CHAPTER XVII.

Upon his return to Southwestern Virginia, General Morgan applied himself

assiduously to collect all of his men, however detached or separated

from him, and correct the organization and discipline of his command. It

was a far less easy task then than ever before. Not only was a

conviction stealing upon the Confederate soldiery (and impairing the

efficiency of the most manly and patriotic) that the fiat had gone forth

against us, and that no exercise of courage and fortitude could avert

the doom, but the demoralizing effects of a long war, and habitude to

its scenes and passions had rendered even the best men callous and

reckless, and to a certain extent intractable to influences which had

formerly been all potent with them as soldiers. Imagine the situation in

which the Confederate soldier was placed: Almost destitute of hope that

the cause for which he fought would triumph and fighting on from

instinctive obstinate pride, no longer receiving from the

people--themselves hopeless and impoverished almost to famine by the

draining demands of the war--the sympathy, hospitality and hearty

encouragement once accorded to him; almost compelled (for comfort if not

for existence) to practice oppression and wrong upon his own countrymen,

is it surprising that he became wild and lawless, that he adopted a rude

creed in which strict conformity to military regulations and a nice

obedience to general orders held not very prominent places? This

condition obtained in a far greater degree with the cavalry employed in

the "outpost" departments than with the infantry or the soldiery of the

large armies. It is an unhappy condition, and destructive of military

efficiency and any sort of discipline, but under certain circumstances

it is hard to prevent or correct. There is little temptation and no

necessity or excuse for it among troops that are well fed, regularly

paid in good money and provided with comfortable clothing, blankets and

shoes in the cold winter; but troops whose rations are few and scanty,

who flutter with rags and wear ventillating shoes which suck in the cold

air, who sleep at night under a blanket which keeps the saddle from a

sore-backed horse in the day time, who are paid (if paid at all) with

waste paper, who have become hardened to the licentious practices of a

cruel warfare--such troops will be frequently tempted to violate the

moral code. Many Confederate cavalrymen so situated left their commands

altogether and became guerrillas, salving their consciences with the

thought that the desertion was not to the enemy. These men, leading a

comparatively luxurious life and receiving, from some people, a mistaken

and foolish admiration, attracted to the same career young men who (but

for the example and the sympathy accorded the guerrilla and denied the

faithful, brave and suffering soldier) would never had quitted their

colors and their duty. Kentucky was at one time, just before the close

of the war, teeming with these guerrillas. It was of no use to threaten

them with punishment--they had no idea of being caught. Besides,

Burbridge shot all that he could lay hands on, and (for their sins) many

prisoners (guilty of no offense), selected at random, or by lot, from

the pens where he kept them for the purpose, were butchered, by this

insensate blood-hound. Not only did General Morgan have to contend with

difficulties thus arising, but now, for the first time, he suffered from

envy, secret animosity and detraction within his own command. Many

faithful friends still surrounded him, many more lay in prison, but he

began to meet with open enmity in his own camp. It had happened in the

old times that some of his warmest and surest adherents had occasionally

urged strenuous remonstrances against his wishes, but they were dictated

by devotion to his interests; now officers, recently connected with him,

inaugurated a jealous and systematic opposition to him in all matters,

and were joined in it, with ungrateful alacrity, by some men whom he

had thought his fastest friends. Reports of excesses committed by some

of the troops in Kentucky had reached Richmond and created much feeling.

General Morgan had instructed his Inspector General, Captain Bryant H.

Allen, to investigate the accusations against the various parties

suspected of guilt and to prefer charges against those who should appear

to be implicated. Captain Allen was charged with negligence and lack of

industry in pursuing the investigation and complaints were made that

General Morgan was seeking to screen the offenders. All sorts of

communications, the most informal, irregular and some of them, improper,

were forwarded to Richmond by General Morgan's subordinates, often

unknown to him because not passing through his office, and they were

received by the Secretary of War, Mr. Seddon, without questioning and

with avidity. It was at length announced that a commission would be

appointed to sit at Abingdon and inquire into these charges, and also

into the charge that General Morgan had undertaken the raid into

Kentucky without orders.

While in daily expectation of the arrival of these commissioners, the

sudden irruption of the enemy into that part of the country which was

occupied by his command, caused General Morgan to proceed to the

threatened points. Colonels Smith and Giltner, and a portion of General

Vaughn's brigade which was stationed in East Tennessee, under Colonel

Bradford, were driven back to Carter's Station, on the Wetauga river,

some thirty-five miles from Abingdon. When General Morgan reached that

place, and took command of the troops assembled there, the enemy were

retreating. He followed as closely as possible until he had reoccupied

the territory whence the Confederates had been driven. While at

Granville, a small town upon the Tennessee and Virginia Railroad,

seventy-two miles from Abingdon, and eighteen from Bull's Gap, where a

portion of his troops was stationed, he had occasion to revoke the

parole, granted a few days previously, to a wounded Federal officer,

assistant adjutant general to General Gillem, who was staying at the

house of a Mrs. Williams, where General Morgan had made his

headquarters. The daughter-in-law of this lady, Mrs. Lucy Williams, a

Union woman and bitterly opposed to the Confederate cause and troops,

was detected with a letter written by this officer, accurately detailing

the number, condition and position of General Morgan's forces, which

letter she was to have sent to Colonel Gillem. Dr. Cameron, General

Morgan's chaplain, discovered the letter in a prayer book, where it had

been deposited by the lady.

This being a clear violation of his parole, General Morgan sent the

officer to Lynchburg, to be placed in prison. The younger Mrs. Williams

(his friend) resented this treatment very much, declaring that in his

condition, it might prove fatal to him.

This incident is related because it has been thought to have had a

direct influence in causing General Morgan's death. When General Morgan

returned to Abingdon, he found an excitement still prevailing regarding

the investigation, but the members of the commission had not yet

arrived.

I met him, then, for the first time since he had made his escape, or I

had been exchanged. He was greatly changed. His face wore a weary,

care-worn expression, and his manner was totally destitute of its former

ardor and enthusiasm. He spoke bitterly, but with no impatience, of the

clamor against him, and seemed saddest about the condition of his

command. He declared that if he had been successful in the last day's

fight at Cynthiana, he would have been enabled to hold Kentucky for

months; that every organized Federal force which could be promptly

collected to attack him, could have then been disposed of, and that he

had assurance of obtaining a great number of recruits. He spoke with

something of his old sanguine energy, only when proclaiming his

confidence that he could have achieved successes unparalleled in his

entire career, if fortune had favored him in that fight. But no word of

censure upon any one escaped him. It had never been his habit to charge

the blame of failure upon his subordinates--his native magnanimity

forbade it; and tried so sorely as he was at this time, by malignant

calumny, he was too proud to utter a single reproach. A letter which he

intended to forward to the Secretary of War, but the transmission of

which his death prevented, shows his sense of the treatment he had

received. This letter was written just after the conversation, above

mentioned, occurred, while he was again confronting the enemy, and

immediately before he was killed. I can not better introduce it than by

first giving the letter of the officer who forwarded it to me (I had

believed it lost), and who was for more than a year Adjutant General of

the Department of Southwestern Virginia and East Tennessee, and served

for some months on General Morgan's staff. He is well known to the

ex-Confederates of Kentucky, as having been an exceedingly intelligent,

competent, and gallant officer, and a gentleman of the highest honor.

"COVINGTON, December --, ----.

"_Dear General_: In looking over some old papers (relics of the late

war), a few days ago, I discovered one which, until then, I did not

know was in my possession. It is the last letter written by General

Morgan, and, in a measure, may be considered his dying declaration.

I can not recollect how it came into my possession, but believe it

to have been among a bundle of papers that were taken from his body

after he was killed, and forwarded to Department Headquarters; the

letter of Captain Gwynn, which I will also inclose you, leaves

hardly a doubt upon that point.

I have noticed through the press, that you were engaged in writing a

history of "Morgan's command," and under the impression that this

paper will be of service to you, I herewith forward it. I am

familiar with the embarrassments that surrounded the General for

some time previously to his death, and in reading this last appeal

to the powers that had dealt with him so unjustly, the remembrance

of them still awakens in my bosom many emotions of regret. If the

General acted adversely to his own interests, in endeavoring to

adjust quietly the unfortunate affairs that he refers to, those who

understood his motives for so doing would excuse this error of his

judgment when they realized the feelings that prompted it. He saw

his error when it was too late to correct it, and died before

opportunity was given to vindicate his character. I remember

distinctly the last conversation I had with him, only a few days

before his death, and the earnest manner in which he spoke of this

trouble, would have removed from my mind all doubt of the perfect

rectitude of his intentions, if any had ever existed. I remember,

too, my visit to Richmond during the month of August, 1864, on which

occasion, at the General's request, I called upon the Secretary of

War to lay before him some papers entrusted to my care, and also to

make some verbal explanations regarding them. The excited, I may say

the exasperated manner in which the Honorable Secretary commented

upon the documents, left but one impression upon my mind, and that

was, that the War Department had made up its mind that the party was

guilty and that its conviction should not be offended by any

evidence to the contrary. The determination to pursue and break the

General down was apparent to every one, and the Kentucky expedition

was to be the means to accomplish this end (the reasons for a great

deal of this enmity are, of course, familiar to you). I endeavored

to explain to Mr. Seddon the injustice of the charge that General

Morgan had made this expedition without proper authority (I felt

this particularly to be my duty as I was the only person then living

who could bear witness upon that point), but being unable to obtain

a quiet hearing, I left his office disappointed and disgusted.

* * * * *

With the hope that you may succeed in the work you have undertaken,

believe me,

Very truly, your friend,

J.L. SANDFORD."

