CHAPTER VI

INTRODUCTION

During the last three months of the year 1811, Wellington had been

secretly preparing for the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo. Almeida was put

into a state of defence, and artillery and siege material and stores of

all kinds accumulated in that fortress. Meanwhile General Hill to the

south by his movements seemed to threaten Badajos, and kept the enemy in

expectation of a third attack in that quarter.

On the 1st of January 1812, Wellington, with 35,000 men, moved suddenly

upon Ciudad Rodrigo, which was held by the French with a garrison of

nearly 2000 men. On the 8th the redoubt on the great Teson was taken by

the 52nd Regiment, and on the 19th, two practicable breaches having been

made, the assault was ordered, and the town taken by storm—not, however,

without loss of men and Officers, among whom fell Robert Crawfurd, the

famous leader of the Light Division.

After securing Ciudad Rodrigo, Wellington lost no time in preparing for

the attack on Badajos, which he was determined to take at all cost. A

glance at the map shows how with Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajos in the hands

of the French, Portugal could not be in any way secure. Before any

step could be taken to threaten Madrid, or the northern line of French

communications, it was absolutely necessary that both these fortresses

should be in the hands of the Allies.

Marshal Beresford, who was now in much better health, reached Elvas

on the 6th of March. Within ten days of that date, he had crossed the

Guadiana with 15,000 men, and, covered to the east and south-east by

the forces under General Hill and General Graham respectively, invested

Badajos.

The events of the siege, and the taking of Badajos, are described in the

letters, which also are not silent concerning the horrors that followed

the assault and capture of the town.

After this success, for which a terrible price had been paid in the

loss of nearly 5000 Officers and men killed and wounded, no rest was

allowed or indeed possible for the Allies. To the south was Soult with

nearly 25,000 men, whose advance, however, upon hearing of the fall of

Badajos, was checked, and his attention diverted from the allied army,

by the movements of Spanish forces in Andalusia and the necessity of

saving Seville. To the east was King Joseph with 20,000 men protecting

Madrid, from whom, however, there was not for the moment much to fear.

But to the north was Marmont with nearly 70,000 men threatening Ciudad

Rodrigo. As usual, the movements of the French armies were hampered by

the impossibility of finding subsistence in regions already desolated and

exhausted by warfare; while combination between them became increasingly

difficult, owing to the jealousies and dissensions which reigned among

their chiefs. The Emperor himself was now far away, and fully occupied

with his designs upon Russia.

Upon hearing that Marmont was moving westwards, Wellington hastened from

Badajos by forced marches to the north, securing his right flank by the

destruction of the bridge over the Tagus at Almaraz, which was effected

by General Hill on the 18th of May.

It was now the turn of the Allies to take the offensive in the field,

and Wellington determined to attack the so-called army of Portugal under

Marmont, whose forces, however, were at the time greater than he supposed.

Accordingly, on the 13th of June, the allied army entered Castile, with

Salamanca as its objective.

Marshal Marmont, who was expecting reinforcements, retired before the

Allies, and on the 16th of June evacuated Salamanca, leaving, however,

some forts, the guns of which commanded the bridge over the Tormes,

garrisoned by about 800 men. As the letters show, the strength of these

forts was much underrated by the Allies, and they were a cause of

considerable annoyance. Their reduction was not effected till the 27th of

June.

After this Marmont retired behind the Douro, across which he desired to

draw Wellington. The manœuvres which followed are difficult to describe,

or indeed to understand. The armies marched and countermarched, till at

last by a skilful manœuvre Marmont was able to throw his force across the

Tormes and to threaten Wellington’s line of retreat upon Ciudad Rodrigo.

This attempt culminated on the afternoon of 22nd July in the battle of

Salamanca. At the moment when Marmont pushed forward his left under

Thomières to gain the high ground, which would enable him to command the

road leading to the south-west through Miranda, Wellington, detecting

his mistake, launched his attack on the French army. The battle, which

is graphically described in the letters, resulted in the total defeat

of the French, with the loss of guns and Eagles, and Colours, and many

Generals. Marmont himself was badly wounded, and lost 6000 men killed and

wounded, besides 7000 prisoners.

Nor was the loss of the Allies other than severe. General le Marchant

was killed, and five Generals, including Beresford, wounded, while the

death-roll included 41 Officers and 658 men, and the other casualties

amounted to 253 Officers and 4273 men wounded or missing.

When his Marshal was wounded, his A.D.C. remained and carried him off

the field, and with some difficulty conveyed him to Salamanca, where he

nursed him through his illness, and accompanied him when convalescent to

Lisbon.

With the battle of Salamanca the letters come to a conclusion. Major

Warre returned to England, and, having received a Staff appointment at

the Cape, proceeded thither in 1813.

LETTERS

TORRES NOVAS, _Jany. 4, 1812_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

We are at length clear of Lisbon, and thus far on our journey to the

Army. We were to have gone to Abrantes, but the heavy rain has prevented

us, and we must therefore make the best of our very indifferent quarters,

which are perhaps better than we shall often have, and at least the

Marshal has a fire in his room. He is much better, and, so long as he is

comfortable, we cannot mind how we A.D.C.’s are off. We are pretty well

used to rough it, and must expect hereafter seldom to meet with even such

quarters as these. I am very well in health.

* * * * *

COIMBRA, _10th Jany., 1812_.

DEAREST MOTHER,

... We arrived here the day before yesterday after a tolerably pleasant

journey, though we had a good deal of rain the first days. Latterly

the weather though very cold has been very fine. And, as we came by

the route by which the enemy retreated last year, and the Marshal was

very communicative and pointed everything out to us, it was extremely

interesting. But it was impossible to pass through a country so

completely devastated without feelings of horror and pity for suffering

humanity. Nothing can exceed the wanton cruelty and barbarity of those

wretches. We passed many formerly fine towns nearly entirely burnt or

destroyed, and scarcely saw a house or village but shewed evident proofs

of their barbarous wanton cruelty and destruction. It is quite impossible

to give people in England an adequate idea of the sufferings of these

unhappy people. We even at this period saw many people and children

absolutely starving and living upon nettles and herbs they gathered in

the fields.

We leave this the day, and are to go by the route the French turned our

position at Busaco, before, last year, which with the Marshal will be

highly interesting. The siege of Ciudad Rodrigo is determined upon and

will begin about this time. It will be a very instructive lesson to

us, and will, I hope, be managed better than that of Badajos. We want

experience in these matters, and I am very glad we shall have something

to do. If we can succeed in making the French assemble their army at this

season and distressed as they are for provisions and transport, we shall

gain a great point, as we shall draw them off from the Asturias, Aragon,

the neighbourhood of Madrid, and Estremadura, which will be a great

diversion in favour of the Spaniards, and as the loss to the enemy must

be very great, even if we are obliged to retreat, and to raise the siege,

we shall have gained a great deal, and if they let us take the place,

which I do not expect, the advantage is evident, as it secures that

frontier and gives us an entrance into Castile. According as they collect

a greater or less number we shall fight them, I suppose, or not, and in

my humble opinion the whole of this movement is highly judicious, as well

as Hill’s advance into Estremadura, which will draw off, I trust, Soult’s

attention from Ballasteros.

We are all quite well, and I think the journey has done the Marshal good,

as he is in high spirits. The fine weather seems likely to continue, and

that we shall join the army without any more wettings, which, though they

have done us no harm, are not pleasant, as the weather is very cold....

WM. W.

* * * * *

GALLEGOS, _Jany. 20, 1812_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

I have only just time to tell you that Ciudad Rodrigo is ours. It was

taken by storm yesterday evening at 7 o clock. The Batteries had

been firing away from 30 24-pounders since the morning of the 14th,

and before yesterday evening two breaches, one a very extensive one,

and a lesser, were deemed practicable, and the 3rd (Picton’s) and the

Light Divn. (Crawfurd’s) were ordered to storm, supported by an attack

on the opposite side of the town from Pack’s Portuguese Brigade, who

were to escalade the wall and take the enemy in the rear. They were

quite prepared, but nothing could resist the ardour and impetuosity of

our Troops, and in 20 minutes after the storm began they were in full

possession of the town, and in less than ¼ of an hour Lord Wn. and the

Marshal were in it in perfect safety from the enemy’s resistance. Indeed

no part of their Staff were much exposed during the whole time, and we

are all safe and perfectly well. The Regts. employed were the 52nd,

45th, 74th, 88th, 43rd, 95th, and some more British, which I cannot now

recollect, the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, Caçadores, and 16th and 1st Portuguese

Infantry.

Our loss in men has been less than we could possibly have expected,

had the garrison made a more vigorous resistance, but the proportion

of Officers has been very great. Poor Genl. M’Minnon was killed by the

blowing up of a magazine, which killed a great many of our men, and young

Beresford of the 88th, the Marshal’s nephew, is wounded by it, but not

dangerously. General Crawfurd is wounded, I fear, very badly. General

Vandeleur not dangerously, Col. Colborne (52nd) severely, and poor George

Napier (52nd), who commanded their storming party, and has been wounded

in every action, has lost an arm, but is doing very well. Pray send word

to Mrs Gibbs that Gibbs is quite well. Dobbs, poor fellow, is killed.

Ewart, young Dawson, and Royds are quite well. Pray send word to their

friends. I am so much hurried and fagged I can hardly write, but I do not

wish Major Gordon to go without writing a few lines. I remained in Ciudad

Rodrigo last night, and it would have been impossible even for me to

form an idea of the horrors and misery of a town taken by storm. It was

on fire in several places. It was quite impossible to prevent its being

plundered. It was quite dreadful, and the scene which presented itself

this morning on the breaches, and the streets, beyond my pen to describe.

Another magazine blew up to-day and destroyed about 50 of the prisoners

and a few of our men.

It is quite out of my power to do justice to the heroism and gallantry

of our troops both British and Portuguese. It is not easy to express my

admiration. They seemed to surpass their wonted bravery and intrepid

contempt of danger. Nor can I describe the awful feelings of suspense

and anxiety before or during the storm. There cannot be a grander or

more impressive sight, and I had full time to experience the fulness of

these feelings as I was little exposed, or was there indeed time for any

danger except to the storming parties, as they drove everything before

them, and we scarce thought the business begun when the Hurrahs announced

their glorious and well-earned victory. The whole siege has been a

most interesting and grand sight; and even the French Prisoners this

morning cannot help expressing their admiration of the gallantry of our

artillery and troops. The 88th and 45th have suffered most.

Pack’s Portuguese had escaladed the walls, and were in the Town, when

they heard the Hurrahs of the others. There never was a better planned

enterprize or more completely successful. Marmont and Dorsenne were

collecting to relieve the place, and would arrive 3 days hence, but it is

impossible to guess what they will do, now that the place is taken. They

cannot be equal to us, and I do not expect they will attempt to disturb

us. If they do, I am sure they will repent it. I have not a doubt of the

result.

