and particularly by that worthy person

Lieutenant-Colonel Whitney, who was shot through the arm here, and a

few months after fell nobly at the battle of Falkirk, and by Lieutenant

West, a man of distinguished bravery, as also by about fifteen

dragoons, who stood by him to the last. But after a faint fire, the

regiment in general was seized with a panic; and though their Colonel

and some other gallant officers did what they could to rally them once

or twice, they at last took a precipitate flight. And just in the

moment when Colonel Gardiner seemed to be making a pause to deliberate

what duty required him to do in such circumstances, an accident

happened, which must, I think, in the judgment of every worthy and

generous man, be allowed a sufficient apology for exposing his life to

so great hazard, when his regiment had left him. He saw a party of the

foot, who were then bravely fighting near him, and whom he was ordered

to support, had no officer to head them; upon which he said eagerly, in

the hearing of the person from whom I had this account, "These brave

fellows will be cut to pieces for want of a commander," or words to

that effect; which while he was speaking he rode up to them and cried

out, "Fire on, my lads, and fear nothing." But just as the words were

out of his mouth, a Highlander advanced towards him with a scythe

fastened to a long pole, with which he gave him so dreadful a wound on

his right arm, that his sword dropped out of his hand; and at the same

time several others coming about him while he was thus dreadfully

entangled with that cruel weapon, he was dragged off from his horse.

The moment he fell, another Highlander, who, if the king's evidence at

Carlisle may be credited (as I know not why they should not, though the

unhappy creature died denying it), was one Mac-Naught, who was executed

about a year after, gave him a stroke either with a broadsword or a

Lochaber-axe (for my informant could not exactly distinguish) on the

hinder part of his head, which was the mortal blow. All that his

faithful attendant saw farther at this time was that, as his hat was

fallen off, he took it in his left hand and waved it as a signal to him

to retreat, and added, what were the last words he ever heard him

speak, "Take care of yourself"; upon which the servant retired.'--Some

Remarkable Passages in the Life of Colonel James Gardiner. By P.

Doddridge, D.D. London, 1747, P.187.

I may remark on this extract, that it confirms the account given in the

text of the resistance offered by some of the English infantry.

Surprised by a force of a peculiar and unusual description, their

opposition could not be long or formidable, especially as they were

deserted by the cavalry, and those who undertook to manage the

artillery. But, although the affair was soon decided, I have always

understood that many of the infantry showed an inclination to do their

duty.

NOTE 9, p. 101

It is scarcely necessary to say that the character of this brutal young

Laird is entirely imaginary. A gentleman, however, who resembled

Balmawhapple in the article of courage only, fell at Preston in the

manner described. A Perthshire gentleman of high honour and

respectability, one of the handful of cavalry who followed the fortunes

of Charles Edward, pursued the fugitive dragoons almost alone till near

Saint Clement's Wells, where the efforts of some of the officers had

prevailed on a few of them to make a momentary stand. Perceiving at

this moment that they were pursued by only one man and a couple of

servants, they turned upon him and cut him down with their swords. I

remember when a child, sitting on his grave, where the grass long grew

rank and green, distinguishing it from the rest of the field. A female

of the family then residing at Saint Clement's Wells used to tell me

the tragedy, of which she had been an eye-witness, and showed me in

evidence one of the silver clasps of the unfortunate gentleman's

waistcoat.

NOTE 10, p. 118

The name of Andrea de Ferrara is inscribed on all the Scottish

broadswords which are accounted of peculiar excellence. Who this artist

was, what were his fortunes, and when he flourished, have hitherto

defied the research of antiquaries; only it is in general believed that

Andrea de Ferrara was a Spanish or Italian artificer, brought over by

James IV or V to instruct the Scots in the manufacture of sword blades.

Most barbarous nations excel in the fabrication of arms; and the Scots

had attained great proficiency in forging swords so early as the field

of Pinkie; at which period the historian Patten describes them as 'all

notably broad and thin, universally made to slice, and of such

exceeding good temper that, as I never saw any so good, so I think it

hard to devise better.'--Account of Somerset's Expedition.

It may be observed that the best and most genuine Andrea Ferraras have

a crown marked on the blade.