"HEADQUARTERS CAV. DEP'T, EAST TENNESSEE,}

_Jonesboro', Sept. 1, 1864_. }

"SIR: I have the honor to ask your early and careful consideration

of the statements herein submitted, and, although I am aware that

the representations which have been made you, concerning the matters

to which these statements relate, have so decided your opinion that

you do not hesitate to give it free expression, I yet feel that it

is due to myself to declare how false and injurious such

representations have been and to protest against the injustice which

condemns me unheard.

You will understand that I allude to the alleged robbery of the Bank

of Mt. Sterling, Kentucky, and other outrages which my command is

charged with having committed during the late expedition into that

State. I will not, myself, countenance a course of procedure against

which I feel that I can justly protest, by citing testimony or

waging my own affirmation in disproof of the accusations which have

been filed against me at your office--but I will demand a prompt and

thorough investigation of them all, and will respectfully urge the

propriety of yourself instituting it.

If, as has been asserted, I have obstructed all examination into the

truth of these imputations, a proper regard for the interests of the

service, as well as the ends of justice requires that some higher

authority shall compel an exposure. Until, very recently, I was

ignorant how the rumors which had already poisoned the public mind,

had been received and listened to in official circles, and I can not

forbear indignant complaint of the injury done my reputation and

usefulness by the encouragement thus given them.

Allegations, directly implicating me in the excesses above referred

to, that I had connived at, if I did not incite them, and that I

have striven to shield the perpetrators from discovery and

punishment--allegations, the most vague and yet all tending to

impeach my character, have obtained hearing and credence at the

department.

I have not been called on, indeed I may say I have not been

permitted one word in my defense. Permit me to say that an officer's

reputation may suffer from such causes, in official and public

opinion, and that he may find it difficult, if not impossible, to

vindicate it, unless his superiors assist him by inviting inquiry. I

am informed that communications and documents of various kinds,

relating to the alleged criminal transactions in Kentucky, have been

addressed you by certain of my subordinates, and I have been

profoundly ignorant of their existence, until after their receipt,

and the intended impression had been produced. I have but little

acquaintance with the forms and regulations of your office, and I

would respectfully ask if communications so furnished are not

altogether irregular and prejudicial to good order and proper

discipline? If these parties believe my conduct culpable, is it not

their plain duty to prefer charges against me and bring me before a

court martial? And if failing to adopt measures suggested alike by

law, justice and propriety, they pursue a course which tends to

weaken my authority, impair my reputation and embarrass my conduct,

have I not the right to expect that their action shall be condemned

and themselves reprimanded? Indeed, sir, discipline and

subordination have been impaired to such an extent in my command by

proceedings, such as I have described, that an officer of high rank

quitted a responsible post, without leave and in direct disobedience

to my orders, and repaired to Richmond to urge in person his

application for assignment to duty more consonant with his

inclinations. It is, with all due respect, that I express my regret

that his application was successful.

Permit me again, sir, to urge earnestly, that the investigation,

which can alone remove the difficulties which I now experience,

shall be immediately ordered.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

JOHN H. MORGAN.

To HON. JAMES A. SEDDON, _Secretary of War_.

On the 28th or 29th of August, General Morgan left Abingdon, and taking

command of the troops at Jonesboro' on the 31st, immediately prepared to

move against the enemy. Our forces had again been driven away from their

positions at Bull's Gap and Rogersville, and had fallen back to

Jonesboro'. After two or three days delay for refitment, etc., General

Morgan marched from Jonesboro' with the intention of attacking the enemy

at Bull's Gap. If he could drive them from that position, by a sudden

and rapidly executed movement, he would, in all probability, cut off

that force at Rogersville and either force it to surrender or compel it

to retreat into Kentucky. In the latter event, the enemy's strength

would be so much reduced, that all of East Tennessee, as far down as

Knoxville, would be for some time, in possession of the Confederates.

General Morgan's strength, including the portions of General Vaughan's

brigade, was about sixteen hundred and two pieces of artillery. The men

were badly armed and equipped and had been much discouraged by their

late reverses, but reanimated by the presence of their leader, whom they

loved all the more as misfortunes befell them, they were anxious for

battle.

A small frame house upon the left side of the road leading from

Jonesboro' to Greenville, was often pointed out to me subsequently, as

the spot where General Morgan received (as he rode past the column), the

last cheer ever given him by his men. Reaching Greenville about 4 P.M.

on the 3rd of September, he determined to encamp there for the night and

move on Bull's Gap the next day. The troops were stationed on all sides

of the place, and he made his headquarters in town, at the house of Mrs.

Williams. The younger Mrs. Williams left Greenville, riding in the

direction of Bull's Gap at the first rumors of the approach of our

forces, to give, we have always believed, the alarm to the enemy.

The Tennesseeans of Vaughan's brigade (under Colonel Bradford), were

encamped on the Bull's Gap road, and were instructed to picket that road

and the roads to the left. Clark's battalion of Colonel Smith's brigade

and the artillery were encamped on the Jonesboro' road, about five

hundred yards from the town. The remainder of Colonel Smith's brigade

was encamped on the Rogersville road. Colonel Giltner's command was also

stationed in this quarter, and the two picketed all the roads to the

front and right flank. The town, had all instructions been obeyed and

the pickets judiciously placed, would have been perfectly protected. It

has been stated, I know not how correctly, that the enemy gained

admittance to the town, unchallenged, through an unaccountable error in

the picketing of the roads on the left. According to this account, the

enemy, who left Bull's Gap before midnight, quitted the main road at

Blue Springs, equi-distant from Greenville and Bull's Gap, and marched

by the Warrensburg road, until within one mile and a half of the town.

At this point, a by-road leads from the Warrensburg to the Newport road.

The pickets on the Warrensburg road were not stationed in sight of this

point, while on the Newport road the base of the pickets was beyond the

point where the by-road enters, and there were no rear videttes between

the base and town. The enemy (it is stated), took this little by-road,

and turning off in front of one picket, came in behind the other. At any

rate, about daylight, a body perhaps of one hundred cavalry dashed into

Greenville and were followed in a short time by Gillem's whole force. It

was the party that came first which killed General Morgan. His

fate, however, is still involved in mystery. Major Gassett, of his staff,

states that they left the house together and sought to escape, but found

every street guarded. They took refuge once in the open cellar of a

house, expecting that some change in the disposition of the Federal

forces would leave an avenue for escape, or that they would be rescued

by a charge from some of the troops at the camps. They were discovered

and pointed out by a Union woman. Gassett succeeded in effecting his

escape. General Morgan made his way back to the garden of Mrs. Williams

house. Lieutenant X. Hawkins, a fearless young officer, charged into

the town with fifteen men and strove to reach the point where he

supposed the General to be, but he was forced back. General Morgan was

killed in the garden--shot through the heart. It is not known whether he

surrendered or was offering resistance.

His friends have always believed that he was murdered after his

surrender. Certain representations by the parties who killed him, their

ruffianly character, and the brutality with which they treated his body,

induced the belief; and it was notorious that his death, if again

captured, had been sworn. His slayers broke down the paling around the

garden, dragged him through, and, while he was tossing his arms in his

dying agonies, threw him across a mule, and paraded his body about the

town, shouting and screaming in savage exultation. No effort was made by

any one except Lieutenant Hawkins to accomplish his rescue. The three

commands demoralized by General Morgan's death, became separated and

were easily driven away. The men of his old command declared their

desire to fight and avenge him on the spot, but a retreat was insisted

upon.

Thus, on the 4th of September, 1864, in this little village of East

Tennessee, fell the greatest partisan leader the world ever saw, unless

it were the Irishman, Sarsfield. But not only was the light of genius

extinguished then, and a heroic spirit lost to earth--as kindly and as

noble a heart as was ever warmed by the constant presence of generous

emotions was stilled by a ruffian's bullet.

As the event is described, the feelings it excited come back almost as

fresh and poignant as at the time. How hard it was to realize that his

time, too, had come--that so much life had been quenched. Every trait of

the man we almost worshiped, recollections of incidents which showed his

superb nature, crowd now, as they crowded then, upon the mind.

When he died, the glory and chivalry seemed gone from the struggle, and

it became a tedious routine, enjoined by duty, and sustained only by

sentiments of pride and hatred. Surely men never grieved for a leader as

Morgan's men sorrowed for him. The tears which scalded the cheeks of

hardy and rugged veterans, who had witnessed all the terrible scenes of

four years of war, attested it, and the sad faces told of the aching

hearts within.

His body was taken from the hands which defiled it, by General Gillem,

as soon as that officer arrived at Greenville, and sent to our lines,

under flag of truce. It was buried first at Abingdon, then removed to

the cemetery at Richmond, where it lies now, surrounded by kindred

heroic ashes, awaiting the time when it can be brought to his own

beloved Kentucky--the hour when there is no longer fear that the storm,

which living rebels are sworn to repress, shall burst out with the

presence of the dead chieftain.

The troops again returned to Jonesboro', the enemy returning after a

short pursuit to Bull's Gap. Immediately upon learning of General

Morgan's death, General Echols, then commanding the department, ordered

me to take command of the brigade composed of his old soldiers--the

remnant of the old division. I found this brigade reduced to two hundred

and seventy-three effective men, and armed in a manner that made it a

matter of wonder how they could fight at all. There were scarcely fifty

serviceable guns in the brigade, and the variety of calibers rendered it

almost a matter of impossibility to keep on hand a supply of available

ammunition. They were equipped similarly in all other respects. Every

effort was at once instituted to collect and procure guns, and to

provide suitable equipments. General Echols kindly rendered all the

assistance in his power, and manifested a special interest in us, for

which we were deeply grateful. Our friends at Richmond and throughout

the Confederacy, seemed to experience fresh sympathy for us after

General Morgan's death.

In this connection it is fitting to speak of a gentleman to whom we were

especially indebted, Mr. E.M. Bruce, one of the Kentucky members of the

Confederate Congress. It would, indeed, be unjust as well as ungrateful,

to omit mention of his name and his generous, consistent friendship. Not

only were we, of Morgan's old command, the recipients of constant and

the kindest services from him, but his generosity was as wide as his

charity, which seemed boundless. His position at Richmond was such as to

enable him to be of great assistance to the soldiers and people from his

state, and he was assiduous and untiring in their behalf. The immense

wealth which his skill and nerve in commercial speculations procured

him, was lavished in friendly ministrations and charitable enterprises.