I am perfectly well, though much harassed and tired, but a night’s rest

will set that to rights. I will certainly write again by packet. Yrs.,

etc.

WM. W.

I am so bewildered yet that I cannot collect my ideas. Do not therefore

pray shew my letter, and excuse such an incoherent scrawl.

* * * * *

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS TO SISTERS.

ELVAS, _March 6, 1812_.

I avail myself of the departure of an extra courier for Lisbon to thank

you for your letter.... We arrived here about an hour ago, all quite

well, and think we shall remain for some time, or till the siege of

Badajos is over. We came by Villa Viçosa and visited the Palace of the P.

R. which is without doors or windows, which the soldiers of all parties

have gradually burnt. It is a pity, as in one room there are really some

fine pictures, painted on the ceiling, of the Dukes of Braganza, which

will be quite spoiled. The Park is very handsome in their way. We should

call it rather a forest, and there are a great many deer, which looked

very pretty, but the wild boars, being of a more contemplative, solitary

turn, kept themselves concealed, for which want of respect one is ordered

to be shot for our table. He had better have made his appearance at

once, and had the honor of being shot by a Marshal or A.D.C. The weather

is very fine and dry, but rather too warm. We have been since the 2nd

coming, and had a tolerably pleasant journey, being received everywhere

with the greatest Honors, bells ringing, Guards of Honor, illuminations,

etc., and never exceeding 5 leagues a day, except the first, so that we

were never fatigued, or our horses, and had plenty of time to look about

us, and make our observations, and, being with the Marshal, we are at

least sure of always having plenty to eat. If I could be in good spirits,

I should have perhaps enjoyed this mode of travelling through a country

in state very much. As it is, it was rather a bore, and I am glad we are

likely to be quiet for a short time anywhere, though a large fortified

city full of troops is not exactly the place I should have chosen. The

beautiful Quinta we had here last year is pulled down, house and all,

when the suburbs were destroyed for being too near the body of the place,

which is now very much improved and strengthened by some very fine new

works in front of the town, and which makes it highly respectable, but I

could not look at the remains of our beautiful shady walks and fountains

without great regret.

Ld. Wn. will not, I believe, arrive for a day or two. The Army are on

their march, but will not arrive to assemble on this frontier till the

10th or 12th, when I suppose poor old Badajos will be serenaded again. If

we succeed as well as we did at Ciudad Rodrigo, we shall do well enough,

but a protracted siege is to me the most tiresome thing in the world, and

two have quite satisfied my curiosity as far as that goes.

John Campbell is here, very well, but quite disfigured by having his face

all covered with his mustachios and whiskers. He is full Colonel in the

P. service, and desires to be most kindly remembered to you all. He is a

very excellent fellow. I wrote yesterday a very hasty scrawl, and thought

I should not have any time to write any more as the courier went off, but

to-day Mr Stuart the Envoy, who is here, is sending off one express, and

I will therefore not omit to tell you I am in health quite well.

I have just got a note from young Cowell of the Guards, who wants me to

obtain leave for him to shoot deer, etc., in the Prince’s Park at Villa

Viçosa, _a pretty modest request_, which I am sorry I cannot comply with,

as I cannot obtain leave even for myself.

The style and writing of my letter will shew you the bustle and hurry I

am writing in. Every Officer in the Garrison, and all the Authorities,

Civil and Military, have been here to be presented and make their bows,

I suppose some hundreds, which, added to a long ride in a hot day, has

condensed my powers of composition and made me stupider than usual.

* * * * *

ELVAS, _March 18, 1812_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I did not receive your long and kind letter of the 10th Feby. till the

16th inst., the same day on which I received yours of the 8th of March.

I have intended thanking you for both for the last two days, but, as the

investment of Badajos was begun on the 16th and completed yesterday, I

had not a moment’s time, having been almost constantly on horseback. I

could wish to have written you a long letter, but I find that at present

it is impossible, for though I have remained at home to-day on purpose, I

am a good deal fagged and hurried....

I am very much obliged to you for your most interesting ideas and

communications on the politics of the day with you. They are to me most

interesting, and I am happy to think that generally on these subjects

our sentiments are exactly the same. But I have not now time to enter

on the subject. I regret Lord Wellesley’s going out, as I have a very

high opinion of his talents, and am quite convinced that the surest

means of keeping the war ultimately from our own shores, is to persecute

it vigorously on the Peninsula, where everything has hitherto been as

successful as brilliant both to our interests and national glory. And

I fear by his removal from office these exertions may be relaxed, and

our brave General not seconded with the zeal he deserves, for I never

considered Ld. Castlereagh as a decided public character....

With regard to ...’s letter, I can only say that I should be very sorry

to allow any officer to _purchase_ the majority over my head, if I

could afford to purchase it. If not, it is no use saying anything on

the subject. But if I could, ever so well, I do not think it would be

worth my while to enter into Colonel ...’s exorbitant demands, and as I

do not wish to be like the dog in the manger, I shall not prevent him

from making what arrangements he pleases with ... by exchanges, etc.

But could I afford it I most decidedly think that, should such a thing

offer as direct purchase, I should do very wrong in not taking it, and

trusting to my interest to avoid joining. At present I am literally no

more than Captn., and must become an effective Major before I can either

purchase or get a Lt.-Colonelcy, except by Brevet, which I assure you

is most improbable, and at all events I could exchange to Infantry as

Major, if by that means I could remain in the country to the end of the

Campaign. I shall answer ... that he may do as he pleases, as it is not

worth my while to give so much, beyond the Regulation, for the Majority.

But, if you can afford to do it, I should be very sorry that he purchased

over my head, should ... from length of service be allowed to sell his

commission, which from the style of ...’s letter I rather suspect may

be the case. But certainly, even if I had the money, I would _not give

more than the Regulation, or allow any officer to do it over my head_, by

informing the Agents that I was ready to purchase at the regulation. But

if ... chooses to make any bargain with ... by exchanges, etc., I have no

objection.

With regard to any place of emolument, or settled situation in this

country, I must frankly tell you that there is no rank that they could

give me in their service which would induce me to remain _permanently_

in it, or beyond the Campaign, during which I do not think I can quit it

with propriety.

My next situation will probably be the command of some Regiment when,

by the obtaining my effective Majority, the Marshal may not be able to

keep me on his Personal Staff. In that, as in every other situation, I

shall endeavour to do my duty to this country with zeal and assiduity,

while I think my services are required, but no longer than that we are

on service, and that there is an English army in the country, and,

while that is the case, I shall use all my interest to remain, however

otherwise unpleasant to me. But you may rely on it that, the moment the

law of necessity is removed, there will be but little credit and no

pleasure to be gained in the Portuguese service under such a Government.

The siege of Badajos commenced on the 16th, when the place was partly

invested by the Marshal, as Ld. Wellington was rather unwell. We had

a little skirmishing but of no consequence, and the place was civil

enough to fire very little at us, and the lateness of the time the

columns arrived prevented the place from being completely invested.

Ld. Wn., who is quite well again, thank God, did so yesterday without

loss, and yesterday evening they commenced breaking ground in front of

the Picorina, a small work in advance of the town, on the other side

of the Guadiana, on which side all our attacks seem to be directed and

not against St Christopher, which, as well as the town generally, the

enemy have greatly improved, and have built a strong redoubt, where our

batteries were against St Christopher last year.

The firing this morning has been pretty brisk notwithstanding the heavy

rain, which came on last night, and is rather unfortunate for our poor

fellows, most of whom, however, have tents. Both Hd. Qrs. were to have

encamped yesterday, but by some accident or other, it is put off till

to-morrow, when I hope the weather will moderate. Our Hd. Qrs. Camp is

about a mile ½ from the town, and quite out of sight under a little

hill, where we shall be snug enough if the weather holds up. If not we

must have _paciencia_, and make the best of it. I have a very good tent.

I remained at home to-day in order to write to you, but I will add to

my letter before the Courier sets off, and let you know how things go

on. I have no doubt that, with the great means we have, we shall take

the place, if the enemy give us fair time. But in my opinion a general

action is almost certain. I do not for a moment doubt the result, but

on it the fate of Badajos will probably depend. Our battering train is

very complete. We have 16 24-lbers. 20 18-lbs. 16 5½-inch. or 24-lb.

Howitzers, with 10 18-lbs. in reserve at Evora. The 3rd, 4th, and Light

Divisions and the Algarve Brigade, with the necessary Artillery and

Engineers, and 14th Lt. Dns. and 3rd P. Cavalry, are the _Armée de

Siège_, and Graham and Hill, the two worthy new knights, command the Army

of observation, which consists of the 1st, 2nd, 9th, 7th, Divisions and

some Cavalry Regts., and occupy from Caçeres by Merida, Almendralejo, Los

Santos, Zafra, towards Frejenal, having on their right in the Condado de

Niebla the Spanish general Morilho, with about 4000 men, in observation.

Marmont, it is said, is collecting on the Tagus, and I also expect Soult

will move up as many troops as they can bring together from all parts for

the relief of the Town. But, I think, we shall have near 60,000 Bayonets,

and that is quite enough to beat any force they can collect in a month.

The 5th Division is on its march up, but I do not know whether it will

join the army of observation or the siege. The 14th Lt. Dns. arrive here

to-morrow, and will, with the 3rd P. Cavalry, take the siege duties.

The only casualties to-day are 6 or 7 killed or wounded and 1 French

Officer killed. The trench is as much advanced as can be expected,

considering the constant heavy rain which had set in and is very

unfortunate for our poor fellows.

Both Hd. Qrs. encamp near Badajos to-morrow.

Lord Wellington will be much obliged to you if you would have the Pipe

of wine bottled for him, marked with his name, and taken care of for him

in a good place till his return, as he wishes to keep it as a _bonne

bouche_! I saw young Cowell the day before yesterday. He was quite well,

and is a fine gentlemanly fellow as possible, and seems to like the

business very much.

General Leith is very well, and on his march here with his division,

the 5th. Pray carefully avoid mentioning the probability of a general

action, or the badness of the weather, to my mother. I have merely told

her that we were encamped at a distance from Badajos to facilitate our

communications, which so far is true, and I think my dear sisters also

need know nothing about the matter....

* * * * *

CAMP BEFORE BADAJOS, _20th._

We have had most dismal weather since we began the siege. It has rained

incessantly. It however goes on very well, and our loss in the trenches

not very great.

The enemy made a sortie yesterday about 11 to 12 A.M., with about 2500

men, but were repulsed with loss it is supposed of about 300 men. We

have also lost some men, but I do not know exactly how many. Poor Capt.

Cuthbert, A.D.C. to General Picton, was killed by a cannon shot. Lt.-Col.