NOTE 11, p. 124

The incident here said to have happened to Flora Mac-Ivor actually

befell Miss Nairne, a lady with whom the author had the pleasure of

being acquainted. As the Highland army rushed into Edinburgh, Miss

Nairne, like other ladies who approved of their cause, stood waving her

handkerchief from a balcony, when a ball from a Highlander's musket,

which was discharged by accident, grazed her forehead. 'Thank God,'

said she, the instant she recovered,'that the accident happened to me,

whose principles are known. Had it befallen a Whig, they would have

said it was done on purpose.'

NOTE 12, p. 185

The Author of Waverley has been charged with painting the young

Adventurer in colours more amiable than his character deserved. But

having known many individuals who were near his person, he has been

described according to the light in which those eye-witnesses saw his

temper and qualifications. Something must be allowed, no doubt, to the

natural exaggerations of those who remembered him as the bold and

adventurous Prince in whose cause they had braved death and ruin; but

is their evidence to give place entirely to that of a single malcontent?

I have already noticed the imputations thrown by the Chevalier

Johnstone on the Prince's courage. But some part at least of that

gentleman's tale is purely romantic. It would not, for instance, be

supposed that at the time he is favouring us with the highly wrought

account of his amour with the adorable Peggie, the Chevalier Johnstone

was a married man, whose grandchild is now alive; or that the whole

circumstantial story concerning the outrageous vengeance taken by

Gordon of Abbachie on a Presbyterian clergyman is entirely apocryphal.

At the same time it may be admitted that the Prince, like others of his

family, did not esteem the services done him by his adherents so highly

as he ought. Educated in high ideas of his hereditary right, he has

been supposed to have held every exertion and sacrifice made in his

cause as too much the duty of the person making it to merit extravagant

gratitude on his part. Dr. King's evidence (which his leaving the

Jacobite interest renders somewhat doubtful) goes to strengthen this

opinion.

The ingenious editor of Johnstone's Memoirs has quoted a story said to

be told by Helvetius, stating that Prince Charles Edward, far from

voluntarily embarking on his daring expedition, was, literally bound

hand and foot, and to which he seems disposed to yield credit. Now, it

being a fact as well known as any in his history, and, so far as I

know, entirely undisputed, that the Prince's personal entreaties and

urgency positively forced Boisdale and Lochiel into insurrection, when

they were earnestly desirous that he would put off his attempt until he

could obtain a sufficient force from France, it will be very difficult

to reconcile his alleged reluctance to undertake the expedition with

his desperately insisting upon carrying the rising into effect against

the advice and entreaty of his most powerful and most sage partizans.

Surely a man who had been carried bound on board the vessel which

brought him to so desperate an enterprise would have taken the

opportunity afforded by the reluctance of his partizans to return to

France in safety.

It is averred in Johnstone's Memoirs that Charles Edward left the field

of Culloden without doing the utmost to dispute the victory; and, to

give the evidence on both sides, there is in existence the more

trustworthy testimony of Lord Elcho, who states that he himself

earnestly exhorted the Prince to charge at the head of the left wing,

which was entire, and retrieve the day or die with honour. And on his

counsel being declined, Lord Elcho took leave of him with a bitter

execration, swearing he would never look on his face again, and kept

his word.

On the other hand, it seems to have been the opinion of almost all the

other officers that the day was irretrievably lost, one wing of the

Highlanders being entirely routed, the rest of the army outnumbered,

outflanked, and in a condition totally hopeless. In this situation of

things the Irish officers who surrounded Charles's person interfered to

force him off the field. A cornet who was close to the Prince left a

strong attestation that he had seen Sir Thomas Sheridan seize the

bridle of his horse and turn him round. There is some discrepancy of

evidence; but the opinion of Lord Elcho, a man of fiery temper and

desperate at the ruin which he beheld impending, cannot fairly be taken

in prejudice of a character for courage which is intimated by the

nature of the enterprise itself, by the Prince's eagerness to fight on

all occasions, by his determination to advance from Derby to London,

and by the presence of mind which he manifested during the romantic

perils of his escape. The author is far from claiming for this

unfortunate person the praise due to splendid talents; but he continues

to be of opinion that at the period of his enterprise he had a mind

capable of facing danger and aspiring to fame.

That Charles Edward had the advantages of a graceful presence,

courtesy, and an address and manner becoming his station, the author

never heard disputed by any who approached his person, nor does he

conceive that these qualities are overcharged in the present attempt to

sketch his portrait.

The following extracts corroborative of the general opinion respecting

the Prince's amiable disposition are taken from a manuscript account of

his romantic expedition, by James Maxwell of Kirkconnell, of which I

possess a copy, by the friendship of J. Menzies, Esq., of Pitfoddells.