An intelligent and useful member of the Congress, a safe and valuable

adviser of the administration in all matters within the province of his

advice, he was especially known and esteemed as the _friend_ of the

soldiery, the patron of all who stood in need of aid and indulgence. At

one time he maintained not only a hospital in Richmond for the sick and

indigent, but a sort of hotel, kept up at his own expense, where the

Kentucky soldiers returning from prison were accommodated. It is safe to

say that he did more toward furnishing the Kentucky troops with

clothing, etc., than all of the supply department put together. The sums

he gave away in Confederate money would sound fabulous; and, after the

last surrender, he gave thousands of dollars in gold to the Kentucky

troops, who lacked means to take them home. His name will ever be held

by them in grateful and affectionate remembrance.

My command remained encamped near Jonesboro' for nearly two weeks. The

commands of Vaughan, Cosby (that formerly commanded by General George B.

Hodge) and Giltner were also stationed in the same vicinity, all under

command of General John C. Vaughan.

Upon the 15th of September, I received my commission as Brigadier

General and accepted it--as it has turned out--an _unpardonable_ error.

During the time that we remained near Jonesboro', the brigade improved

very much. Fortunately several of the best officers of the old command,

who had escaped capture, were with it at the time that I took command,

Captains Cantrill, Lea and Messick, and Lieutenants Welsh, Cunningham,

Hunt, Hawkins, Hopkins, Skillman, Roody, Piper, Moore, Lucas, Skinner,

Crump and several others equally as gallant and good, and there were

some excellent officers who had joined the command just after General

Morgan's return from prison. The staff department was ably filled by the

acting adjutants, Lieutenants George W. Hunt, Arthur Andrews, James

Hines and Daniels. These were all officers of especial merit.

Colonels Ward, Morgan and Tucker, and Majors Webber and Steele had been

exchanged at Charleston, and their valuable services were secured at a

time when greatly needed. The gallant Mississippi company, of my old

regiment, was there, all, at least, that was left of it, and Cooper's

company, under Welsh, as staunch and resolute as ever, although greatly

reduced in numbers. All the old regiments were represented.

Daily drills and inspections soon brought the brigade into a high state

of efficiency and the men longed to return to the debatable ground and

try conclusions, fairly, with the enemy which had boasted of recent

triumphs at their expense. An opportunity soon occurred. In the latter

part of September, General Vaughan moved with all of these commands

stationed about Jonesboro', in the direction of Greenville. One object

of the movement was to attempt, if co-operation with General John S.

Williams, who was known to be approaching from toward Knoxville, could

be secured, the capture of the Federal forces at Bull's gap. General

Williams had been cut off, in Middle Tennessee, from General Wheeler who

had raided into that country. His command consisted of three brigades.

One under command of Colonel William Breckinridge was the brigade of

Kentucky cavalry which had won so much reputation in the retreat from

Dalton and the operations around Atlanta. In this brigade were Colonel

Breckinridge's own regiment, the Ninth Kentucky and Dortch's battalion.

Another of these brigades was a very fine one of Tennessee troops,

under General Debrell, an excellent officer. The third commanded by

General Robertson, a young and very dashing officer, was composed of

"Confederate" battalions--troops enlisted under no particular State

organization. General Vaughan learning of General Williams' approach

dispatched him a courier offering to co-operate with him and advising

that General Williams should attack the rear, while he, Vaughan would

attack it in front.

[Illustration: MAP SHOWING THOSE PORTIONS OF E. TENNESSEE AND W. VIRGINIA,

_Operated in by Gen. Morgan's Brigade_, UNDER COMMAND OF Brig. Gen.

B.W. DUKE, _Winter of 1864-'65_.]

Passing through Greenville at early dawn upon the second day after we

left Jonesboro', the column marched rapidly toward the gap. My brigade

was marching in advance. It was at this time three hundred and

twenty-two strong and was organized into two battalions, the first

commanded by Colonel Ward and the second by Colonel Morgan. About four

miles from Greenville, Captain Messick, whose Company A, of the second

battalion, was acting as advance-guard, encountered a scouting party of

the enemy fifty or sixty strong. Messick immediately attacked, routed

the party and chased it for several miles, taking eight or ten

prisoners. Pressing on again in advance, when the column had overtaken

him, he discovered the enemy in stronger force than before,

advantageously posted upon the further side of a little stream about two

miles from Lick creek. Halting his command here, Captain Messick,

accompanied by Lieutenant Hopkins, galloped across the bridge and toward

the enemy to reconnoiter. Approaching, despite the shots fired at them,

to within forty or fifty yards of the enemy, they were then saluted by a

volley from nearly two hundred rifles. Thinking it impossible, or

impolitic, to procure "further information" they rapidly galloped back.

Upon the approach of the column this party of the enemy fell back to

Lick creek, where it met or was reinforced by some two or three hundred

more. Lick creek is some three miles from Bull's gap. There were no

fords in the vicinity of the road and it was too deep for wading except

at one or two points. A narrow bridge spanned it at the point where it

crossed the road. On the side that we were approaching there is a wide

open space like a prairie, perhaps half a mile square. Thick woods

border this opening in the direction that we were coming and wooded

hills upon the left--running down to the edge of the creek.

Perceiving the enemy show signs of a disposition to contest our

crossing, my brigade was at once deployed to force a passage. A portion

of the second battalion was double-quicked, dismounted, across the open

to the thickets near the bank of the creek. Although exposed for the

entire distance to the fire of the enemy, this detachment suffered no

loss. One company of the second battalion was also sent to the right,

and took position near the creek in that quarter. The greater part of

the first battalion was sent, on foot, to the left, and, concealed by

the thickets upon the hills, got near enough the creek without

attracting the attention of the enemy. Lieutenant Conrad was ordered to

charge across the bridge with two mounted companies. As he approached it

at a trot, a battalion of the enemy galloped down on the other side

(close to the bridge) to dispute his passage. The dismounted

skirmishers, who had taken position near the creek, prevented Conrad's

column from receiving annoyance from the remainder of the Federal force.

When within so short a distance of the bridge that the features of the

Federal soldiers at the other extremity were plainly discernible, Conrad

suddenly halted, threw one company into line, keeping the other in

column behind it, and opened fire upon it, which was returned with

interest. Just then Lieutenant Welsh carried his company across the

creek on the extreme left, followed by Lea (the water coming up to the

men's shoulders) and attacked the enemy in flank and rear. This shook

their line. General Vaughan, at the same time, brought up a piece of

artillery and opened fire over the heads of our own men. Conrad seized

the moment of confusion and darted across the bridge with the company

which was in column, the other following. It was then a helter-skelter

chase until the enemy took refuge in the gap.

General Vaughn marched on, but hearing nothing of General Williams, and

knowing the strength of the position, did not attack. He had a brass

band with him, which he made play "Dixie," in the hope that it would

lure the enemy out; but this strategical banter was treated with

profound indifference. General Williams had marched on the north side of

the Holston river to Rogersville, and thence to Greenville, where we met

him upon our return next day. His command was about two thousand strong,

but a part of it badly armed, and his ammunition was exhausted. It

turned out that his advent in our department was most opportune and

fortunate.

We remained at Greenville several days, and then marched to Carter's

Station. This withdrawal was occasioned by the unformation of the

approach of Burbridge, from Kentucky, with a heavy force. His

destination was supposed to be the Salt-works, and General Echols judged

it expedient to effect a timely concentration of all the forces in the

department. The system of procuring information from Kentucky, the most

dangerous quarter to the Department, was so well organized that it was

nearly two weeks after the first intimation of danger before Burbridge

entered Virginia. Giltner's brigade had been moved very early to Laurel

Gap, or some position in that vicinity, between the Salt-works and the

approaching enemy. Leaving General Vaughan with his own brigade at

Carter's Station, General Echols ordered General Cosby and myself to

Bristol. General Williams, who, with great exertion, had rearmed his

command, moved a few days subsequently to the Salt-works, where the

"reserves" of militia were now, also, collecting. Simultaneously with

Burbridge's advance, the enemy approached from Knoxville (under Generals

Gillem and Ammon), marching over the same ground which we had traversed

shortly before.

General Vaughan was attacked, and was compelled to divide his brigade,

the greater part remaining at Carter's Station, and a part being sent,

under Colonel Carter, to Duvault's ford, five miles below on the

Wetauga, where the enemy sought to effect a passage. Upon the night

after the first demonstration against General Vaughan, General Cosby and

I were sent to reinforce him, and, marching all night, reached the

position assigned early the next morning. General Cosby was posted where

he could support most speedily whichever point needed it, and I was

instructed to proceed directly to Duvault's ford. Upon arriving there, I

found Colonel Carter making all the preparations within his power to

repel the attack which he anticipated. About nine A.M., the enemy

recommenced the fight at Carter's Station, and toward one or two P.M.

made his appearance again upon the other side of the river, opposite our

position. The firing by this time had become so heavy at Carter's

Station that I feared that General Vaughan would not be able to prevent

the enemy from crossing the river there, and became anxious to create a

diversion in his favor. I thought that if the force confronting us could

be driven off and made to retreat on Jonesboro', that confronting

General Vaughan would also fall back, fearing a flank attack, or it

would, at least, slacken its efforts. The steep and difficult bank just

in our front forbade all thought of attack in that way, but there was a

ford about a mile and a half below, from which a good road led through

level ground to the rear of the enemy's position. I instructed Captain

Messick to take fifty picked men, cross at this ford, and take the enemy

in the rear, and requested Colonel Carter to cause one of his battalions

to dash down to the brink of the river, as soon as the firing commenced,

and cross and attack if the enemy showed signs of being shaken by

Messick's movement.