Fletcher, Chief Engineer, wounded slightly, and some more Officers. I

hear we had 80 men killed. Some of their Dragoons galloped into our

Engineer Camp, but of 4, 3 paid the price of their temerity. Hill has

taken 4 Officers and some few men at Merida, and, if the weather would

but hold up, we should go on famously here. The Prisoners yesterday say

that General Verlet commanded the sortie, and I have also heard that they

had two Officers killed on 16th. They are keeping up at this moment a

brisk fire from the town, which I hope in a few days we shall be able to

answer. Our trench runs very near the Fort Picorina. From both parties a

pretty brisk fire of musquetry is kept up.

I enclose my answer to ... which, if you approve of, you can deliver; if

not, as you know my sentiments on the subject, you can answer for me.

Lord Wellington came into camp yesterday, but we were not able to move

till this morning, and have escaped a most boisterous night. I am quite

well in health notwithstanding our hard work, and, if the weather would

moderate, should be rather glad to be encamped, as it will save some very

fatiguing rides. I will send you a return of our forces by my next. At

present I have not time, nor after such a long epistle would you wish

me to enter into the other subjects of your letter, but I am most happy

to find our Politics are exactly the same. I am very sorry for poor

Farmer’s death. Poor Vesey is melancholy indeed for his family. _C’est la

fortune de la guerre._ We never allow people’s deaths, who are not nearly

connected with us, to disturb us much, or we should always be unhappy....

Yrs., etc.,

WM. W.

It is not easy to write connectedly with such a noisy serenade, but as we

are out of danger, we shall soon be accustomed to the noise. You shall

hear from me constantly.

* * * * *

EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS TO SISTERS

CAMP BEFORE BADAJOS, _March 29, 1812_.

I am amused with your complaining of the noise the Parrot makes, which

prevents your writing, when I am at this moment, and constantly since

the Siege began, serenaded by the roar of cannons and musquetry of both

sides. We are out of danger, but have all the advantage of the noise, and

if I was to write only when we are quiet, my friends would have reason

to complain of me, but habit reconciles us to everything, and we sleep

as sound in the uproar now as if in Lisbon. They sometimes disturb us at

daybreak when the fire is always heavier, and to-morrow and the next day,

when the breaching Batteries open, we shall have an additional bass of

near 30 great violoncellos.

Pray give my love to Aunt Jane. She would think ill, though I don’t,

of her own countrymen, if she had seen how coolly Pat put all the

“Frinch to dith” in the Fort the other night. The Connaughts (88th) have

declared that “they will patronise Ld. Welln. no longer if he accepts

any “Campititation” from the Governor, “for sure, if they can but get a

cavity in the wall, they will get in every bit of them”!...

You must not quiz my spelling or writing, as, please remember, I am

writing in a tent on my bed, and that those varlets the French are making

more noise than the Parrot. It is really impertinent of them, but they do

not know that I am writing to you.

_April 3rd._—Quite well.

* * * * *

CAMP BEFORE BADAJOS, _April 2nd, 1812_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

Since I wrote to you on the 27th the siege has gone on very well

indeed, and the weather has been fine though rather too hot, which

has in a great measure made up for the very bad weather we had at the

commencement, which certainly retarded us two full days. Our men have

worked very hard, notwithstanding the very heavy fire from the place,

which the enemy have kept up at times, and which our Ricochet Batteries

did not prevent much, and some of them even suffered very considerably

themselves, particularly No. 5, and No. 6, which is a Howitzer Battery.

They are most to our right, and exposed to a commanding fire from the

Castle.

Though our loss has not hitherto been very great considering, we have

to lament that of some very valuable Officers, amongst others that of

Capt. Mulcaster of the Engineers, Lt. Connell of the Artillery, two most

promising young men and universally esteemed. On the 29th poor Major

Thomson, the Commg. Officer of the 88th, was killed by my side in the 8

gun breaching Battery. We had been walking together in the trenches and

went down to see how far the Battery was advanced, and when it would be

ready. The enemy kept up a heavy fire of musquetry on it, as it was only

150 yards from their covered way. We were standing up with Major M’Lean

of the 1st Caçadores when they fired at us and hit poor Thomson through

the head, and M’Lean had his watch broke. I fortunately jumped down in

time and escaped, as they hit instead the sandbag I was leaning against,

which did quite as well. These escapes are not at all extraordinary in

our trenches, as our 2nd parallel is nowhere more than 400 yards from

the covered way of the town, and in many (places) much less. The 6 gun

breaching Battery is only 200, and a new one, which is constructing,

and will be ready to-morrow morning, much less. But notwithstanding the

enemy’s fire of shot, shells, grape and musquetry, it is astonishing the

little damage they do, or how few men comparatively are hit. The 8 gun

breaching Battery opened on the 30th against the flank of the Bastion of

St Maria, with considerable effects, but it drew upon it the whole fire

of the Place, and suffered a good deal itself. On the 31st the 12 gun

Battery of 24 prs. and the 6 gun By. of 18 prs. opened against the right

face of the Bastion of La Trinidad, with excellent effect, and though it

has proved a very tough one, the old wall is now coming down very fast,

and as it is more forward a great deal than that on the flank of St

Maria, the 6 gun Battery was also this morning turned against it, and I

have great hopes that on the 4th or 5th at furthest it will be ready for

the general assault. It will be a glorious night, and I have not a doubt,

though there are great disadvantages to overcome, that we shall take the

Town, and the enemy will probably retire into the Castle, which is an old

Moorish or Gothic one, and from whence they will be forced to capitulate,

as well as the adjacent forts.

Our Artillerymen, both British and Portuguese, have fired extremely well

indeed, much better than the enemy, whose fire, though at times very

brisk, is very ill directed, and their shells do very little harm, though

tolerably well thrown, on account of some mismanagement in their fuses.

They either burst too soon, or so late that everybody has time to get out

of their way. Yesterday and the day before their fire was heavier than I

ever have seen it before in the siege, but to-day it has been very slack

indeed on their side. We have lost two very good Portuguese Artillery

Officers, Captn. Julio Cæsar D’Amoral and Barceiros, both very gallant

good Officers, and Capt. Dundas of the British Artillery, and Lieut.

Grimes, badly wounded. The former has lost an arm. Major M’Leod of the

Engineers is doing well. He is a very zealous and good Officer.

The conduct of the Portuguese Troops during the whole Siege, and under

very trying circumstances, has been most exemplary, particularly their

Artillery, which is really very good. It is difficult to say which

troops, the British or Portuguese, are the most indifferent to danger.

In both it is quite remarkable. But John goes to work more steadily and

sullenly, while the Portuguese must be well led, and have his joke. They

are great wits in their way, and, without the resolution and impenetrable

sang froid of the British, which no danger can disturb, they have more

patience and subordination under greater privations and hardship. But

the Portuguese has not the bodily strength of the former, is naturally

lazy, and is not used to our pickaxes and shovels. Therefore on the

working parties the British do their work better in half the time. But

both seem equally careless of danger. They agree perfectly well together,

and amongst the men there is scarce an instance of disagreement or

disturbance.

On the evening of the 30th the Enemy made a small sortie with 2 or 300

men against a working party of 200 men of the Algarve Brigade who were

constructing a small Redoubt, on the other side of the Guadiana opposite

St Christopher’s Fort Napoleon, and who allowed them to come close up to

them, gave them a volley, and drove them in a moment back into their

works, leaving their Commanding Officer and some men dead on the field,

since which they have never ventured to molest them, though they are only

2600 men, Portuguese, and part of the 3rd P. Cavalry without a British

Regiment, the 5th Divn. (Leith’s) having marched to Valverde to be ready

to join Graham, should it be necessary, which I much doubt, for I hope we

shall be in the place before either Soult or Marmont can possibly arrive

to relieve it.

With regard to what they are about, we have so many reports, and so

different, that I do not know exactly what to believe, but do not think

they can collect a sufficient force in time. I think by the 4th or 5th

the breaches will be ready for a general assault. We shall lose a great

many men, but I have not a doubt we shall take the Place.

General Graham’s expedition against Drouet did not succeed. The enemy had

too good information, or were too vigilant, and they could only come up

with their rearguard of cavalry, and there was a little skirmishing.

Ewart is getting on quite well. His wound was slight through the fleshy

part of the arm. All our other friends are well. You will of course, my

dear Father, not show this letter to ... or mention my being exposed at

all. There is no occasion for them to know that I have anything to do

with the trenches or Batteries.

_April 3rd._

Our new 6 gun Battery (opened) against St Pedro curtain, but I have not

yet heard with what effect. An attempt was made last night to blow up

the dam which confines the water in the inundation and ditch of the

place, but though our fine fellows, Captn. Douglas and Robert Campbell,

with their Companies, contrived to creep unperceived to the place which

is behind the Ravelin and St Roque, and about 50 yards from the wall of

the town, the explosion had not the desired effect, but we had not a man

hurt.

General Graham has returned to Villa Franca. Yrs., etc.,

WM. WARRE.

We have a pretty little spot for our Hd. Qrs. opposite the English Troupe

D’Orée, under a little hill, which just conceals us from the town, whence

they have never molested us, though they sometimes fire along the road

40 yards to our left, and, if we are quite safe, we have at all events

all the advantage of the noise, which is at intervals like the rolling of

thunder.

* * * * *

BADAJOS CAMP, _April 7_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I have the happiness of communicating to you the capture of Badajos by

assault last night after a most obstinate resistance, and with, I am

grieved to add, as a painful counterpoise to the exaltation of victory,

very severe loss.

Since I wrote to you on the 3rd the breaches have become daily more

practicable, and the day before yesterday a new one, which was begun

between the two others, was also very forward and yesterday practicable.

It was intended to have stormed the day before, but the enemy’s defences

were considered in too perfect a state, and the fire of most of our

Batteries was directed for the last two days against the new breach, and

to silence and dismount their guns.

The attack took place last night at 10 o’clock. The Light Division was to

storm the breach in the flank of the Bastion of St Maria. This consists

of 43rd, 52nd, 95th, 1st, and 3rd, P. Caçadores.

The 4th Division (Genl. Colville’s), the 7th, 23rd, 48th, 40th, and 27th,

were to storm the main breach, while the 3rd Division (Picton’s), the

5th, 45th, 88th, 74th, 94th, 77th, with 9 and 21 Portuguese, attacked the

Castle by escalade, and General Leith’s (the 5th Div.), consisting of

the 4th, 9th, 1st, 44th, 30th, 38th, were partly in reserve, and partly

escaladed a weak part of the town near the Guadiana.

The advances to the breaches were found much more difficult than was

expected, having to descend before the main ditch into a very deep _avant

fossé_, and the enemy perfectly prepared to receive them with mines,

shells, entrenchments, in short a most excellent system of defence. Our

brave fellows did all that men could do, but they were mown down by

hundreds, and their Officers mostly killed or wounded, and, after losing

a great many men, they were repulsed, but fortunately the two attacks

which were the least probable, by escalade, having succeeded, Picton

having got into the old Moorish Castle, which commands the town, and

part of Leith’s people (General Walker’s Brigade) on the left, another

rush was made at the breaches by part of the Light Division, and, about

daybreak, the town and its adjacent forts were in our possession, with

Philippon the Governor, a General Weyland, a great many Officers, and

about 3500 prisoners.