The author, though partial to the Prince, whom he faithfully followed,

seems to have been a fair and candid man, and well acquainted with the

intrigues among the adventurer's council:--

'Everybody was mightily taken with the Prince's figure and personal

behaviour. There was but one voice about them. Those whom interest or

prejudice made a runaway to his cause could not help acknowledging that

they wished him well in all other respects, and could hardly blame him

for his present undertaking. Sundry things had concurred to raise his

character to the highest pitch, besides the greatness of the enterprise

and the conduct that had hitherto appeared in the execution of it.

'There were several instances of good nature and humanity that had made

a great impression on people's minds. I shall confine myself to two or

three.

'Immediately after the battle, as the Prince was riding along the

ground that Cope's army had occupied a few minutes before, one of the

officers came up to congratulate him, and said, pointing to the killed,

"Sir, there are your enemies at your feet." The Prince, far from

exulting, expressed a great deal of compassion for his father's deluded

subjects, whom he declared he was heartily sorry to see in that posture.

'Next day, while the Prince was at Pinkie House, a citizen of Edinburgh

came to make some representation to Secretary Murray about the tents

that city was ordered to furnish against a certain day. Murray happened

to be out of the way, which the Prince hearing of called to have the

gentleman brought to him, saying, he would rather despatch the

business, whatever it was, himself than have the gentleman wait, which

he did, by granting everything that was asked. So much affability in a

young prince flushed with victory drew encomiums even from his enemies.

'But what gave the people the highest idea of him was the negative he

gave to a thing that very nearly concerned his interest, and upon which

the success of his enterprise perhaps depended. It was proposed to send

one of the prisoners to London to demand of that court a cartel for the

exchange of prisoners taken, and to be taken, during this war, and to

intimate that a refusal would be looked upon as a resolution on their

part to give no quarter. It was visible a cartel would be of great

advantage to the Prince's affairs; his friends would be more ready to

declare for him if they had nothing to fear but the chance of war in

the field; and if the court of London refused to settle a cartel, the

Prince was authorised to treat his prisoners in the same manner the

Elector of Hanover was determined to treat such of the Prince's friends

as might fall into his hands; it was urged that a few examples would

compel the court of London to comply. It was to be presumed that the

officers of the English army would make a point of it. They had never

engaged in the service but upon such terms as are in use among all

civilised nations, and it could be no stain upon their honour to lay

down their commissions if these terms were not observed, and that owing

to the obstinacy of their own Prince. Though this scheme was plausible,

and represented as very important, the Prince could never be brought

into it, it was below him, he said, to make empty threats, and he would

never put such as those into execution; he would never in cold blood

take away lives which he had saved in heat of action at the peril of

his own. These were not the only proofs of good nature the Prince gave

about this time. Every day produced something new of this kind. These

things softened the rigour of a military government which was only

imputed to the necessity of his affairs, and which he endeavoured to

make as gentle and easy as possible.'

It has been said that the Prince sometimes exacted more state and

ceremonial than seemed to suit his condition; but, on the other hand,

some strictness of etiquette was altogether indispensable where he must

otherwise have been exposed to general intrusion. He could also endure,

with a good grace, the retorts which his affectation of ceremony

sometimes exposed him to. It is said, for example, that Grant of

Glenmoriston having made a hasty march to join Charles, at the head of

his clan, rushed into the Prince's presence at Holyrood with

unceremonious haste, without having attended to the duties of the

toilet. The Prince received him kindly, but not without a hint that a

previous interview with the barber might not have been wholly

unnecessary. 'It is not beardless boys,' answered the displeased Chief,

'who are to do your Royal Highness's turn.' The Chevalier took the

rebuke in good part.

On the whole, if Prince Charles had concluded his life soon after his

miraculous escape, his character in history must have stood very high.

As it was, his station is amongst those a certain brilliant portion of

whose life forms a remarkable contrast to all which precedes and all

which follows it.

NOTE 13, p. 195

The following account of the skirmish at Clifton is extracted from the

manuscript Memoirs of Evan Macpherson of Cluny, Chief of the clan

Macpherson, who had the merit of supporting the principal brunt of that

spirited affair. The Memoirs appear to have been composed about 1755,

only ten years after the action had taken place. They were written in

France, where that gallant chief resided in exile, which accounts for

some Gallicisms which occur in the narrative.