Captain Messick had crossed the river and gotten two or three hundred

yards upon the other side, when he met a battalion of Federal cavalry

approaching, doubtless to try a flank movement on us. They were marching

with drawn sabers, but foolishly halted at sight of our men. Messick

immediately ordered the charge and dashed into them. The impetus with

which his column drove against them made the Federals recoil, and in a

little while entirely give way. Stephen Sharp, of Cluke's regiment,

rode at the color-guard, and shooting the color-bearer through the

head, seized the flag. While he was waving it in triumph, the guard

fired upon him, two bullets taking effect, one in the left arm, the

other through the lungs. Dropping the colors across his saddle, he

clubbed his rifle and struck two of his assailants from their horses,

and Captain Messick killed a third for him. Twelve prisoners were taken,

and ten or fifteen of the enemy killed and wounded. Messick, pressing

the rout, whirled around upon the rear of the position. Colonel Carter

ordered the Sixteenth Georgia to charge the position in front, when he

saw the confusion produced by this dash, and the whole force went off in

rapid retreat, pursued by the detachment of Captain Messick and the

Georgia battalion for four or five miles.

Shortly afterward the demonstration against Carter's Station ceased.

Lieutenant Roody, a brave and excellent young officer, lost a leg in

this charge. Stephen Sharp, whose name has just now been mentioned, was

perhaps the hero of more personal adventures than any man in Morgan's

command. He had once before captured a standard by an act of equal

courage. He had made his escape from prison by an exercise of almost

incredible daring. With a companion, named Hecker, he deliberately

scaled the wall of the prison yard, and forced his way through a guard

assembled to oppose them. Sharp was shot and bayoneted in this attempt,

but his wounds were not serious, and both he and his companion got away.

When, subsequently, they were making their way to Virginia through the

mountains of Kentucky, they were attacked by six or seven bushwhackers.

Hecker was shot from his horse. Sharp shot four of his assailants and

escaped. His exploits are too numerous for mention. Although the wounds

he received at Duvault's were serious, he survived them, to marry the

lady who nursed him.

On the next day, we received orders from General Echols to march at once

to Saltville, as Burbridge was drawing near the place. In a very short

time the energy and administrative skill of General Echols had placed

the department in an excellent condition for defense. But it was the

opportune arrival of General Williams which enabled us to beat back all

assailants. When we reached Abingdon, we learned that General

Breckinridge had arrived and had assumed command. After a short halt, we

pressed on and reached Saltville at nightfall to learn that the enemy

had been repulsed that day in a desperate attack. His loss had been

heavy.

General Williams had made a splendid fight--one worthy of his very high

reputation for skill and resolute courage. His dispositions were

admirable. It is also positively stated that, as he stood on a superior

eminence midway of his line of battle, his voice could be distinctly

heard above the din of battle, as he shouted orders to all parts of the

line at once. The Virginia reserves, under General Jackson and Colonel

Robert Preston, behaved with distinguished gallantry. Upon the arrival

of our three fresh brigades it was determined to assume the offensive in

the morning. But that night the enemy retreated. General Cosby and I

were ordered to follow him. We overtook his column beyond Hyter's Gap,

but owing to mistakes in reconnoisance, etc., allowed it to escape us.

General Williams coming up with a part of his command, we pressed the

rear but did little damage. After this, my brigade was stationed for a

few days at Wytheville.

In the middle of October, I was directed to go with two hundred men to

Floyd and Franklin counties, where the deserters from our various armies

in Virginia had congregated and had become very troublesome. In Floyd

county they had organized what they called the "New State" and had

elected a provisional Governor and Lieutenant Governor. I caught the

latter--he was a very nice gentleman, and presented the man who captured

him with a horse. After a little discipline the gang broke up, and some

two hundred came in and surrendered.

Captain Cantrill, of my brigade, was sent with some forty men to Grayson

county, about the same time. In this county the deserters and

bushwhackers had been committing terrible outrages. Upon Cantrill's

approach they retreated just across the line into North Carolina, into

the mountains and bantered him to follow. He immediately did so. His

force was increased by the reinforcement of a company of militia to

about eighty men. He came upon the deserters (mustering about one

hundred and twenty-five strong), posted upon the side of a mountain, and

attacked them. Turning his horses loose, after finding that it was

difficult to ascend mounted--he pushed his men forward on foot. The

horses galloping back, induced the enemy to believe that he was

retreating. They were quickly undeceived. Letting them come close to a

belt of brush in which his men were resting, Captain Cantrill poured in

a very destructive fire. The leader of the gang was killed by the first

volley and his men soon dispersed and fled.

Twenty-one men were killed in this affair, and the others were phased

away from the country. They gave no further trouble. Captain Cantrill's

action justified the high esteem in which his courage and ability were

held by his superiors. Almost immediately after the return of these

detachments, the brigade was ordered back to East Tennessee again.

General Vaughan, supported by Colonel Palmer's brigade of North Carolina

reserves, had been attacked at Russellville, six miles below Bull's Gap,

and defeated with the loss of four or five pieces of artillery. General

Breckinridge, immediately upon hearing of this disaster, prepared to

retrieve it. The appointment of General Breckinridge to the command of

the department, was a measure admirably calculated to reform and infuse

fresh vitality into its affairs. He possessed the confidence of both the

people and the soldiery. His military record was a brilliant one, and

his sagacity and firmness were recognized by all. With the Kentucky

troops, who were extravagantly proud of him, his popularity was of

course unbounded. Although this unfortunate department was worse handled

by the enemy after he commanded it than ever before, he came out of the

ordeal, fatal to most other generals, with enhanced reputation. His

great energy and indomitable resolution were fairly tried and fully

proven. He could personally endure immense exertions and exposure. If,

however, when heavy duty and labor were demanded, he got hold of

officers and men who would not complain, he worked them without

compunction, giving them no rest, and leaving the reluctant in clover.

He could always elicit the affection inspired by manly daring and high

soldierly qualities, and which the brave always feel for the bravest.

Leaving Wytheville on the night of the 19th of October, the brigade

marched nearly to Marion, twenty-one miles distant. A blinding snow was

driving in our faces, and about midnight it became necessary to halt and

allow the half frozen men to build fires. Marching on through Abingdon

and Bristol, we reached Carter's station on the 22nd. Here General

Vaughn's brigade was encamped, and on the same day trains arrived from

Wytheville bringing dismounted men of my brigade and of Cosby's and

Giltner's. The bulk of these two latter brigades were in the Shenandoah

valley, with General Early. There were also two companies of engineers.

The dismounted men numbered in all between three and four hundred. They

were commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Alston, who was assisted by Major

Chenoweth, Captain Jenkins and other able officers. Six pieces of

artillery also arrived, commanded by Major Page. On the 23rd, the entire

force was marched to Jonesboro'. From Jonesboro' two roads run to

Greenville, or rather to within three miles of Greenville, when they

join. These roads are at no point more than three miles apart. My

brigade was ordered to march upon the right hand, or Rheatown, road and

General Vaughan took the other. The dismounted men marched along the

railroad, which runs between them. A short distance beyond Rheatown,

Captain Messick, who was some ten miles in front of the column with the

advance-guard of twenty men, came upon an encampment of the enemy. He

immediately attacked and drove in the pickets. Privates Hi Rogers, Pat

Gilroy, Porter White, and another brave fellow of Ward's battalion,

followed them into the encampment and came back unhurt. Messick halted

his guard about four hundred yards from the encampment and awaited the

movements of the enemy. His men were all picked for their daring and

steadiness and could be depended on. In a little while the enemy came

out, but continued, for a while, to fire at long range. Fearing that

arrangements were being made to surround him, Messick began to retreat.

The enemy then pursued him, and a battalion continued the pursuit for

ten miles. Although closely pressed, this gallant little squad

repeatedly turned and fought, sometimes dismounting to fire more

accurately, and repeatedly checked their pursuers. Every round of their

ammunition was exhausted and they were at no time disordered or forced

into flight. Captain Messick lost not a single man captured and only one

wounded.

When the column at length came up, the enemy had abandoned the chase and

returned. That evening we marched through their deserted camp. Passing

through Greenville the next morning, which the enemy had evacuated the

night before, we reached Lick creek about 4 P.M. The enemy showed

themselves on the further side, but did not contest our passage. A mile

or a mile and a half in front of the gap we came upon them again, about

twelve hundred strong. General Breckinridge ordered me to attack. I did

so and in a short time drove them into the gap. They came out twice and

were as often driven back. General Vaughan had been sent to demonstrate

in the rear of the gap, and the dismounted men had not gotten up. After

the third trial outside of the works, the enemy contented himself with

shelling us. I witnessed, then, a singular incident. One man was

literally set on fire by a shell. I saw what seemed a ball of fire fall

from a shell just exploded and alight upon this poor fellow. He was at

once in flames. We tore his clothing from him and he was scorched and

seared from head to foot.

All that night we stood in line upon the ground we occupied when it

fell. The enemy's pickets were a short distance in our front and fired

at every movement. During the night the artillery arrived and was

posted upon a commanding position protected by my line. The dismounted

men also arrived during the night.

On the next morning, at day light, the dismounted men and one hundred

and fifty of my brigade, in all some five hundred men, were moved to the

extreme right to assault the gap from that quarter. General Vaughan was

instructed to attack it in the rear, and Colonel George Crittenden was

posted to support the artillery, with one hundred and eighty men, and to

demonstrate in front. The right was the real point of attack. General

Breckinridge hoped to carry the works there, and the other movements

were intended as diversions. The enemy's force, as shown by captured

field returns, was about twenty-five hundred men.