I dare not enter into the detail of our loss. The papers will too soon

publish the painful news. Of all my friends Dawson is the only one I can

say is safe, and Hunt. The remainder I know nothing of for certain, but

that the loss of 52nd, and of that whole division, very great indeed, as

well as of the 4th, Generals Bowes, Colville, and Walker, wounded, and

poor Gibbs. Merry 52nd Regt. wounded, but not very badly. Jones, Poole,

Madden, killed. I am, thank God, quite well, though very much tired and

fagged. I was on horseback all yesterday, (and the weather is dreadfully

hot,) and all night, or on foot, and such a night, I think, I never spent

of suspense, horror, and expectation. I was sent before daybreak, as soon

as our men were in the town, to endeavour to establish a communication,

across the Bridge and _tête de Pont_, with Genl. Bowes, who was on that

side. I met Lord Fitzroy Somerset, who was going on nearly the same

duty, and at the _tête de Pont_ we found an Officer and 40 men, and in

Fort St Christopher, whither we heard he had retreated, the Governor

Genl. Philippon, General Weyland, and a great many officers, all of

whom surrendered immediately, on our summoning them, and the Chiefs we

conducted to Lord Wellington.

It is most extraordinary that, notwithstanding the obstinate defence,

and causes of animosity which our men had, and all their previous

determinations, they gave quarter to almost every Frenchman, and I

really believe their loss in killed and wounded must be comparatively

very small to ours. The Marshal and everybody belonging to this Hd.

Qrs. escaped unhurt, and are well, as also all Lord Wellington’s Staff.

My friends of the 4th Regt. have suffered very much indeed. There was

scarce a Regiment engaged that has not, for the fire at the breaches was

immense, and from the depth of the ditches, and accumulated means of

defence, it appears to me that it was almost impossible for our brave

fellows to force them, and it was most fortunate that the side attacks

succeeded at the Castle and at the Bastion of St Vincente. I am so tired

I can say no more. God Almighty bless you all. My kindest love. Your most

affectionate Son,

WM. WARRE.

[Written across the above]

_8th April._

MY DEAREST FATHER,

I avail myself of the delay of the Officer, who is to carry the

despatches, to tell you that I am quite well, notwithstanding the fatigue

of the other night which I have nearly got over. I think I never was more

completely fagged in my life than I was till I got to bed last night, for

mind and body had been on the constant stretch for 36 hours incessantly.

I am just returned from the town, to which I had not been since the

night of the storm. The breaches and advance to them present a dreadful

spectacle even now that the wounded are removed. Our loss was very great

indeed, particularly in Officers. I think, including the losses during

the siege, we have upwards of 3000 killed and wounded. Many Regiments

(had) almost all their Officers hit in some way or other, though I do

not think the proportion of killed equal to that of the wounded. The

town also has suffered much from the effect of three sieges within a

year, and being taken by assault, when it was almost impossible to

restrain the avarice and licentiousness of the soldiery, which so greatly

sullies the brilliancy of their conduct and victory, and forces their

Officers to blush for the excesses of the very men they before admired

as heroes. Fortunately a greater part of the inhabitants had quitted the

place previously. Those that remained have paid dearly for their folly,

and have but little reason to rejoice in the victory of their friends.

However, it is perhaps impossible entirely to prevent these excesses,

when the place is taken in the manner this was. And it is also as prudent

to hold our tongues, and shut our eyes on miseries it is out of our power

to prevent, but must deeply feel, and our hearts and wishes naturally

but longingly turn to dear, dear old England, and those beloved friends

it contains, as we pray Almighty God to preserve them from the horrid

scourge of war as the greatest of human miseries.

The enemy’s defence was admirably prepared at all points, and does

great honor to the talents of the Chief Engineer, as well as the great

improvements he has made in the works of the place since the last siege.

Everything bespeaks of great activity and talent, and in a few months

hence the conquest would have been much more difficult. Could one forget

what rascals these fellows are, one would admire their gallantry and

military abilities as they deserve, but they do nothing from laudable

motives, and we are forced from many circumstances to attribute even this

obstinate defence rather to fear of their relentless Tyrant, than to any

motives of honour and proper military spirit.

Their entrenchments behind the breaches, _Chevaux de frise_ of Sword

Blades, etc., were very formidable, and, added to the difficulty of

access to the Breaches from heavy fire, made it almost impossible to

force them, had not our escalading parties fortunately succeeded.

Generals Colville, Walker, Harvey, P. Bowes, and Kemp, are wounded. I had

written General Picton, but it was only a contusion from a spent ball and

not worth mentioning.

Soult was advancing, but I believe with not sufficient force, to

endeavour to relieve the place, and perhaps, in conjunction with Marmont,

to have fought us, if necessary, but I now have little doubt that he will

retire again towards Seville. His advance was at Villa Franca, but I fear

has retired again. We are yet unable to foresee Soult’s intentions. He is

within 8 leagues of us, his advance guard. But he has not more than 30 to

35,000 men, and we could fight nearly double that number. I wish to God

he would advance.

Marmont was between the Agueda and Coa threatening Almeida and Ciudad

Rodrigo, but I trust he will now be forced to retreat. The latter place

is but ill provided with provisions, but Spaniards require little, and

it would hold out some time. Unless he retreats I suspect part of our

Army will march again towards the North. Marmont, however, cannot at all

events subsist there long.

* * * * *

CAMP BEFORE BADAJOS, _April 10th, 1812_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

Though very much pressed for time I will not let the mail go without

adding a few lines to what I wrote you the day before yesterday,

particularly as I shall be unable to-morrow to wish you many happy

returns of your birthday, as I shall go into Elvas.

Our people are now busily employed in filling up the trenches and

destroying our Batteries. By yesterday evening most of the dead were

buried, though from the unavoidable confusion on such occasions and their

great number, it was delayed till the spectacle became more horrid than

can easily be conceived.

The inhabitants also are beginning to return. Most of them had left at

the beginning of the siege, and many to fly from the horror of a storm

on the morning that we entered, so that since order was restored on the

morning of the 8th, and most of our people except the garrison turned

out, the town looks quite deserted, and in many parts is nothing but a

miserable heap of ruins. Great pains are taking to clean the streets and

clear away the rubbish, which will, I hope, prevent any great sickness

from ensuing, and the weather has fortunately become much cooler.

Soult had advanced to Villa Franca with about 30,000 men, but hearing

that the place was taken, and that Ballasteros had entered Seville, he

yesterday morning commenced his retreat again rapidly towards the Sierra

Morena, to prevent Ballasteros from attacking the Cartucha where the

French have huge magazines of stores of all kinds. I hope he will in the

first place destroy the Arsenal and Foundry, for he can hardly expect to

hold it, if the French were to return in force, which was most probable,

and these have been of the greatest use to them. Soult’s communication

with Victor now and Cadiz must be very difficult.

Marmont also, with about 17,000 men, was between the Agueda and Coa,

and threatened Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida, towards which latter place

he had sent about 4000 men to attempt to take it by escalade, but they

were repulsed most gallantly by the militia under Trant and Colonel Le

Mesurier the Governor. Yrs., etc.,

WM. WARRE.

The Marshal, Hardinge, etc., are quite well.

Gibb’s wound is, I hope, not bad.

Merry (52nd) is dead of his.

* * * * *

NAVA, on the Road between SABUGAL AND ALFAIATES,

_April 24, 1812_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

Having just heard that the mail is detained I will not miss telling you

that I am well. I wrote yesterday to Jack, but in such a hurry that I

had not even time to read my letter over, and fear he will have much

difficulty in reading and making sense of my letter, as I was obliged

to write standing on an old broken chest at Malcato, and am now using

the same description of table, though with the luxury of an old broken

chair. It is impossible to give you an adequate idea of the misery in

every village into which the enemy have entered, as they have destroyed

everything that they could not carry away, and in my present habitation a

considerable part of the floor has been torn up, and the windows, doors,

and furniture burnt, except my old chair and chest, which appear to have

placed the flames at defiance. Hunger and famine surround us in all

directions among the unhappy peasantry, and our charity to some few has

now completely exhausted our means. Money is of little use where nothing

is to be bought. All our forage for our horses, for the last two days,

consists in what we can cut in the fields, which even have not escaped

the rapacity of the enemy.

Marmont has retreated across the Agueda, and is I believe in full march

to Salamanca. We have communicated with both Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo.

I do not myself think that Ld. Wn. can pursue them much farther as the

country is a desert, and our supplies very distant, owing to his rapid

and long march of 200 miles since the 14th inst. As far as Castello

Branco we had most wretched weather, but latterly it has been fine,

though cold.

Thus has ended Marshal Marmont’s grand diversion with his whole Army.

He advanced to Castello Branco, Covilhao, and Fundão, plundered the

already often plundered places between them and the Frontier, and drove

away some cattle. He blockaded Ciudad Rodrigo, and threatened Almeida,

but was warmly received on a reconnaissance he made there, and never

made any further attempt. His army has suffered dreadfully from want.

The prisoners and deserters describe it as equal to when they retired

from the Lines, and the few cattle he could catch in this mountainous

country could afford him a very scanty and precarious supply. The moment

we crossed the Tagus he fell back, the Division on his left upon Peña

Maior and Sabugal, and we were in hopes for a day or two that he would

wait for us, but that soon vanished, for as we advanced he fell back, and

finally across the Agueda without waiting even to see our advance guard.

Had Badajos held out some time longer this diversion might have been of

some consequence, as Ciudad Rodrigo would have been much distressed for

provisions, and Almeida not in the safest state of defence. As it is,

all he has got has been his trouble for his pains, great sufferings to

his army, and a hasty retreat before an army but very little superior in

numbers to his own.

Lord Wn.’s rapid movement appears to have astonished him a good deal, and

hitherto the Army has suffered no privations. Those _we_ do are owing to

the ignorance and obstinate indolence of the Portuguese Commissariat. I

am perfectly ignorant of Ld. Wn.’s intentions, but should not imagine we

should advance much further for the present. To-morrow we move to Fuente

Guinaldo, 4 leagues. We were to have gone there to-day, but the enemy was

still with their advances too near for Hd. Qrs., or rather were supposed

to be, for it appears they retired last night.

Our approaches at Badajos have been filled up and levelled and the

breaches put in some temporary state of defence. We have therefore

nothing to fear from that quarter, as Soult is fully occupied in keeping

Andalusia. Had Badajos not fallen, and that he had persevered in

advancing, he would have got a famous licking, as we should have been

equal at least to him, leaving 10,000 men to carry on the siege. But

Ballasteros’ advance to Seville embarrassed him very much, and a defeat

would be ruinous to him, or Marmont, who to the great disappointment of

our army seems determined not to risk it.