'In the Prince's return from Derby back towards Scotland, my Lord

George Murray, Lieutenant-General, cheerfully charg'd himself with the

command of the rear, a post which, altho' honourable, was attended with

great danger, many difficulties, and no small fatigue; for the Prince,

being apprehensive that his retreat to Scotland might be cut off by

Marischall Wade, who lay to the northward of him with an armie much

supperior to what H.R.H. had, while the Duke of Comberland with his

whole cavalrie followed hard in the rear, was obliged to hasten his

marches. It was not, therefore, possible for the artilirie to march so

fast as the Prince's army, in the depth of winter, extremely bad

weather, and the worst roads in England; so Lord George Murray was

obliged often to continue his marches long after it was dark almost

every night, while at the same time he had frequent allarms and

disturbances from the Duke of Comberland's advanc'd parties.

'Towards the evening of the twentie-eight December 1745 the Prince

entered the town of Penrith, in the Province of Comberland. But as Lord

George Murray could not bring up the artilirie so fast as he wou'd have

wish'd, he was oblig'd to pass the night six miles short of that town,

together with the regiment of MacDonel of Glengarrie, which that day

happened to have the arrear guard. The Prince, in order to refresh his

armie, and to give My Lord George and the artilirie time to come up,

resolved to sejour the 29th at Penrith; so ordered his little army to

appear in the morning under arms, in order to be reviewed, and to know

in what manner the numbers stood from his haveing entered England. It

did not at that time amount to 5000 foot in all, with about 400

cavalrie, compos'd of the noblesse who serv'd as volunteers, part of

whom form'd a first troop of guards for the Prince, under the command

of My Lord Elchoe, now Comte de Weems, who, being proscribed, is

presently in France. Another part formed a second troup of guards under

the command of My Lord Balmirino, who was beheaded at the Tower of

London. A third part serv'd under My Lord le Comte de Kilmarnock, who

was likewise beheaded at the Tower. A fourth part serv'd under My Lord

Pitsligow, who is also proscribed; which cavalrie, tho' very few in

numbers, being all noblesse, were very brave, and of infinite advantage

to the foot, not only in the day of battle, but in serving as advanced

guards on the several marches, and in patroling dureing the night on

the different roads which led towards the towns where the army happened

to quarter.

'While this small army was out in a body on the 2Qth December, upon a

riseing ground to the northward of Penrith, passing review, Mons. de

Cluny, with his tribe, was ordered to the Bridge of Clifton, about a

mile to southward of Penrith, after having pass'd in review before

Mons. Pattullo, who was charged with the inspection of the troops, and

was likeways Quarter-Master-General of the army, and is now in France.

They remained under arms at the bridge, waiting the arrival of My Lord

George Murray with the artilirie, whom Mons. de Cluny had orders to

cover in passing the bridge. They arrived about sunsett closly pursued

by the Duke of Comberland with the whole body of his cavalrie, reckoned

upwards of 3000 strong, about a thousand of whom, as near as might be

computed, dismounted, in order to cut off the passage of the artilirie

towards the bridge, while the Duke and the others remained on horseback

in order to attack the rear.

'My Lord George Murray advanced, and although he found Mons. de Cluny

and his tribe in good spirits under arms, yet the circumstance appear'd

extremely delicate. The numbers were vastly unequall, and the attack

seem'd very dangerous; so My Lord George declin'd giving orders to such

time as he ask'd Mons. de Cluny's oppinion. "I will attack them with

all my heart," says Mons. de Cluny, "if you order me." "I do order it

then," answered My Lord George, and immediately went on himself along

with Mons. de Cluny, and fought sword in hand on foot at the head of

the single tribe of Macphersons. They in a moment made their way

through a strong hedge of thorns, under the cover whereof the cavalrie

had taken their station, in the strugle of passing which hedge My Lord

George Murray, being dressed en montagnard, as all the army were, lost

his bonet and wig; so continued to fight bare-headed during the action.

They at first made a brisk discharge of their firearms on the enemy,

then attacked them with their sabres, and made a great slaughter a

considerable time, which obliged Comberland and his cavalrie to fly

with precipitation and in great confusion; in so much that, if the

Prince had been provided in a sufficient number of cavalrie to have

taken advantage of the disorder, it is beyond question that the Duke of

Comberland and the bulk of his cavalrie had been taken prisoners.