Climbing up the steep mountain side, the party sent to the right gained

the ridge a little after daybreak. The position to be assaulted was

exceedingly strong. Two spurs of the hill (on which the fortifications

were erected) run out and connect with the mountain upon which we were

formed. Between them is an immense ravine, wide and deep. The summits of

these spurs are not more than forty yards wide, and their sides are

rugged and steep. Across each, and right in the path of our advance,

earthworks were erected, not very formidable themselves, but commanded

by the forts. A direct and cross fire of artillery swept every inch of

the approach. About the time that we reached the top of the mountain,

Major Page opened with his pieces upon the plain beneath, and we

immediately commenced the attack. Colonel Ward crossed the ravine with

the greater part of our column, and I moved upon the left-hand spur with

eighty or a hundred men of my brigade. A good many men of the hastily

organized companies, of the dismounted command, hung back in the ravine

as Colonel Ward advanced, and did no service in the fight.

General Breckinridge personally commanded the assault. Colonel Ward

pressed on vigorously, and despite the hot fire which met him, carried

the line of works upon the right, but was driven out by the fire from

the fort, which he could not take. He returned repeatedly to the

assault, and could not be driven far from the works. Upon the left we

advanced rapidly, driving in the enemy's skirmishers, until, when within

thirty yards of the earthwork, the men were staggered by the fire,

halted, and could not be made to advance. Both ridges were completely

swept by the enfilading fire, which each now poured upon us. The enemy

once sprang over the work upon the left and advanced upon us, but was

forced back. The men were much galled by the fire at this point.

Major Webber had but one company of his battalion present. It was

twenty-eight strong, and lost fourteen. After failing to carry the

works, we remained close to them, upon both the ridges, for more than an

hour, replying as effectively as we could to the enemy's fire. Several

instances of great gallantry occurred. Sergeant James Cardwell, of my

old regiment, finding that the men could not be brought up again to the

attack, walked deliberately toward the enemy, declaring that he would

show them what a soldier's duty was. He fell before he had taken a dozen

steps, his gallant breast riddled with balls. Gordon Vorhees, a brave

young soldier, scarcely out of his boyhood, was mortally wounded when

Colonel Ward carried the works upon the right. His comrades strove to

remove him, but he refused to permit them to do so, saying that it was

their part to fight and not to look after dying men.

Colonel Crittenden had pressed his slight line and Page's guns close to

the front of the gap, during our attack, and did splendid service. But

the attack in the rear was not made in time, and almost the entire

Federal force was concentrated on the right, and this, and the strength

of the position, was some excuse for our failure to take it. General

Breckinridge exposed himself in a manner that called forth the almost

indignant remonstrance of the men, and it is a matter of wonder that he

escaped unhurt. He spoke in high terms of the conduct of the men who

pressed the attack, although much disappointed at its failure, and

especially commended Colonel Ward's cool, unflinching, and determined

bravery. The latter officer was wounded, and when we withdrew was cut

off from the command, but found his way back safely. Our loss was heavy.

After our retreat, which was not pressed by the enemy, Col. Crittenden

was in a critical situation. It was necessary that he should also

withdraw, and as he did so, he was exposed for more than half a mile to

the Federal artillery. Six guns were opened upon him. The chief aim

seemed to be to blow up Page's caissons, but, although the shelling was

hot, they were all brought off safely.

That afternoon Colonel Palmer arrived from Ashville, North Carolina,

with four or five hundred infantry. General Breckinridge decided to make

no further attack upon the position, but to march through Taylor's Gap,

three miles to the west, and get in the rear of the Federals and upon

their line of retreat and communication with Knoxville. Accordingly, we

broke camp and marched about ten o'clock that night. Vaughan, who had

returned, moved in advance. Palmer's infantry, the dismounted men, and

the artillery, were in the rear.

As we passed through Taylor's Gap, information was received that the

enemy were evacuating Bull's Gap, and that an opportunity would be

afforded us to take him in flank. General Breckinridge at once ordered

Vaughan to post a strong detachment at Russellville, in their front, and

to attack with his whole command immediately upon the detachments

becoming engaged. I was ordered to turn to the left before reaching

Russellville, go around the place and cut the enemy off upon the main

road, a mile or two below, or, failing to do this, take him in flank.

The enemy broke through the detachment stationed in his front, but was

immediately attacked by Vaughan. "Fight, d--n you!" yelled a Federal

officer to his men, as the firing commenced; "it's only a scout." "No,

I'll be d--d if it is," shouted one of Vaughan's men; "_we're all

here_." The greater part of Gillem's column and his artillery escaped

here, but one regiment was cut off and driven away to the right. Moving

very rapidly, my brigade managed to strike the main body again at

Cheek's Cross Roads, about two miles from the town, and drove another

slice from the road and into the fields and woods. While the column was

scattered and prolonged by the rapid chase, we came suddenly upon the

enemy halted in the edge of a wood, and were received with a smart fire,

which checked us. Captain Gus Magee, one of the best and most dashing

officers of the brigade, commanding the advance guard, charged in among

them. As, followed by a few men, he leaped the fence behind which the

enemy were posted, he was shot from his horse. He surrendered, and gave

his name, and was immediately shot and sabered. He lived a short time in

great agony. One of his men, Sergeant Sam Curd, avenged his death that

night. Curd saved himself when Magee was killed, by slipping into the

Federal line, and in the darkness, he escaped unnoticed. Some twenty

minutes afterward, the murderer of Magee was captured, and Curd,

recognizing his voice, asked him if he were not the man. He at once

sprang upon Curd, and tried to disarm him. The latter broke loose from

his grasp and killed him. Vaughan, after we moved on, kept the road, and

I moved upon the left flank, endeavoring to gain the enemy's rear, and

intercept his retreat. Colonel Napier, who kept in the advance with a

small detachment, succeeded in this object.

Three or four miles from Morristown, the enemy halted, and, for half an

hour, offered resistance. We, who were moving to take them in flank and

rear, then saw a beautiful sight. The night was cloudless, and the moon

at its full and shedding a brilliant light. The dark lines of troops

could be seen almost as clearly as by day. Their positions were

distinctly marked, however, by the flashes from the rifles, coming thick

and fast, making them look, as they moved along, bending and

oscillating, like rolling waves of flame, throwing off fiery spray. When

my brigade had moved far around upon the left, and had taken position,

obliquing toward the enemy's rear, it suddenly opened. The Federal line

recoiled, and closed from both flanks toward the road, in one dense

mass, which looked before the fighting ceased and the rout fairly

commenced, like a huge Catherine wheel spouting streams of fire.

The enemy retreated rapidly and in confusion from this position, pursued

closely by Vaughan's foremost battalions. At Morristown a regiment, just

arrived upon the cars, and a piece of artillery, checked the pursuit for

a short time, and enabled the enemy to reform. They were again driven,

and making another and a last stand a short distance beyond the town,

abandoned all further resistance when that failed to stop us.

Then the spoils began to be gathered, and were strewn so thickly along

the road that the pursuit was effectually retarded. Major Day, of

Vaughan's brigade, followed, however, beyond New Market, more than

twenty-five miles from the point where the affair commenced, and the

rest of us halted when day had fairly broken. More than one hundred

ambulances and wagons were captured, loaded with baggage; six pieces of

artillery, with caissons and horses, and many prisoners. The rout and

disintegration of Gillem's command was complete.

On the next day we moved to New Market, and, when all the troops had

gotten up, proceeded to Strawberry Plains, seven miles beyond. Here the

enemy, posted in strong fortifications, were prepared to contest our

further advance. We remained here three or four days.

Shelling and sharpshooting was kept up during the day, and a picket

line, which required our entire strength, was maintained at night. The

Holston river, deep and swollen, was between us, the enemy held the

bridge and neither of the combatants ventured an attack. Vaughan was

sent across the river at an upper ford and had another brush with

Gillem, who came out from Knoxville with a few of his men whom he had

collected and reorganized. He was easily driven back. General

Breckinridge was called away to Wytheville by rumors of an advance of

the enemy in another quarter, and we fell back to New Market and shortly

afterward to Mossy creek, eleven miles from Strawberry plains.

Some ten days after our withdrawal from the latter place, reports

reached us that a large force was being collected at Beau's Station,

upon the north side of the Holston. These reports were shortly

confirmed. We withdrew to Russellville, and subsequently to Greenville.

To have remained further down would have exposed the rest of the

department entirely. Having the short route to Bristol, the enemy could

have outflanked and outmarched us, and getting first to the important

points of the department, which they would have found unguarded, they

could have captured and destroyed all that was worth protecting, without

opposition. General Vaughan took position at Greenville, and my brigade

was stationed, under command of Colonel Morgan, at Rogersville.

Five or six days after these dispositions were made, the enemy advanced

upon Rogersville in heavy force, drove Colonel Morgan away and followed

him closely. He retreated without loss, although constantly skirmishing

to Kingsport, twenty-five miles from Rogersville, and crossing Clinch

river at nightfall, prepared to dispute the passage of the enemy. He

believed that he could do so successfully, but his force was too small

to guard all of the fords, and the next morning the enemy got across,

attacked and defeated him, capturing him, more than eighty men, and all

of our wagons. Colonel Napier took command and retreated to Bristol. I

met the brigade there, and found it reduced to less than three hundred

men.

General Vaughan was hurrying on to Bristol, at this time, but had to

march further than the enemy, who also had the start of him, would be

required to march in order to reach it. On the night of the 13th, the

enemy entered Bristol at 3 or 4 P.M. Vaughan was not closer than twelve

or fifteen miles, and so he was completely separated from the forces

east of Bristol. We now had tolerably accurate information of the

enemy's strength. Burbridge's Kentucky troops composed the greater part

of his force, and Gillem was present with all of his former command,

whom he had succeeded in catching, and one fine regiment, the Tenth

Michigan. General Stoneman commanded. His column numbered in all, as

well as we could judge, between six and seven thousand men.