I am perfectly well, though we have all had a good deal of fatigue and

knocking about in this wretched Beira. I fear our horses will suffer

most, which annoys me more than anything, and a person must be more

hardened than I am to warfare to be either very happy, or in good

spirits, surrounded as we are by scenes of misery and distress beyond

what we can give our happy countrymen in England an idea of. I do not

think it by any means improbable that we shall return to the Alemtejo,

and that the active scenes of this Campaign, which is far from being

over, will be in Spanish Estremadura. But this is mere conjecture. The

present object is to revictual Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida, and place

them in a respectable state of defence. I hear very well of the Spanish

garrison of the former.

All our wounded at Badajos are, I understand, doing extremely well.

This change of weather from great heat to cool and rain has been quite

providential and saved many lives.

The Marshall, Hardinge, Arbuthnot, etc., are quite well. Hardinge got a

shot through his coat at the assault, and as usual behaved with great

zeal and courage. Sewell is, poor fellow, ill again and must return to

England. I fear much that his is a bad case. Yrs., etc.,

WM. WARRE.

Ld. Wn.’s Hd. Qrs. are at Alfaiates to-day, as badly off as we are.

To-morrow he will be at Fuente Guinaldo.

_P.S._—I have written on two half sheets for the best reason in the world!

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO SISTER.

FUENTE GUINALDO, _May 20, 1812_.

I must begin in order to prepare you for the worst by telling you that

this is a very stupid place, that I am very stupid, and that I have

nothing to say, and therefore you must receive a very stupid letter....

I am quite well, though we are all heartily tired of Fuente Guinaldo

where our only amusement is hunting. Yesterday we went out to a grand

_Chasse au Sanglier_, but the only bore we got was a great wetting, for

it rained incessantly after we were posted behind trees and rocks, and

while a great many peasants were driving the woods towards us, and not

a single boar or wolf made its appearance. We were so completely wet

through that when I tried to fire at a fox which passed close to me, my

gun missed fire, being quite wet, and we returned home two leagues in

despair. It would have been a very pretty scene if the weather had been

fine, as we went out a large party, and a great many peasants, and all

in great glee. We should have found some wild animals, as there are a

great many, particularly wolves, who have had the impudence to walk away

with several mules and horses from this place, but it rained so heavily,

that both the wolves and boars remained at home, and were not to be seen,

and we became cold geese for going to see them in such weather. We hope

before we leave this to have another hunting party, as it must be a very

gay and fine spectacle in fine weather. The Peasantry are obliged by law

to go out on these occasions, as the destruction of these animals is

beneficial to the whole community. The people that are armed are placed

behind trees or rocks, or hid in the brushwood forming a sort of chain

round a particular part of the mountain, and the remainder go in with

dogs, and by their shouts and noise drive the animals towards you....

We do not know when we are to leave this place, or in what direction

we are to move. It is so great a secret and so well kept that I cannot

even guess it, but I am sure I shall have no great regret for Guinaldo

whichever way we go.... I can hardly write at all, and to add to my

misfortunes they have just been trying a poor devil of a Commissary at

the same table, and I wonder I have not entered some minutes of his

examination.

* * * * *

FUENTE GUINALDO, _May 28, 1812_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I had yesterday the pleasure to receive your very affectionate and kind

letter, and with all my soul I thank you for all the solicitude you

express about me, and congratulations on my escape at Badajos. I have

hitherto been very fortunate, and have much cause to be grateful to

Almighty God for his infinite goodness in protecting me. It appears to

mortals almost a lottery. Some are never hit, while others less exposed

never go into action without.

I felt painfully the loss of so many friends, but in this profession

we dare not long indulge or admit such feelings. It would but ensure

continued misery, and such is the force of habit or prejudice that one

scarcely feels for the death of a friend in action, whose death if

from illness or other cause would be a source of real affliction; and

fortunate it is that it is so. We are all quite well here (barring a

broken shin I got from a stone, which has confined me for a day or two,

but is now getting well) and all most anxious for a move, though it is

yet a secret which way it is to be. As far as conjecture goes I do not

think we shall recross the Tagus, for the present at all events, and

probably move forward towards Salamanca.

Sir Rowland Hill’s success at Almaraz has put us all in great spirits,

and must have puzzled the enemy a good deal as to Lord Wellington’s

plans. This affair has been conducted with his usual judgement and

gallantry. The General had arrived by a rapid march in front of the

Enemy’s works at Mirabete, which is a strong pass over the mountains

leading to the Bridge at Almaraz, and about a league distant from it,

but he was delayed here a few days, as he found the works were not to

be carried by a _coup de main_, nor could he while they were in the

enemy’s possession get his Artillery over the steep rocky mountains in

order to attack the Forts, which protected more immediately the Enemy’s

Arsenal, Barracks, Bridge, etc. He therefore left it behind, and a Corps

to observe the Fort, and made his Infantry scramble over the mountains

with nothing but their fire-locks, and immediately attacked with the

greatest gallantry the enemy’s works on the other side of the River, and

carried them, turning their fire on those which they had over the Bridge

on this side, which they were forced to abandon, and he got possession

of the whole, except those at Mirabete, with the loss of only two

Captns. killed, about 9 Officers wounded, 25 men killed, and 120 or 130

wounded. I have not seen the return. The enemy lost 300 taken Prisoners,

and 200 were drowned by the Bridge giving way, or killed. 300 cars of

different descriptions, the Bridge, Arsenal, and Barracks they had

constructed, a large Depôt of Stores and Provisions, all the works, and

two large Pontoons they had on the stocks, completely destroyed, and the

communication the most direct between the North of Spain and Castile cut

off, which must annoy the French very much, and force them to communicate

by the Bridge of Arçobispo, which is considerably about. Major Currie,

A.D.C. to Sir R. Hill, goes home with the account, but as he goes by the

Packet, which has been detained, I think it the surest way to send this

in the mail.

The enemy on hearing of this affair have evacuated Ledesma, and only left

a very small garrison to take care of their sick at Salamanca, which

shows that they do not think of opposing us should we move on in that

direction.

Hill had moved again towards Medellin and Don Benito, which will force

the enemy to withdraw the small parties they have in that neighbourhood,

or advance in force, which I do not think they are likely to do.

Lord Wellington has adopted a new plan in order to derive a more

effectual assistance from the Spaniards. Each British Regiment, except

the Guards and Dragoons, are allowed to enlist ten men per Company

of a certain stature, 5 ft. 6 inches, who are to be in every respect

treated as British soldiers, to serve as long as the Army remains in the

Peninsula, and then to have a month’s pay to take them to their homes.

I think it is a most excellent plan, and I have very little doubt we

shall very soon get the whole number, 5000, and they will make excellent

recruits, for in point of activity and fineness of appearance the Spanish

Peasantry are certainly inferior to none, and this measure may hereafter

serve as a foundation for a more regular Spanish Army, and Napoleon will

be greatly annoyed at our having adopted this measure of filling up our

casualties, without draining England, and with recruits little inferior

to our own in appearance or physical strength.

I went yesterday to a Review of the Light Division, 43rd, 52nd, 95th,

1 and 3 Caçadores, and a troop of R. Artillery. It was a most animating

sight, and they moved very well. Ld. Wn. was apparently much satisfied

with them. They are getting very strong again in numbers, nearly 3000 in

the field, but very weak in Officers from the losses at Cd. Rodrigo and

Badajos.

[Remainder of letter wanting.]

[On a small sheet separate.]

_May 30th._

The mail has been detained, and I therefore open my letter to add that

Hill has returned to his old positions after resting his troops a few

days at Truxillo. Graham has also returned to his cantonments at Port

Alegre, having advanced to Caçeres and Albuquerque to support Hamilton’s

Division, in case Drouet had thought proper to assault it in Hill’s

absence. Everything is quiet in our front. I am laid up with my broken

shin, but more from prudence than necessity. As we are likely to move

soon, I thought it best to get it well while I could, for fear that by

moving in the heat it might give me a great deal of trouble. It was

deep and on the bone, and I sillily neglected it at first. It is now

getting much better. The Marshal is quite well. Poor Sewell has left us

and gone home ill, I fear very seriously so, whether from his liver or

consumption....

Pray see about the places I mentioned, what can be done about them. They

are highly desirable in every point of view, and there are several of the

same description abroad, but I have no great fancy to go to the West

Indies or further East than the Cape, though should such a situation be

offered me in the East, I scarce think I could refuse it....

* * * * *

SALAMANCA, _June 17, 1812_.

MY DEAREST MOTHER,

I have hesitated whether I should write to you to thank you for yours of

30th of May, or to my father for his of 21st and 27th.... We arrived here

yesterday, the enemy having retired towards the River Douro, only leaving

a small garrison in a fort they have made in the town round the Convent

of St Vicente, and round which they have pulled down all the houses.

It is, however, a very bad fortification and was not finished. I have

therefore no idea that it can stand a day, when our Battery opens, which

will be to-morrow morning. We are quite out of danger in this part of the

town and very comfortably quartered.

The Army crossed the Agueda in 3 columns on the 13th. The right,

commanded by Sir J. Graham, marched by Tamames; the centre, by General

Leith, marched by San Meñios; and the left, by General Picton, by St

Espiritu and Martin d’El Rio. These roads run parallel very near to each

other, so that the Army was nearly assembled every night. On the 13th

the River Yeltes, the 14th the Huebra, and the 15th the Valmaza. We saw

nothing of the enemy till the 15th. When about two leagues from this

the Advance Guard fell in with some Cavalry, about 5 Regts. supported

by 1500 Infantry, near the Town, with which our Cavalry skirmished with

very little loss, and as our Columns advanced gradually drove them back

upon the City, within two miles of which our posts were established. They

took from the enemy an Officer and about 20 men. Our loss is 3 Officers

wounded slightly, and about 7 men wounded and some horses.

Yesterday at 1 A.M. Marmont left this, with his Cavalry, taking the

road to Toro, and only leaving a garrison in the Fort or Convent, which

appears to me sacrificed, for they cannot hold out. Our Cavalry passed

the Tormes without opposition and occupied the town, avoiding the streets

which lead to the Fort, and the left column and Advance Guard moving to

the Villages in front of this, and the greater part of the Cavalry. The

Enemy attacked the Cavalry Picquets in the evening, but were immediately

driven back, and to-day, when we rode out at daybreak, we could only see

them at a great distance, where I suppose they will watch our movements,

but most probably retire as we advance towards the Douro, which appears

to be Ld. Wn.’s plan, and the French have yet no force to meet our Army.

But I do not suppose Ld. Wellington will himself advance further than

that, but he keeps his plans a profound secret, and the whole Army follow

him with confidence and affection wherever he chooses to lead us.