'By this time it was so dark that it was not possible to view or number

the slain who filled all the ditches which happened to be on the ground

where they stood. But it was computed that, besides those who went off

wounded, upwards of a hundred at least were left on the spot, among

whom was Colonel Honywood, who commanded the dismounted cavalrie, whose

sabre of considerable value Mons. de Cluny brought off and still

preserves; and his tribe lykeways brought off many arms;--the Colonel

was afterwards taken up, and, his wounds being dress'd, with great

difficultie recovered. Mons. de Cluny lost only in the action twelve

men, of whom some haveing been only wounded, fell afterwards into the

hands of the enemy, and were sent as slaves to America, whence several

of them returned, and one of them is now in France, a sergeant in the

Regiment of Royal Scots. How soon the accounts of the enemies approach

had reached the Prince, H.R.H. had immediately ordered Mi-Lord le Comte

de Nairne, Brigadier, who, being proscribed, is now in France, with the

three batalions of the Duke of Athol, the batalion of the Duke of

Perth, and some other troups under his command, in order to support

Cluny, and to bring off the artilirie. But the action was entirely over

before the Comte de Nairne, with his command, cou'd reach nigh to the

place. They therefore return'd all to Penrith, and the artilirie

marched up in good order.

'Nor did the Duke of Comberland ever afterwards dare to come within a

day's march of the Prince and his army dureing the course of all that

retreat, which was conducted with great prudence and safety when in

some manner surrounded by enemies.'

NOTE 14, p. 215

As the heathen deities contracted an indelible obligation if they swore

by Styx, the Scottish Highlanders had usually some peculiar solemnity

attached to an oath which they intended should be binding on them. Very

frequently it consisted in laying their hand, as they swore, on their

own drawn dirk; which dagger, becoming a party to the transaction, was

invoked to punish any breach of faith. But by whatever ritual the oath

was sanctioned, the party was extremely desirous to keep secret what

the especial oath was which he considered as irrevocable. This was a

matter of great convenience, as he felt no scruple in breaking his

asseveration when made in any other form than that which he accounted

as peculiarly solemn; and therefore readily granted any engagement

which bound him no longer than he inclined. Whereas, if the oath which

he accounted inviolable was once publicly known, no party with whom he

might have occasion to contract would have rested satisfied with any

other.

Louis XI of France practised the same sophistry, for he also had a

peculiar species of oath, the only one which he was ever known to

respect, and which, therefore, he was very unwilling to pledge. The

only engagement which that wily tyrant accounted binding upon him was

an oath by the Holy Cross of Saint Lo d'Angers, which contained a

portion of the True Cross. If he prevaricated after taking this oath

Louis believed he should die within the year. The Constable Saint Paul,

being invited to a personal conference with Louis, refused to meet the

king unless he would agree to ensure him safe conduct under sanction of

this oath. But, says Comines, the king replied, he would never again

pledge that engagement to mortal man, though he was willing to take any

other oath which could be devised. The treaty broke oft, therefore,

after much chaffering concerning the nature of the vow which Louis was

to take. Such is the difference between the dictates of superstition

and those of conscience.

GLOSSARY

A', all.

ABOON, abune, above.

AE, one.

AFF, off.

AFORE, before.

AHINT, behind.

AIN, own.

AITS, oats.

AMAIST, almost.

AMBRY, a cupboard, a pantry.

AN, if.

ANE, one.

ANEUCH, enough.

ARRAY, annoy, trouble.

ASSOILZIED, absolved, acquitted.

ASSYTHMENT, satisfaction,

AULD, old.

BAFF, a blow.

BAGGANET, a bayonet.

BAILIE, a city magistrate in Scotland.

BAIRN, a child.

BAITH, both.

BANES, bones.

BANG-UP, get up quickly, bounce.

BARLEY, a parley, a truce.

BAULD, bold.

BAULDER, bolder.

BAWBEE, a halfpenny.

BAWTY, sly, cunning.

BEES, in the, bewildered, stupefied.

BEFLUMM'D, flattered, cajoled.

BEGUNK, a trick, a cheat.

BEN, within, inside.

BENEMPT, named.

BICKER, a wooden dish.

BIDE, stay, endure.

BIELDY, affording shelter.

BIGGING, building.

BIRLIEMAN, a peace officer.

BLACK-COCK, the black grouse.

BLACK-FISHING, ashing by torchlight, poaching.

BLUDE, bluid, blood.

BODDLE, bodle, a copper coin, worth one third of an English penny.