After the enemy occupied Bristol, I fell back to Abingdon. At Bristol a

large amount of valuable stores were captured by the enemy, and more

clerks and attaches of supply departments caught or scared into

premature evacuation of "bummers'" berths than at any precedent period

of the departmental history. They scudded from town with an expedition

that was truly astonishing to those who had ever had business with them.

Not caring to make a fight, which I knew I must lose, and well aware

that there was hard work before us, I left Abingdon at nightfall, and

encamped about three miles from the town on the Saltville road. At 10

o'clock the enemy entered Abingdon, driving out a picket of thirty men I

had left there and causing another stampede of the clerical detail. The

brigade was at once gotten under arms in expectation of an advance upon

the road where we were stationed, but the enemy moved down the railroad

toward Glade Springs and by the main road in the same direction. After

having ascertained their route, we moved rapidly to Saltville, reaching

that place before 10 A.M. General Breckinridge had already concentrated

there all of the reserves that could be collected, and Giltner's and

Cosby's brigades, which had just returned from the valley. Vaughan had

retreated, when he found himself cut off, toward the North Carolina line

and was virtually out of the fight from that time. Our force for the

defense of Saltville was not more than fifteen hundred men, for

offensive operations not eight hundred.

The enemy made no demonstration against Saltville on that day, and at

nightfall General Breckinridge instructed me to move with one hundred

and fifty men of my brigade, through McCall's Gap, and passing to the

right of Glade's Springs, where the enemy was supposed to be, enter the

main stage road and move toward Wytheville. He had received information

that three or four hundred of the enemy had gone in that direction and

he wished me to follow and attack.

Moving as directed, I found the enemy, not at Glade Springs, as was

expected, but at the point at which I wished to enter the main road.

Driving in the pickets, I advanced my whole force to within a short

distance of the road, and discovered convincing proof that the entire

Federal force was there. I did not attack, but withdrew to a point about

a mile distant, and, permitting the men to build fires, and posting

pickets to watch the enemy at the cross-roads, awaited daylight. My

guide had run away when the pickets fired on us, and I could only watch

the movements of the enemy and let mine be dictated by circumstances.

Just at daylight, a force of ten or twelve hundred of the enemy appeared

in our rear, and between us and Saltville. This force had passed through

Glade Springs and far around to the rear. Fortunately the men were lying

down in line and by their horses, which had not been unsaddled. They

were at once formed, and sending to call in the pickets, I moved my line

slowly toward the enemy, who halted. The noise of the pickets galloping

up the road perhaps convinced them that reinforcements were arriving to

us. Not caring to fight when directly between two superior bodies of the

enemy, and but a short distance from either, I wheeled into column, as

soon as the picket detail arrived, and moved toward a wood upon our

right. I was satisfied that I could check pursuit when there, and that

some sort of trace led thence over the mountain to Saltville.

The enemy did not pursue vigorously, and soon halted. Only one shot was

fired, and that by one of my pickets, who killed his man. No one in my

detachment knew the country, but a citizen guided us over an almost

impracticable route to the road which enters Saltville by Lyon's gap.

Learning that the enemy had crossed at Seven Mile ford and gone on

toward Wytheville, General Breckinridge determined to follow. He wished

to harass him, and prevent, as well as he could with the limited force

at his command, the waste and destruction, which was the object of the

raid. He accordingly marched out from Saltville on the night of the

16th, with eight hundred men, leaving the reserves and the men belonging

to the cavalry whose horses were unserviceable. The enemy captured

Wytheville without firing a shot, as there was no one there to fire at,

but defeated a detachment of Vaughan's command not far from the town,

taking and destroying the artillery which was attached to that brigade.

A detachment also took and did serious damage to the lead mines.

On the 17th, Colonel Wycher, who had been sent in advance of the column

commanded by General Breckinridge, attacked a body of the enemy near

Marion, and drove it to Mt. Airy, eight miles from Wytheville, General

Breckinridge pressed on to support him, and when we reached Marion we

found Wycher coming back, closely pursued by a much stronger party of

the enemy. Cosby's brigade, which was in the front of our column, at

once attacked, and the whole command having been deployed and moved up,

the enemy were easily driven back across the creek, two miles beyond

Wytheville. Giltner and Cosby halted without crossing the creek. My

brigade crossed and pressed the Federals back some distance further on

the right of our line of advance. Night coming on I took a position on a

commanding ridge, which stretches from the creek in a southeasterly

direction. My left flank rested near the ford at which we had crossed,

and my line was at an obtuse angle with that of the other brigades,

which had not crossed, and inclining toward the position of the enemy.

During the night I kept my men in line of battle.

On the next morning, it became soon evident that Stoneman's entire

force, or very nearly all of it, had arrived during the night and was

confronting us. After feeling the line, commencing on our left, the

enemy apparently became impressed, with the belief that the proper

point to attack was upon our right, and he accordingly made heavy rushes

in rapid succession upon my position. I had but two hundred and twenty

men, and was reinforced at midday by Colonel Wycher with fifty of his

battalion.

The line we were required to hold was at least half a mile long, and I

say without hesitation, that troops never fought more resolutely and

bravely than did those I commanded on that day. The men were formed in a

single slim skirmish line, with intervals of five or six feet between

the files, and yet the enemy could not break the line or force them

away. We were forced to receive attack where the enemy chose to make it,

not daring, with our limited number and the important responsibility of

holding our position, to attack in turn. Had the position been taken,

the ford would have fallen into the possession of the enemy, and he

would have been master of the entire field. The fire which met the

advancing Federals at every effort which they made was the most deadly I

ever saw. Our ammunition gave out three times, but, fortunately, we were

enabled to replenish it during the lulls in the fighting. The

sharpshooting upon both sides, in the intervals of attack, was

excellent. Charlie Taylor, the best shot in my brigade, and one of the

bravest soldiers, killed a man at almost every shot. I would gladly

mention the names of those who deserved distinguished honor for their

conduct, but it would require me, to do so, to give the name of every

officer and private in the brigade.

About three o'clock, Colonel Napier, who was commanding upon the extreme

left, advanced, and, sweeping down the line, drove back a body of the

enemy immediately confronting his own little battalion, and struck the

flank of another moving to attack the right of the position. But coming

suddenly upon a miscegenated line of white and colored troops, which

rose suddenly from ambush and fired into the faces of his men, his line

fell back. The combatants fought here, for a while, with clubbed guns,

and the negroes, who seemed furious with fear, used theirs as they

would mauls. One unusually big and black darkey seemed to be much

surprised, when first stumbled upon, and exclaiming "Dar dey is!" almost

let his eyes pop out of their sockets. Soon after this, the most serious

charge of the day was made upon the right and center. The enemy came in

two lines, each twelve or fifteen hundred strong. The front line swung

first one end foremost, then the other, as it came on at the

double-quick, and my line, facing to the right and left, massed

alternately at the threatened points. This time the Federals came up so

close to us that I believed the position lost. Their repulse was chiefly

due to the exertions of Captain Lea and Colonel Wycher, so far as the

efforts of officers contributed to a victory which nothing but the

unflinching courage of the men could have secured.

The first line, after driving us nearly a hundred yards, and completely

turning our right, finally recoiled, and the second ran as early. But

they left many dead behind. Our loss was surprisingly small in this

fight--the enemy fired heavy volleys, but too high.

Receiving a reinforcement of sixty men, just before sundown, I sent it

to get in the enemy's rear, and attack his horse-holders, expecting

great results from the movement. But the officer in command was timid

and would do nothing.

The enemy made no further attack, and seemed hopeless of fencing us

away.

Late that night, our ammunition having almost entirely given out, we

quitted our position and fell back, through Marion. Marching then

southwardly, through the gorges of the mountain, we reached Rye Valley,

fifteen miles distant, by morning. The enemy did not move during the

night, nor indeed until ten or eleven, A.M., next day, and certain

information had reached him of our retreat.

It can safely be asserted that we were not worsted in this fight,

although for lack of ammunition we quitted the field. Every attack made

by the enemy upon our position was repulsed, notwithstanding our

greatly inferior numbers. Our loss was slight; his was heavy. General

Breckinridge declared that no troops could have fought better or more

successfully than those which held the right.

From Rye Valley we moved to the main road again, striking it at Mount

Airy, thirteen miles from Marion. Here General Breckinridge learned that

the enemy had marched directly by to Saltville. He entertained grave

fears that the place would be taken, having no confidence in the ability

of the small garrison to hold it. His fears were realized. He instructed

me to collect details, from all the brigades, of men who were least

exhausted, and the most serviceable horses, and follow the enemy as

closely as I could, relieving Saltville, if the garrison held out until

I arrived. I accordingly marched with three hundred men, arriving at

Seven-mile Ford at nightfall on the 19th. I halted until one o'clock at

night, and then pressed on, over terrible roads, and reached the

vicinity of Saltville at daylight. The night was bitterly cold, and the

men were so chilled that they were scarcely able to sit on their horses.

Passing through Lyon's gap we discovered indication, scarcely to be

mistaken, that Saltville had indeed fallen. Still it was necessary to

make sure, and I moved in the direction of the southern defenses.

Shortly afterward, the sight of the enemy and a skirmish which showed a

strong force in line, convinced me that I could not enter the place.

Scouts, sent to reconnoiter, returned declaring that the enemy held all

the entrances. I lost one man killed. Falling back three miles I went

into camp to await the time when the enemy should commence his retreat.

This he did on the 22nd, and marched toward Kentucky. We immediately

followed. At Hyter's Gap the forces of the enemy divided. Those under

Gillem moving in the direction of Tennessee, those under Burbridge going

straight toward Kentucky. We followed the latter. There is no word in

the English language which adequately expresses how cold it was. Our

horses, already tired down and half starved, could scarcely hobble.

Those of the enemy were in worse condition, and it is scarcely an

exaggeration to say that for ten miles a man could have walked on dead

ones. They lay dead and stark frozen in every conceivable and revolting

attitude, as death had overtaken them in their agony. Saddles, guns,

accouterments of all kinds strewed the road like the debris of a rout.