We have been everywhere received with the greatest cordiality and joy

by the Spaniards as their deliverers from the oppressive tyranny of the

French, much more than ever I saw before. At this place yesterday it was

quite affecting to see the joy of the inhabitants. Many absolutely cried

for joy, and we were embraced, or had to shake hands with everybody we

met. One old woman hugged and kissed Ld. Wn. to his great annoyance,

and one man literally kissed my horse as I rode into the town. We were

followed through the streets with cheers and _vivas_, which have annoyed

the Frenchmen a good deal, and they revenged themselves by firing at

everyone they saw in the cross streets leading to their works. They have

pulled down a considerable part of the town to lay open the space round

them, and down to the bridge, over which nobody can as yet pass safely.

But in two days I hope they must surrender, or be taken by storm. It is

such an insignificant place that nobody except the troops immediately

employed in making the battery or covering the workmen, seem to trouble

their heads about them, and walk about the streets, men, women, and

children, in perfect safety and with the greatest unconcern.

I am perfectly well though a little fagged, as we have for the last few

days had an active life both for mind and body. We generally get up at

3 o’clock and ride till 11 or 12, and sometimes again in the Evening.

Everything is done to avoid the heat of the day, which, however, has not

been very great, as we are very high above the sea in this part of the

Country. There is almost always a breeze, and at this moment the Bejar

mountains, which are at no great distance, are covered with snow.

Parts of this fine city have suffered very much from the Enemy, who have

destroyed part of it to make their Fort, and yesterday burnt a suburb

that was near it, but notwithstanding there are some beautiful buildings

left, particularly the Cathedral, which is magnificent. But the monsters

fired at the steeple yesterday and knocked away a very beautiful

buttress, and nobody is allowed to go there, to avoid drawing their

attention in that direction at all.

I quite agree with you about the state of the Country (_sc._ England).

It is most lamentable though most disgraceful at the time, that in the

middle of Peace our worthless manufacturers, excited by still more

worthless because wiser Politicians, are killing and rioting amongst

themselves. In this town, yesterday evening, the people were, in the

very centre of warfare, dancing and gay in almost every street. Such are

the dispensations of Providence. There is no accounting for such things,

and it shows how little people know when they ought to be happy and

contented, and how unjust to repine at whatever our fate may be. But it

is Human nature, and I blush to think that I must cease to consider the

British the high minded generous people they used to be. It can hardly be

believed that Englishmen could glory in the most cowardly of all revenge,

that of assassination, with which they have so often rebuked other

nations.

Your countrymen (_sc._ The Irish) have behaved very well, and most

sincerely I wish them the reward they deserve, and every civil liberty

which is compatible with the Constitution of the State. I have written a

very stupid and hurried letter, which pray excuse as I have been up since

3 o’clock, and did not go to bed till past 11, besides a long ride, but I

never was in better health in my life, and so are the whole army. Yrs.,

etc.,

WM. WARRE.

I am so tired I can hardly write, so pray excuse my stupid letter to my

dear Father.

* * * * *

SALAMANCA, _25 June 1812_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

I have been too constantly occupied since the 17th to write even a few

lines to anybody. I gave in my letter of that date some account of our

advance to this place....

We have had a most interesting though harassing time of it since I wrote.

On the 18th we began to fire at the Fort, from a Convent near it, with

field-pieces, and next day, finding it much stronger than was expected,

4 iron 18 Prs. were mounted, which knocked down very soon one end of

the Convent, but the works, which we found to be by no means so easily

forced, were not at all injured, and the enemy seemed determined to make

a gallant resistance. On the 19th, in the morning, accounts arrived that

Marmont and his whole army were advancing in sight. The 6th Division

under Clinton was therefore left to carry on the attack of the Forts, and

the rest of the army assembled in a position tolerably strong for an army

of equal strength, the left near St Christoval de la Cuesta extending in

rear of Castillejos de Morisco and Morisco towards the Tormes, from which

our right, however, was some distance, though the ground is strong and we

could easily move to it if all attacked in that direction. The Spanish

Corps of about 3000 men under Don Carlos d’Espanha, and 800 Cavalry

Guerrillas under Dn. Julian Sanchez, were on our left on some strong

ground in continuation of our line.

On arriving there we distinctly saw the French army advancing towards us

from Toro, by Aldea Nueva, Archidiacono, etc., etc., in heavy columns of

Infantry with a strong advance guard, and about 3000 Cavalry.

The day was very unfavourable, as we had heavy rains and thunderstorms,

which however have cooled the air, and since been of great use to us.

During the night of the 20th the enemy advanced, and occupied the ground

within cannon range of our position, and the villages of Castillejos and

Morisco, concealing their numbers by the inequalities of the ground,

and certainly giving us every occasion to believe they had come down

determined to fight, which everybody was glad of, as it would save a

great deal of trouble in going after them, away from our resources, and

which we could not do till we had taken the Fort in the Town, which

completely commands and prevents our making any use of the Bridge.

Nothing, however, was done on the 20th, except a pretty brisk cannonade

towards evening on both sides, though it did not last long. We lost a few

horses of the Heavy Dragoons, and there was some skirmishing on the right

with the 11th Lt. Dns. and 1st German Hussars.

On the 21st the enemy continued all day to receive very strong

reinforcements. We were so close, and overlooked their position so

completely, that we could see everything that entered their lines and

every movement they made.

Everybody expected that they would have attacked next morning, as it was

known that Marmont had received every succour he could, except Bonnet’s

Division from the Asturias, which was not expected to be coming up, but

we were again disappointed. They only occupied a small hill on our right

near Morisco, which overlooked our position, but from which they were

driven by part of the 7th Division, which cost about 60 or 70 killed

and wounded, but the enemy’s Cavalry and Infantry must have suffered a

good deal from our cannonade and musquetry, as they were very close to

each other. The enemy seemed jealous of their left flank, which was not

at all secure, and moved the greater part of his Cavalry, and a column

of Infantry to strengthen it, but nothing more was done, except that

our Cavalry chased Marmont, who had advanced a good way to our left to

reconnoitre, but he had some Infantry with him and they could do nothing

against it. The enemy fired a few cannon shot at them, which did very

little harm.

The next morning, to our great surprise, we found the enemy had retired,

and when the day broke saw them moving off at a short distance towards

our Right, and then halted on some heights, about 6 miles in front of

our position. The Cavalry was sent forward to pursue them, and took up a

line of vedettes very near them. Lord Wellington and the Marshal rode out

to reconnoitre them, but I do not think anybody could make out anything

of their intentions. We were very close to them, and they appeared to be

halted near Aldea Rubia, and Morréra, to allow their baggage to move off

to the rear, which, however, does not seem to have been the case, for

they are still there.

We thought this morning that they had retired further, in consequence of

which we returned early to this place and the Baggage was ordered up,

but I have just heard that they are still near the same ground.

Marmont yesterday crossed the Tormes with about 5000 men, Cavalry and

Infantry, to manœuvre to get Lord Wn. from his position, I suppose, or to

endeavour to get off the garrison of the Fort, which still holds out. But

not succeeding they returned in the evening, having contented themselves

with cannonading the Heavy Cavalry of the German Legion, who behaved with

great steadiness and gallantry and have received Ld. Wn’s. thanks.

Several Divisions were moved to our right, ready to cross, and the 1st

Div. was at the ford of Sta. Martha. The 7th went over to prevent any

attempt towards the Bridge of the town and to support our Cavalry. The

whole day was spent in manœuvring.

After the unaccountable movements of the enemy lately, it is impossible

even to guess the probable result of all these movements. I think a

general action probable. Till they retired, I thought it was inevitable.

For I suppose there was scarcely ever such a thing heard of as two

hostile armies being without any obstacle between them, the lines within

cannon shot of one another, and the advanced vedettes short musquet shot,

without a Battle. Marmont, I think, certainly intended to fight, but his

courage failed him. Our position is tolerable but very extensive, and we

have thrown up some parapets to cover the Artillery. From the Enemy’s

lines they could not see our force, and could have but little idea either

of its strength or disposition. I have not a doubt that we should have

beat him, and shall now, whenever he chooses to fight us, even though

joined by Bonnet from the Asturias, which an Officer of theirs, who

deserted this morning, says they expect would be in two days, and that he

was at Valladolid yesterday. But this is not believed generally, and he

certainly shows no inclination to fight until he arrives.

Some people say that it is a pity Lord Wn. did not attack him on the

20th before his reinforcements arrived, and when he was so near us. But

I think Ld. Wn. knows what is right to do. He must to have attacked him

given up the advantage of his position, and advanced along a plain a very

great distance, without any cover, exposed to a heavy fire. He must have

forced two Villages, and his loss would be much greater than by waiting

for the enemy, and a very great victory to his army would almost be a

defeat. For if this army gets crippled very much it cannot continue the

operations. For my own part I feel perfect confidence in anything he

decides upon, though I shall be glad of anything that will give us a few

days rest, and I think we had better fight them here than further on.

Our mode of life has been latterly extremely harassing. On the march up

we turned out at 3 A.M. and only marched part of the day. Latterly, as

the Marshal has generally returned 5 or 6 miles to town, we usually rise

at 1 A.M. and often, after either riding all day, or broiling in the sun,

on a position, which has not a twig to defend us from the sun, or a drop

of water but at a distance, we do not get anything to eat, or home till

9 or 10 at night, and rise again at one, so that we are all completely

tired, and our faces so burnt that we cannot bear to touch them. The

weather, however, has been very favourable, as there has always been

a breeze. The mornings are very cold, but the whole army are extremely

healthy, and I am quite well. I had hoped these vagabonds were off, and

that we should have had a good night’s sleep instead of 3 hours, but I

suspect that we shall move as usual at one, and therefore took a nap this

morning.

The Fort still holds out. Some 24-lber. Howitzers have fired with the

10 prs. against it, and a large part of the building of the Convent was

knocked down, but the works are otherwise unimpaired. It was attempted to

be stormed on the night of the 23rd but failed. We lost some Officers and

about 150 men killed and wounded. Poor General Bowes, who was wounded at

Badajos, is killed, I believe, and Sir George Colquhoun of the Queen’s.

The Commandant had been previously summoned to surrender, but, while the

flag of truce was up, he answered that he had had a communication from

his army, and would listen to no proposals. I hope he will now be given

no terms. He deserves to be cut to pieces with his Garrison, not for his

obstinate defence of the Fort, that is right enough, but for his wanton

and cruel barbarity in firing upon the town and killing or wounding

several people, or for firing and defacing the beautiful Cathedral, one

of the most magnificent works in Europe, without a shadow of utility, and

from mere love of mischief. We have been obliged to desist from firing

for want of ammunition, but I hope the day after to-morrow we shall have

enough in, and, unless Mr Marmont can beat us before that, I think we

shall knock the place about his ears. Their loss inside has already been

very great we know, and if the fellow had only defended himself like a

gentleman, everybody would have admired his defence.

There seem great doubts whether or not Bonnet is coming up from the

Asturias to join Marmont, though the deserters say he is, but, whether or

no, I think we need be under no alarm for the result of a Battle.

Soult is said to be advancing from the South, and Hill has taken up his

old position at Albuera....