BOGLE ABOUT THE BUSH, beat about the bush, a children's game.

BONNIE, beautiful, comely, fine,

BOUNE, prepared.

BRA', fine, handsome, showy.

BRANDER, broil.

BREEKS, breeches.

BRENT, smooth, unwrinkled.

BROGUES, Highland shoes.

BROO, brew, broth.

BRUCKLE, brittle, infirm.

BRUIK, enjoy.

BRULZIE, bruilzie, a broil, a fray.

BUCKIE, a perverse or refractory person.

BUTTOCK-MAIL, a fine for fornication.

BYDAND, awaiting.

CA', call.

CADGER, a country carrier.

CAILLIACHS, old women on whom devolved the duty of lamenting for the

dead, which the Irish call keening.

CALLANT, a stripling, a fine fellow.

CANNILY, prudently.

CANNY, cautious, lucky.

CARLE, a churl, an old man.

CATERAN, a freebooter.

CHIEL, a young man.

CLACHAN, a village, a hamlet.

CLAMYHEWIT, a blow, a drubbing.

CLASH, chatter, gossip.

CLATTER, tattle, noisy talk.

CLOSE, a narrow passage.

CLOUR, a bump, a bruise.

COCKY-LEEKY, a soup made of a cock, seasoned with leeks.

COGHLING AND DROGHLING, wheezing and blowing.

CORONACH, a dirge.

CORRIE, a mountain hollow.

COUP, fall.

COW YER CRACKS, cut short your talk, hold your tongues.

CRACK, boast.

CRAIG, the neck, the throat.

CRAMES, merchants' shops, booths.

CUT-LUGGED, crop-eared.

DAFT, foolish, mad, crazy.

DAUR, dare.

DEAVING, deafening.

DECREET, an order of decree.

DELIVER, light, agile.

DERN, hidden, concealed, secret.

DING, knock, beat, surpass.

DINGLE, dinnle, tingle, vibrate with sound.

DOER, an agent, a manager.

DOG-HEAD, the hammer of a gun.

DOILED, crazed, silly.

DOITED, having the faculties impaired.

DORLACH, a bundle.

DOW, a dove.

DOWF, dowff, dull, spiritless.

DRAPPIE, a little drop, a small quantity of drink.

EFFEIR, what is becoming.

ENEUGH, enough.

ETTER-CAP, a spider, an ill-natured person.

EVITE, avoid, escape.

EWEST, ewast, contiguous.

FALLOW, a fellow.

FAULD, fold.

FEARED, afraid.

FECK, a quantity.

FLEYT, frightened, shy.

FRAE, from.

GAD, a goad, a rod.

GANE, gone; gang, go.

GAR, make.

GATE, way.

GAUN, going.

GEAR, goods.

GHAIST, a ghost.

GIN, if.

GITE, crazy, a noodle,

GLED, a kite.

GLEG, quick, clever.

GLISK, a glimpse.

GOWD, gold.

GRANING, groaning.

GRAT, wept.

GREE, agree.

GREYBEARD, a stone bottle or jug.

GRICE, gryce, gris, a pig.

GRIPPLE, griping, niggardly.

GUDE, guid, good.

GULPIN, a simpleton.

HA', hall.

HAG, a portion of copse marked off for cutting.

HAGGIS, a pudding peculiar to Scotland, containing oatmeal, suet,

minced sheep's liver, heart, etc., seasoned with onions, pepper, and

salt, the whole mixture boiled in a sheep's stomach.

HAIL, whole.

HECK, a hay rack; at heck and manger, in plenty.

HET, hot.

HOG, a young sheep before its first shearing.

HORSE-COUPER, horse-cowper, a horse-dealer.

HURDLES, the buttocks.

HURLEY-HOUSE, a large house fallen into disrepair.

ILK, same; of that ilk, of the same name or place,

ILKA, every.

INGLE, a fire burning upon the hearth.

IN THE BEES, stupefied.

KEEPIT, kept.

KEMPLE, a Scotch measure of straw or hay.

KEN, know.

KIPPAGE, disorder, confusion.

KIRK, church.

KITTLE, tickle, ticklish.

LAIRD, lord of the manor.

LANDLOUPER, a wanderer, a vagabond.

LEDDY, a lady.

LIGHTLY, make light of, disparage.

LIMMER, a hussy, a jade.

LOON, a worthless fellow, a lout.