We picked up many stragglers. Some pieces of artillery were abandoned

but burned.

When we reached Wheeler's ford, fifty-two miles from Saltville, I had

left, of my three hundred, only fifty men. Here we had our last skirmish

with the enemy, and gave up the pursuit. More than one hundred prisoners

were taken, many of them unable to walk. The Federals lost hundreds of

men, whose limbs, rotted by the cold, had to be amputated. Such

suffering, to be conceived, must be witnessed. The raid had accomplished

great things, but at terrible cost. Soon after this, my brigade went

into winter quarters. Forage was scarcely to be had at all in the

department, and I sent my horses, with a strong detail to guard and

attend to them, to North Carolina. The men could scarcely be reconciled

to this parting with their best friends, and feared, too, it preluded

infantry service. In the winter huts built at Abingdon, they were

sufficiently comfortable, but were half famished. The country was almost

bare of supplies. Still they bore up, cheerful and resolute.

In March we were ordered to Lynchburg to assist in defending that place

against Sheridan. He passed by, however, and struck at larger game.

About this time the men who had lain so long, suffered so much, and

endured so heroically in prison, began to arrive. The men who had braved

every hardship, in field and camp, were now reinforced by those who were

fresh from the harsh insults and galling sense of captivity. Six months

earlier this addition to our numbers would have told--now it was too

late.

Our gallant boys would not halt or rest until they rejoined their old

comrades. Then they crowded around with many a story of their prison

life, and vow of revenge--never to be accomplished. All asked for arms,

and to be placed at once in the ranks. Very few, however, had been

already exchanged, and all the others were placed, much against their

will, in "Parole camp" at Christiansburg. In April, the enemy advanced

again from East Tennessee. Stoneman raided through North

Carolina--tapped the only road which connected Richmond with the

Southern territory still available, at Salisbury, and then suddenly

turned up in our rear, and between us and Richmond. This decided General

Early, who was then commanding the department, to move eastwardly that

he might get closer to General Lee. All the troops in the department

were massed, and we moved as rapidly as it was possible to do. At

Wytheville, Giltner met a detachment of the enemy and defeated it. At

New river, we found the bridge burned by the enemy, who had anticipated

us there, and we marched on toward Lynchburg, on his track. General

Early having fallen ill, the command devolved upon General Echols. This

officer did all that any man could have done, to preserve the morale of

the troops. He was possessed of remarkable administrative capacity, and

great tact, as well as energy. While firm, he was exceedingly popular in

manner and address, and maintained good humor and satisfaction among the

troops, while he preserved order and efficiency.

General Echols had, at this time, besides the cavalry commands of

Vaughan, Cosby, Giltner and mine, some four or five thousand

infantry--the division of General Wharton, and the small brigades

commanded by Colonels Trigg and Preston. My brigade was doing duty as

infantry--the horses having not yet returned. Marching about twenty-five

miles every day, the men became more than ever disgusted with the

infantry service, and their feet suffered as much as their temper. It

was observed that the men just returned from prison, although least

prepared for it, complained least of the hard marching.

We well knew at this time, that General Lee had been at length forced to

evacuate Richmond, but we hoped that followed by the bulk of his army,

he would retreat safely to some point where he could effect a junction

with General Joseph Johnston, and collect, also, all of the detachments

of troops which had previously operated at a distance from the large

armies. The troops which General Echols commanded, were veterans, and

they understood the signs which were now rife and public. But they were

not altogether hopeless, and were still resolute although their old

enthusiasm was utterly gone. They still received encouragement from the

citizens of the section through which they marched.

It is but justice to the noble people of Virginia to declare that they

did not despair of their country until after it was no more. There were

individual defections among the Virginians--rare and indelibly

branded--but as a people, they were worthy of their traditions and their

hereditary honor. With rocking crash and ruin all around her, the grand

old commonwealth, scathed by the storm and shaken by the resistless

convulsion, still towered erect and proud to the last, and fell only

when the entire land had given away beneath her. Two strange features

characterized the temper of the Southern people in the last days of the

Confederacy. Crushed and dispirited as they were, they still seemed

unable to realize the fact that the cause was utterly lost. Even when

their fate stared them in the face, they could not recognize it.

Again, when our final ruin came, it was consummated in the twinkling of

an eye. We floated confidently to the edge of the cataract, went

whirling over and lying utterly stunned at the bottom, never looked back

at the path we had followed. The Southern people strained every nerve to

resist, and when all efforts failed, sank powerless and unnerved.

The struggle was a hard one. Since the days of Roman conquest the earth

has not seen such energy, persistency and ingenuity in arts of

subjugation. Since Titus encompassed Jerusalem and the Aurelian shook

the east with his fierce legions, a more stubborn, desperate and lavish

resistance has not been witnessed against attack so resolute, systematic

and overwhelming. The Roman eagle never presaged a wider, more thorough

desolation than that of which the flag of the Union was the harbinger.

For four years the struggle was maintained against this mighty power.

When in the spring of 1865, one hundred and thirty-four thousand

wretched, broken-down rebels stood, from Richmond to the Rio Grande,

confronting one million fifteen thousand veteran soldiers, trained to

all the vicissitudes, equal to all the shocks of war--is it wonderful

that when this tremendous host moved all at once, resistance at length,

and finally ceased. And this struggle had worn down the people as well

as the soldiery. Four years of such bitter, constant, exhausting strife,

racking the entire land, until the foot of the conqueror had tracked it

from one end to the other, accomplished its objects in time. Even the

women, whose heroism outshone any ever displayed upon the battlefield,

whose devoted self-sacrificing charity and benevolence can never be

justly recorded, whose courage had seemed dauntless, were at last

overcome by the misery which surrounded them, and a power which seemed

resistless and inexorable.

While we were marching to join General Lee, and after the news of the

evacuation of Richmond had been confirmed, we heard of an event which

was as ominous as it was melancholy. We learned that a man had been

killed, whose name had so long been associated with the army of Northern

Virginia and its victories, that it almost seemed as if his life must be

identified with its existence. The officer who was the very incarnation

of the chivalry, the big-souled constancy, the glorious vigor of that

army--General A.P. Hill--was dead. He _was a hero_, and he died like

one. When the lines around Richmond were forced--his gallant corps

overpowered, he was slain in the front still facing the enemy. His

record had been completed, and he gave his life away, as if it were

worthless after the cause to which he had pledged it was lost.

[Illustration: Map of Route of General B.W. Duke, _Commanding Gen.

Morgan's Cavalry from S.W. Virginia to Gen. J.E. Johnston's army at

Charlotte, N.C., April, 1864, and Route while with President Davis, from

Charlotte to the South Carolina Line_.]

While General Echols was still confident that he would be able to join

General Lee at some point to the south west of Richmond, most probably

Danville, we learned with a dismay which is indescribable, that he had

surrendered. If the light of heaven had gone out, a more utter despair

and consternation would not have ensued. When the news first came, it

perfectly paralyzed every one. Men looked at each other as if they had

just heard a sentence of death and eternal ruin passed upon all. The

effect of the news upon the infantry was to cause an entire

disorganization. Crowds of them threw down their arms and left, and

those who remained lost all sense of discipline.

On the next day, General Echols called a council of war, announced his

intention of taking all the men who would follow him to General Joseph

E. Johnston, and consulted his officers regarding the temper of the men.

The infantry officers declared that their men would not go, and that it

was useless to attempt to make them.

General Echols then issued an order furloughing the infantry soldiers

for sixty days. He believed that this method would, at the end of that

time, if the war was still going on, secure many to the Confederacy,

while to attempt to force them to follow him would be unavailing and

would make them all bitterly hostile in the future. He issued orders to

the cavalry commanders to be prepared to march at four P.M., in the

direction of North Carolina.

I obtained permission from him to mount my men on mules taken from the

wagons, which were necessarily abandoned. My command was about six

hundred strong. All the men furloughed during the winter and spring had

promptly reported, and it was increased by more than two hundred

exchanged men. Of the entire number, not more than ten (some of these

officers) failed to respond to the orders to continue their march to

General Johnston's army. The rain was falling in torrents when we

prepared to start upon a march which seemed fraught with danger. The men

were drenched, and mounted upon mules without saddles, and with blind

bridles or rope halters. Every thing conspired to remind them of the

gloomy situation. The dreadful news was fresh in their ears. Thousands

of men had disbanded around them, two Kentucky brigades had left in

their sight to go home, they were told that Stoneman held the gaps in

the mountains through which they would have to pass. The gloomy skies

seemed to threaten disaster. But braver in the hour of despair than ever

before, they never faltered or murmured. The trial found them true, I

can safely say that the men of my brigade were even more prompt in

rendering obedience, more careful in doing their full duty at this time,

when it was entirely optional with themselves whether they should go or

stay, than they had ever been in the most prosperous days of the

Confederacy. To command such men was the proudest honor that an officer

could obtain.

We moved off in silence, broken by a cheer when we passed Vaughan's

brigade which was also going on. On the next day we were overtaken by

ninety men from Giltner's brigade, who came to join us. Colonel Dimond

and Captains Scott, Rogers, Barrett, and Willis, and Lieutenant Freeman,

well known as among the best officers of the Kentucky Confederate

troops, commanded them. These men felt as we did, that disaster gave us

no right to quit the service in which we had enlisted, and that so long

as the Confederate Government survived, it had a claim upon us that we

could not refuse.

The reports that the gaps were occupied by the enemy proved untrue, and

we entered North Carolina without seeing a Federal. At Statesville,

General Echols left us to go to General Johnston's camp. Vaughan was

instructed to proceed to Morgantown, south of the Catawba river, and I

pushed on toward Lincolnton, where I expected to find Colonel Napier

with the horses. Just after crossing the river, information was received

that a part of Stoneman's force was marching from the west in the same

direction. I hoped, by moving rapidly, to get to Lincolnton first. The

enemy's column moved upon a road which approached closely to the one by

which we were marching. Our scouts were fighting, during the afternoon,

upon the by-roads which connected the main ones. When within two miles

of Lincolnton, videttes came back rapidly to tell me that the enemy had

occupied the town, and were coming out to meet us.