The Enemy in the villages they have entered have proceeded with their

usual barbarity, unroofed and quite destroyed them _de fond en comble_.

I could never give you an idea of the scenes we witness of misery and

suffering, nor do I wish to attempt it....

Of your domestic news in England I say nothing. The Ministry, and a

country, showing that they have lost that noble, generous spirit for

which they were so remarkable, are not very cheering topics, and I am too

much fagged to dwell on anything so disgusting. I wish we had some of the

_soi-disant_ Patriots here for a month. Yrs., etc.,

WM. WARRE.

The Marshal is, thank God, perfectly well, and so is Ld. Wn., which,

considering all his mind and body go through, is wonderful.

* * * * *

VILLA ESCUSA, PROV. OF TORO, _June 30th, 1812_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

Since I wrote to you on the 25th from Salamanca a very hasty letter,

our military situation has altered very much, and you will see by the

map that we are already two marches in advance. The Forts at Salamanca,

which had given us more trouble than was at first expected, were taken

on the morning of the 27th. On the evening of the 26th, our Reserve

Ammunition having arrived, a battery was opened against the rear of the

advanced Fort of St Catano with excellent effect, and the Convent of St

Vicente, in the principal Fort, was set on fire by red hot shot, but

as night came on, and the breach in St Catano was not practicable, the

firing ceased from the Batteries till morning. The enemy kept up their

fire with great briskness the whole evening, but we lost very few men.

In the morning the firing was renewed, and when we returned from the

position with Ld. Welln., it was found that the breach in the outwork was

practicable, and the Convent in a famous blaze. The Garrison appeared

cowed and in considerable confusion and fired very little. The morning

had been rainy and unpleasant, but towards 10 o’clock it cleared and

everything was ready for the assault, when the enemy sent out several

flags of Truce, but it appeared that they only wanted to gain time and

perhaps put out the fire. They asked 3 hours to consider it, but as we

had no time to lose, the Fort was attacked, and surrendered with very

little resistance, and was taken possession of by our troops. We had only

one man killed, and 5 or 6 wounded, even at the points assaulted, and our

people behaved with their usual humanity to the enemy. We found these

Forts a great deal stronger than we had any idea of, with deep ditches,

the whole faced with strong masonry, the stones for which they took from

about a 3rd of the town and some of the most beautiful buildings which

they had pulled down to make an Esplanade round their works. They also

had excellent casements and splinter proofs, and but for the circumstance

of the place being on fire, they did not appear to have any more reason

to surrender now, as far as their works went, than the first day.

The enemy had between 5 and 600 men in them, and the Commandant who did

his duty very well, and is a fine young man enough, told me they had 3

Officers killed, 11 wounded, 40 men killed and about 140 wounded during

the siege. They had mounted 29 guns and 7 Howitzers; a large quantity of

ammunition and stores of all descriptions for their whole army, clothing,

provisions, etc.

The flames gained so fast that it was impossible to extinguish them, and

it was feared that the Magazine would blow up. The wounded were therefore

removed as quickly as possible, and some of the stores that evening, and

nobody allowed to go near it. It, however, fortunately did not explode,

and all that was not burnt has been removed, and proper Officers have

been left completely to demolish the Forts.

The capture of these Forts was of the greatest consequence, as they most

completely commanded the bridge over the Tormes, and gave the enemy, in

case of any accident, a nearer way to cross than we had by the Fords;

besides opening a direct and easier communication for our provisions, etc.

On the 27th, next morning as the day broke, we found that Marmont had

retired, and on advancing about two leagues to reconnoitre him with the

Cavalry, we came up with his rear-guard near Pitiegna, who retired on

our approach. The enemy seemed to take the road to Valladolid, retiring

rapidly. Yesterday our whole army advanced in three columns, the advance

guard to Aldea Nueva de Figueroa and Parada de Rubiales, and the army to

near the little stream of Orbada, at which place were Ld. Wellington’s

Hd. Qrs., and ours at Pajares.

To-day the army has again advanced to the River Guarena, the left at

Fuente Sanco, and advance at Guaratte.

Ld. Wn.’s Hd. Qrs. are at Fuenta da Capeña, the right of the army near

Castrillo, and our Hd. Qrs. at this place.

The whole army continue healthy and in high spirits. We have only seen

the enemy’s posts at a distance, and their army, it appears to have

crossed the Douro, over which they have destroyed all the bridges except

those of Toro and Zamorra. It is impossible to know what Ld. Wn.’s

intentions are. The position at Toro is very strong, and 6 leagues from

hence.

General D’Urban with about 1000 P. Cavalry are manœuvring in rear of

the enemy, and the Galician Army under Santo Cildes is also at Astorga

trying to take the French Fort, or advanced on their rear. He has, I

believe, about 15,000 men.

Mina and Longa’s Guerillas and Mendizabel’s Corps are near Burgos or

Valladolid. Therefore the enemy will find himself _assez reserré_, but

whether Lord W. intends to force his position, or to manœuvre to make

him quit it without an action, it is, I believe, known to himself, the

Marshal, and Sir T. Graham alone. We feel quite confident in what he may

think proper, and a day or two will show. I do not think he will fight

if he can do without. But if he does, I have no doubt we shall beat them

most completely.

In Estremadura Drouet, finding General Hill steady, has retired from

Villa Franca, and our people have moved forward to Sta. Martha, etc.,

etc. Nothing can exceed the joy of all classes of the people of this

country at their delivery from their insolent oppressors. For two nights

after the Fort was taken they were dancing and singing all night in

almost every street (which were illuminated), nothing was heard but the

tabor and pipe and castanets. Next morning there was a grand Te Deum

in the Cathedral, and the town gave a ball in the evening, to which,

however, not many Officers went, as it began at 10, and we were to march

at ½ past 3, and had not had 4 hours’ sleep (at least Staff Officers) any

night since the 19th, so that we were very glad to get some rest.

I amongst others did not go. I never was in better health in my life

notwithstanding the really harassing, fatiguing time we have had latterly

for mind and body. The weather has fortunately not been very hot, and

we have had a constant breeze, or I scarce know what we should have done

on that scorching hill all day without shelter of any description, or

water....

I hear Admiral Martin is coming to Lisbon to supersede the Berkeleys.

I think you know him, or that my Uncles do. He can be sometimes very

useful to me, and I therefore wish you would continue to have me strongly

recommended to him. The old administration continuing in has astonished

us not a little. I should hardly think it could stand. Yrs., etc.,

WM. WARRE.

We look anxiously towards Russia, and I hope they will not fight a

general action but retire and draw the Tyrant on. If they fight they will

be beat, I fear.

The Marshal and Lord Wn. are perfectly well, which I wonder at, for they

have scarce a moment’s rest for mind and body. Sir T. Graham has equally

not had a moment quiet, and I am sorry to say had a painful disorder

in one of his eyes. He is one of the most excellent, worthy men I know

anywhere, and like Hill beloved by everybody. Ferguson is arrived at

Lisbon, and I am sorry to say has been unwell. I saw Genl. Leith to-day

quite well. He desired to be most kindly remembered to you, as do Le

Marchant, Hardinge, Douglas, and the Marshal.

* * * * *

LA SECA, PROVCE. OF VALLADOLID, _July 7th, 1812_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

Since I wrote to you on the 30th from Villa Escusa the Enemy have

gradually retired, and the Allied Army have occupied on the 1st a bivouac

on the River Trabancos with Head Quarters at Alaejos, and on the 2nd it

moved towards the river Zapardiel, with the right at Medina del Campo,

and the left extending towards Torrecilla, while Lord Wellington moved

himself with the Cavalry Light Division and Pack’s Portuguese Brigade,

supported by the 3rd Divn. and the Spanish Infantry and Bradford’s P.

Bge., on Rueda, to induce the Enemy to cross the Douro at Tordesillas,

while the main body of the Army moved parallel to it so as to threaten

their communication with Madrid. At Rueda we came up with the Enemy’s

rear-guard, and a sharp skirmish and cannonade took place in which the

Enemy lost considerably owing to not bringing up their guns till very

late in the day, and our loss was only a few horses. They gradually

retired, and as we gained the high ground between Rueda and Tordesillas,

we could distinctly see the greater part of the Enemy’s army formed in

large massive Columns covered by their Cavalry preparing to cross the

River, which they did in the course of the day without Ld. Welln. being

able to interrupt them, as he had only his Cavalry and advance guard up.

In the evening he took up his Hd. Qrs. at Villa Verde, and the Marshal at

Nava del Rey.

The Army has been nearly in the same positions ever since, but on the 4th

he moved to Rueda and the Marshal to this place (La Seca). The troops

are placed so as to watch the different fords of the Douro, and be ready

to move at once in any direction circumstances may require, and are

extremely healthy and in high spirits.

The 3rd Division and Spaniards under Don Carlos d’Espanhana are near

Pollos on the Douro watching the Fords.

On the 3rd Ld. Wn. and the Marshal made a reconnaissance on them with

some cavalry and that Division. The Enemy had 5 Battns. and some cavalry,

which on being cannonaded retired to the heights behind the Fords, and

some of our people got over and have since established themselves on

the other side. They returned our fire very briskly but with no effect,

as their shot all fell short, and we have very few men hurt by the

skirmishing.

The Enemy appear to have concentrated their force on Valladolid, leaving

some strong Corps on the Douro to watch us, and sometimes patrolling to

about 2 leagues from this on the river Adaja. I do not think they are

yet in force to undertake anything against us, and Ld. Welln.’s plans

are too well kept to himself for it to be possible for any one to guess

what they may be. I think, if we advance, the enemy will fight us. I have

not a doubt of the result, in the state of their army, whose _morale_

appears gone. But how far Ld. W. may think right to risk an action is

quite another question. Though the harvest is extremely abundant this

year, it is not yet ready. Deserters report that they are much distressed

for provisions at Valladolid. If this is true (which I doubt), Lord Wn.

perhaps intends to force them back by waiting patiently till they have

exhausted what they have. But these are all speculations without much

data, and Ld. Welln.’s despatch may give you better grounds to conjecture

upon than I can.

The Country, through which we have marched from Salamanca, is extremely

fertile and well cultivated, producing abundance of corn of all

descriptions, sometimes in one year for the consumption of three, and

this year the crops are remarkably fine, though much has been consumed

and more destroyed uselessly by both armies. The country on this side of

Villa Escusa produces mostly wine, and the whole face of the country is

covered with vineyards, which give it a very rich appearance in general.

The country is flat and quite open, almost totally without trees, and

not much water. From the want of the two latter our troops have suffered

considerably, for the weather, though far from so hot as Portugal, has

been hot to people marching and obliged to be always exposed to it. We

have had a very harassing, fatiguing life of it since we left Guinaldo,

and are much the better for the few days’ rest we have had here. The

towns in this part of Spain are generally very large, clean, and

populous. The houses particularly neat. Nothing can exceed the joy and

acclamations with which the Army is everywhere received by all classes.