LOUP, leap, start.

LUG, an ear.

LUNZIE, the loins, the waist.

MAE, more.

MAINS, the chief farm of an estate.

MAIR, more.

MAIST, most, almost. MART, beef salted down for winter.

MASK, mash, infuse.

MAUN, must.

MERK, an old silver coin worth 13 1/3 pence, English.

MICKLE, large, much.

MORN, tomorrow.

MOUSTED, powdered.

MUCKLE, great, much.

MUNT, mount.

MUTCHKIN, a measure equal to about three quarters of an imperial pint.

NA, nae, no, not.

NAIGS, horses.

NAIL, the sixteenth part of a yard.

NATHELESS, nevertheless.

NEB, nose, tip.

NE'ER BE IN ME, devil be in me.

OLD TO DO, great doings.

OWER, over.

PAITRICK, a partridge.

PANGED, crammed.

PARRITCH, oatmeal porridge.

PAUNIE, a peacock.

PECULIUM, private property.

PINNERS, a headdress for women.

PLACK, a copper coin worth one third of a penny.

PLAIDY, an outer covering for the body.

PLENISH, furnish.

PLOY, an entertainment, a pastime.

POTTINGER, an apothecary.

POWNIE, a pony.

POWTERING, poking, stirring.

PRETTY MAN, a stout, warlike fellow.

QUEAN, a young woman.

REDD, part, separate.

REISES, twigs, branches.

RESILING, retracting, withdrawing.

RIGGS, ridges, ploughed ground.

RINTHEROUT, a roving person, a vagabond.

ROW, roll.

ROWED, rolled.

ROWT, cried out, bellowed,

ROYNISH, scurvy, coarse.

SAE, so.

ST. JOHNSTONE'S TIPPET, a rope or halter for hanging.

SAIR, sore, very.

SALL, shall.

SARK, a shirt.

SAUMON, a salmon.

SAUT, salt.

SCARTED, scratched, scribbled over.

SCHELLUM, a rascal.

SCROLL, engross, copy.

SHANKS, legs.

SHEERS, shears.

SHOUTHER, the shoulder.

SICCAN, sic, such.

SILLER, money.

SILLY, weak.

SKIG, the least quantity of anything.

SMA', small.

SMOKY, suspicious.

SNECK, cut.

SORTED, put in proper order, adjusted.

SOWENS, the seeds of oatmeal soured.

SPEER, ask, investigate.

SPENCE, the place where provisions are kept.

SPRACK, lively.

SPRECHERY, movables of an unimportant sort.

SPUILZIE, spoil.

SPUNG, pick one's pocket.

STIEVE, firm.

STOOR, rough, harsh.

STRAE, straw.

STREEKS, stretches, lies.

SWAIR, swore.

SYNE, before, now, ago.

TAIGLIT, harassed, encumbered, loitered.

TAULD, told.

THAE, those.

THIR, these.

THOLE, bear, suffer.

THRAW, twist, wrench.

THREEPIT, maintained obstinately.

THROSTLE, the thrush.

TILL, to.

TIRRIVIES, hasty fits of passion,

TOCHERLESS, without dowry.

TOUN, a town, a hamlet, a farm.

TOY, an old-fashioned cap for women.

TREWS, trousers.

TRINDLING, rolling.

TROW, believe.

TUILZIE, a quarrel

TUME, toom, empty.

TURNSPIT DOGGIE, a kind of dog, long-bodied and short-legged, formerly

used in turning a treadmill.

TYKE, a dog, a rough fellow.

UMQUHILE, formerly, late.

UNCO, strange, very,

UNSONSY, unlucky.

USQUEBAUGH, whiskey.

VENY, venue, a bout.

VIVERS, victuals.

WA', wall

WAD, would.

WADSET, a deed conveying property to a creditor

WAIN, a wagon; to remove.

WALISE, a portmanteau, saddlebags.

WAN, won.

WANCHANCY, unlucky.

WARE, spend.

WEEL-FARD, weel-faur'd, having a good appearance.

WEISING, inclining, directing.

WHA, who.

WHAR, where,

WHAT FOR, why.

WHEEN, a few.

WHILE SYNE, a while ago.

WHILES, sometimes.

WHILK, which.

WHIN, a few.

WHINGEING, whining.

WINNA, will not.

WISKE, whisk.

YATE, gate.

Waverley; or, 'Tis sixty years since — Complete · 第 40 / 40 章