I was unwilling to fight, and knew that to countermarch would be

ruinous. Fortunately an officer had, a little while before, mentioned

that a small road turned off to the left two miles from Lincolnton, and

led to other traces and paths, which conducted to the main road to

Charlotte. The head of the column was just at a road which answered to

the description he had given, and, strengthening the advance guard to

hold the enemy in check, I turned the column into it. It proved to be

the right one, and, pressing guides, we reached, after a march of twelve

or fifteen miles, the Charlotte road, and were between that place and

the enemy. At daybreak next morning we moved on slowly. The enemy

reached the bridge over the Catawba after we had passed and had

partially torn up the bottom. At Charlotte we found a battalion of

General Ferguson's brigade of Mississippi cavalry.

On the next day, Mr. Davis and his Cabinet arrived, escorted by General

Debrell's division of cavalry, in which was Williams' Kentucky brigade,

commanded then by Colonel Breckinridge. In a day or two the town was

filled with unattached officers, disbanded and straggling soldiers, the

relics of the naval forces, fleeing officials and the small change of

the Richmond bureaux.

The negotiations were then pending between Generals Johnston and

Sherman. General Breckinridge, in his capacity of Secretary of War,

assisted at these conferences, but he was impatiently expected by Mr.

Davis. The latter, on the day of his arrival, made the speech which has

been so much commented upon. It was simply a manly, courageous appeal to

the people to be true to themselves. The news of the assassination of

Mr. Lincoln was received, during this period, but was almost universally

disbelieved. When General Breckenridge arrived, he brought the first

authoritative account of the Sherman and Johnston cartel. But two days

later, General Johnston telegraphed that the authorities at Washington

had repudiated it; that the armistice was broken off, and that he was

preparing to surrender. Then there was another stir and commotion among

the refugees. The greater part chose to remain at Charlotte, and accept

the terms granted General Johnston's army.

[Illustration: MAP OF ROUTE OF General Morgan's Cavalry, COMMANDED BY

Brig. Gen. B.W. Duke, _Through South Carolina into Wilkes Co., Ga., while

escorting_ PRESIDENT DAVIS.]

Mr. Davis, accompanied by General Breckinridge and the members of his

cabinet, quitted Charlotte, to march, if possible, to Generals Taylor

and Forrest, in Alabama. The five brigades of Ferguson, Debrell,

Breckinridge, Vaughan, and mine, composed his escort. At Unionville I

found Colonel Napier, with all the forces he had been able to save from

the enemy, and seventy or eighty men. This increased the strength of the

brigade to 751 effectives.

I asked and obtained promotion, well won and deserved, for several

officers. Major Steele was made Colonel; Captains Logan and Messick,

Lieutenant-Colonels; Sergeant Jno. Carter, Captain; Captains Davis and

Gwynn, of my staff, to whom I owed gratitude for inestimable assistance,

were made Majors. I wished for promotion for other officers--indeed they

all deserved it--but was assured that so many commissions could not be

issued at once. Even the gallant officers who had joined us with the

detachment from Giltner's brigade, could not obtain commissions, which

they would have valued the more highly, because they were soon to

expire.

We moved through South Carolina with great deliberation--so slowly,

indeed, that with the detachments constantly passing them on their way

to surrender, the morale of the troops was seriously impaired. Nothing

demoralizes cavalry more than dilatory movements in time of danger. They

argue that it indicates irresolution on the part of their leaders.

While in South Carolina, an old lady reproached some men of my brigade

very bitterly for taking forage from her barn. "You are a gang of

thieving, rascally, Kentuckians," she said; "afraid to go home, while

our boys are surrendering decently." "Madam," answered one of them,

"you are speaking out of your turn; South Carolina had a good deal to

say in getting up this war, but we Kentuckians have contracted to close

it out."

At Abbeville, where we were received with the kindest hospitality, was

held the last Confederate council of war. Mr. Davis desired to know,

from his brigade commanders, the true spirit of the men. He presided

himself. Beside Generals Breckinridge and Bragg, none others were

present than the five brigade commanders. Mr. Davis was apparently

untouched by any of the demoralization which prevailed--he was affable,

dignified and looked the very personification of high and undaunted

courage. Each officer gave in turn, a statement of the condition and

feeling of his men, and, when urged to do so, declared his own views of

the situation. In substance, all said the same. They and their followers

despaired of successfully conducting the war, and doubted the propriety

of prolonging it. The honor of the soldiery was involved in securing Mr.

Davis' safe escape, and their pride induced them to put off submission

to the last moment. They would risk battle in the accomplishments of

these objects--but would not ask their men to struggle against a fate,

which was inevitable, and forfeit all hope of a restoration to their

homes and friends. Mr. Davis declared that he wished to hear no plan

which had for its object, only his safety--that twenty-five hundred

brave men were enough to prolong the war, until the panic had passed

away, and they would then be a nucleus for thousands more. He urged us

to accept his views. We were silent, for we could not agree with him,

and respected him too much to reply. He then said, bitterly, that he saw

all hope was gone--that all the friends of the South were prepared to

consent to her degradation. When he arose to leave the room, he had lost

his erect bearing, his face was pale, and he faltered so much in his

step that he was compelled to lean upon General Breckinridge. It was a

sad sight to men who felt toward him as we did. I will venture to say

that nothing he has subsequently endured, equaled the bitterness of that

moment.

At the Savannah river, next day, the men were paid, through the

influence of General Breckinridge, with a portion of the gold brought

from Richmond. Each man got from twenty-six to thirty-two dollars--as he

was lucky. Generals Vaughan and Debrell remained at the river to

surrender. At Washington, Georgia, on the same day, the 7th of May, Mr.

Davis left us, with the understanding that he was to attempt to make his

escape. General Breckinridge had determined to proceed, with all the men

remaining, in an opposite direction, and divert if possible all pursuit

from Mr. Davis. That night, General Ferguson's brigade went to Macon to

surrender, Ferguson himself going to Mississippi. On the next morning,

some three hundred fifty of my brigade and a portion of William's

brigade, under Colonel Breckinridge, marched to Woodstock, Georgia.

Many men of my brigade, dismounted and unable to obtain horses, and many

of the paroled men, hoping to be exchanged, had followed us out from

Virginia, walking more than three hundred miles. When at length,

unwilling to expose them to further risk and suffering, I positively

prohibited their coming further, they wept like children. A great

portion of the men with Colonel Breckinridge were from his own regiment,

the Ninth Kentucky, and the former "Morgan men," so long separated, were

united just as all was lost. The glorious old "Kentucky brigade," as the

infantry brigade, first commanded by General Breckinridge, then by

Hanson and Helm, was not many miles distant, and surrendered about the

same time. Upon leaving Washington, General Breckinridge, accompanied by

his staff and some forty-five men, personally commanded by Colonel

Breckinridge had taken a different road from that upon which the brigade

had marched. When I arrived at Woodstock I did not find him there as I

had expected.

Hours elapsed and he did not come. They were hours of intense anxiety.

In our front was a much superior force of Federal cavalry--to go

forward would provoke an engagement, and it could only result in severe

and bloody defeat.

Retreat, by the way we had come, was impossible. Upon the left, if we

escaped the enemy, we would be stopped by the sea.

I could not determine to surrender until I had heard from General

Breckinridge, who was, at once, commander of all the Confederate forces

yet in the field, in this vicinity, and the sole remaining officer of

the Government.

Nor, until he declared it, could I know that enough had been done to

assure the escape of Mr. Davis.

The suspense was galling. At length Colonel Breckinridge arrived with a

message from the General.

While proceeding leisurely along the road, upon which he had left

Washington, General Breckinridge had suddenly encountered a battalion of

Federal cavalry, formed his forty-five men, and prepared to charge them.

They halted, sent in a flag of truce, and parlied.

General Breckinridge saw that he could no longer delay his own attempt

at escape, and while the conference was proceeding; set off with a few

of his personal staff.

After a sufficient time had elapsed to let him get all away, Colonel

Breckinridge marched by the enemy (a flag of truce having been agreed

on), and came directly to Woodstock. General Breckinridge directed him

to say, that he had good reason to believe that Generals Forrest and

Taylor had already surrendered. That if we succeeded in crossing the

Mississippi, we would find all there prepared to surrender. He counseled

an immediate surrender upon our part, urging that it was folly to think

of holding out longer and criminal to risk the lives of the men when no

good could possibly be accomplished. He wished them to return to

Kentucky--to their homes and kindred. He forbade any effort to assist

his escape. "I will not have," he said, "one of these young men to

encounter one hazard more for my sake." Bidding his young countrymen

return to the loved land of their birth, he went off into exile.

The men were immediately formed, and the words of the chieftain they

most loved and honored, repeated to them. They declared that they had

striven to do their duty and preserve their honor, and felt that they

could accept, without disgrace, release from service which they had

worthily discharged. Then the last organization of "Morgan men" was

disbanded. Comrades, who felt for each other the esteem and affection

which brave and true men cherish, parted with sad hearts and dimmed

eyes. There remained of the "old command," only the recollections of an

eventful career and the ties of friendship which would ever bind its

members together. There was no humiliation for these men. They had done

their part and served faithfully, until there was no longer a cause and

a country to serve. They knew not what their fate would be, and indulged

in no speculation regarding it. They had been taught fortitude by the

past, and, without useless repining and unmanly fear, they faced the

future.

Transcriber's note: many words, in particular proper names, have a

variety of spellings in the original document, in which case a

consistent spelling has been applied.

End of Project Gutenberg's History of Morgan's Cavalry, by Basil W. Duke