That there are many traitors I believe, but that the joy of the greater

part is sincere it is impossible to doubt. Nothing can have been more

oppressive or insolent than the conduct of the French for the last 4

years. They levied enormous and repeated contributions upon the people,

at the same time that they deprived them in kind of the means of paying

them. Military executions and coercion followed of course, and all its

miseries. It will scarcely be believed that even at this moment they have

several of the principal _Ladies_ and inhabitants of this large town

prisoners at Tordesillas as hostages for the payment of some of their

requisitions.

While writing, Mr Bertie of the 12th Lt. Dns. has brought me a letter of

introduction from you, and on every account, both as the Admiral’s son

and from your letter, I shall be most happy to have it in my power to

show him any kindness or civility. He is a very fine lad and quite well.

We yesterday received letters and papers to the 19th....

From circumstances that have occurred I am no longer so anxious about

the Majority of Infantry, unless with the certainty of returning to the

Cavalry. The other situations are indeed desirable, if not beyond my

reach, but many considerations have now determined me otherwise to remain

in the Cavalry. Lt.-Genl. Sir T. Graham left the Army yesterday for

England to consult the best advice about a disorder in one of his eyes.

I fear it is a bad case. He is regretted by everybody and the Army as a

most excellent zealous soldier, and a most amiable worthy man. I know

none I have a higher respect and veneration for. Yrs., etc.,

WM. WARRE.

* * * * *

EXTRACT FROM LETTER TO SISTER.

LA SECA, _July 10, 1812_.

It is a terrible thing to be tanned by the sun. I have been half grilled

for the last month, which has cost my nose and lips a great deal of

flesh. It is expensive on the score of skin, but it is in a good cause,

and my nose suffers like a martyr. It has completely spoiled all

complexions, and made us like hideous creatures. I shall not burn your

letters—if my baggage should be taken, the French will derive great

amusement from them, and being of Political importance we shall have them

in the _Moniteur_ with notes! I have no news to tell you of the Army.

The French are on one side of the river, and we are on the other. Both

parties are very civil to each other, and both seem on the _qui vive_ for

fear the other should cross and attack him. It is comical enough to see

hostile troops quietly watering their horses, or washing, within 30 or 40

yards of each other, like perfect good friends. We are forbid to talk to

them for fear of spoiling our French, and are therefore highly profuse in

bows and dumbshow. I hate the very sight of the villains, but it is no

use for either party to annoy the other when nothing is to be gained by

it.

We are quartered in a very nice town, about two leagues from the river,

where the people are very civil to us. I am quite well, though much

thinner for our marching, and I do not believe that anybody is sorry for

the week’s quiet halt we have had.

* * * * *

LA SECA, _July 13, 1812_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I have to thank you for your letter of the 17 ultmo. and your very

interesting communications on the domestic politics of the country,

and also for the printed correspondence. Your letter, etc., did not

arrive till by last packet, and should have done so by the former,

and I therefore had seen all these discussions between parties in the

newspapers, and the only conclusion I have drawn is that there is no

public spirit in any party. Each acts from its own particular prejudice,

or party spirit, and they care little about the country, unless they can

serve it exactly in their own way. I am glad of anything that saves us

from a Grenville administration, and am therefore not sorry the present

Ministry have been continued, though I have not much confidence in them,

and should have preferred one that included Ld. Wellesley. The first

measures of this administration plainly say, we have not strength to act

up to our own principles in certain leading questions. We will therefore

act contrary to our principles to keep our places. This appears to be

the real state of the case, though as to the measures themselves to

which I refer, except with regard to the Americans, I hope great good

from them, but though most decidedly for the admission of the Catholics

to all rights we possess ourselves, I am not for granting them one bit

more. Their Church in temporal matters must be subordinate to the King.

The King’s rights with regard to the rejection or nomination of their

Bishops must be the same as our own, and which is nearly the same as in

Portugal, Spain, France (formerly), and almost every other Roman Catholic

country. None of those countries ever thought of a clergy independent

of the crown, or that the Pope had any power whatever in the Temporal

arrangements of any kingdom. The Consistory (Claustro) assembled at

Salamanca on this very subject of Irish Emancipation in, I think, 1789,

declared that any country which admitted such a principle would be a

traitor to itself, of whatever sect the Sovereign might be, Protestant

or Catholic. If therefore the R. C. of Ireland insist on greater rights

and liberties, in their religious liberty, than the rest of their fellow

subjects possess, or object to the veto (at least) in the King, I shall

strongly suspect that they have other purposes in their discontent, and

shall think any concession dangerous.

We continue here much in the same state as when I wrote to you last

week. Since then the enemy have been joined by Bonnet from the Asturias

with about 4 to 5000 men, but do not show at present any disposition to

attack us. They have manœuvred a good deal. Indeed they seem to keep

their people in constant motion. Till lately they seemed to be drawing

everything to their right towards Toro, and the position of our troops

was altered from perpendicular to parallel to the Douro, the 5 and 6

Dns. moving to Nava del Rey, the 4th to Foncastin. The 3rd and Spaniards

continue at Pollos, and the 1st and 7th at Medina del Campo, the advance

guard and Lt. Cavalry at Rueda and this place, and our Picquets watch the

fords of the Douro and of the Adaja. Yesterday morning we saw a large

column of about 4000 returning towards Tordesillas, from whence they had

marched the evening before towards the fords at Herreros and Torresilla

de la Abadessa, but to what end all this marching and countermarching

of theirs can be, I cannot guess. If they mean to harass us they do not

succeed, for though we narrowly watch every movement they make, Ld. Wn.

is not easily humbugged, and lets them wear out their shoes as much they

please without disturbing his army.

The enemy’s Hd. Qrs. are, I believe, at Tordesillas, where they have one

or two Divisions, 1 at Simancas, 1 opposite Pollos and Herreros, 1 at

Toro. In short they extend along the river from Simancas to Toro, and

have their reserves and Depôt at Valladolid. As to the exact disposition

of their troops it is impossible to say, as they are continually moving.

I believe the whole Army would rejoice if they would cross the River and

attack us, as I am quite confident we should beat them, though they have

80 pieces of cannon. Their Cavalry is much inferior to ours in every

respect, and they have such want of horses that they have taken all the

Infantry officers’ horses to mount their cavalry, and which has given

great disgust, and would, I should think, benefit them very little.

What Lord Wn.’s plans are I cannot even guess. He is best informed and

best able to decide what is best. We must therefore quietly wait the

event, and, in the healthy state and high spirits of the army, we have

little to fear for the result.

I do not doubt much that he is waiting for Santo Cildes with the Galician

army, who are besieging the Fort at Astorga, to advance and co-operate

with him previous to any movement on our part. But this is only guess. I

am surprised that the French, who have, I believe, nearly equal numbers,

do not attack us before this co-operation can take place, particularly as

they do not seem to expect any further reinforcements.

Our posts on the river continue very near each other, very amicably, and

literally nothing has been done by posts of any consequence since I wrote

to you. The account I sent you was of the Portuguese Army only, and it

has since rather increased, as we have left sick and wounded.

The enemy have also some posts at Villa Nueva and Puente de Douro and on

the river Adaja....

With regard to the purchase of the majority of Infantry, as I had

purchased my Troop, the purchase of a majority of Infantry required no

advance. On the contrary, by the regulation there would be a surplus of

£500, and my intention was to have remained in the Infantry for some time

at least. But other considerations have since decided me not to go into

the Infantry at all, except I got a permanent Staff situation, or was

quite sure of returning to the Cavalry immediately. I do not quite agree

that the command of a Portuguese Battn. would be much less eligible than

my present situation, as far as the means of distinguishing myself goes,

as I should then have a positive command and responsibility, and now

have, nor can have, neither, and it must at last come to that, or to my

joining my British Regiment.... Yrs., etc.,

WM. WARRE.

A very dreadful accident happened at Salamanca since we left it. A

very large quantity of powder which had been taken in the Fort and was

deposited in the Town caught fire and blew up, in consequence of the

folly of a Spanish Officer, who was guarding it, smoking. Two streets

were, I hear, almost totally destroyed. The whole guard and upwards of

100 Spaniards (inhabitants) killed and wounded, and some soldiers. The

town was otherwise very much damaged and all the windows broke, and in

the greatest confusion, as everybody fled into the country, many _en

chemise_, it having happened at 8 o’clock in the morning. It happened

very near one of our hospitals, but fortunately killed very few of our

sick or wounded. The weather has latterly been exceedingly hot, and it is

very fortunate that we have not been moving, as our people are suffering

a good deal from want of wood and water.

_July 14th._—By an intercepted mail from Paris to Madrid which was taken

by Longa, who killed the 400 men who escorted it except 12, who, he says,

did not show so strong an inclination to leave their bodies there, we

have _Moniteurs_ to the 24th, by which it appears that Boney was arrived

at Konigsberg. Amongst a great many letters, amatory, friendly, etc.,

there is one from the Spanish Ambassador at St Petersburg, who describes

the state of the Russian Armies as very formidable and in excellent

order—both on the frontiers of Poland and Turkey. The Emperor and

Romanzow without any boasting, he says, are quietly determined to try the

event. They wish to settle matters with Napoleon amicably if possible,

but will not even hear of the Commercial system. All the letters

complain of not hearing from their friends in Spain, and of the frequent

interception of the mails by the Guerillas. Adieu—we have nothing new

with this Army. I am well.

* * * * *

SALAMANCA, _July 24, 1812_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I have very, very great pleasure in communicating to you one of the most

decisive and complete victories that was ever gained by the valour and

intrepidity of our brave troops, but alas! my exultation and joy are not

without great diminution, for our brave and excellent Marshal is severely

wounded, as well as a great many of our brave Generals, but for none of

course can I feel as I do for our worthy Marshal. It is, however, though

painful and severe, not _certainly_ a dangerous wound, and this country,

as well as his own, will, I trust, be only temporarily deprived of his

most necessary services and example.

We have been terribly harassed since the 16th, day and night, owing

to Marmont having crossed the Douro by a skilful movement upon Toro,

at which place he sent a force across, and drew our army to that

neighbourhood, and then by a forced march returned and crossed at

Tordesillas, and immediately commenced his manœuvres to turn the right

flank of our army, which forced Lord Wellington gradually to fall back

successively behind the Guarena and Tormes.

On the 18th our army made a forward movement towards Alaejos and Nava

again, but, the Lt. Division coming up with the enemy at Castrejon, a

sharp cannonade and skirmishing took place, and the direction of the Army

was altered to the direction of Torrecilla de la Orden, as the enemy

seemed determined to move round our flank. (It is necessary to observe

that we had retired the night before to Fuente La Peña, Castrello, and

Canizal, in consequence of the enemy having crossed at Toro, and were at

this time advancing, having heard that he had recrossed again and was at

Nava and Alaejos.) Several Divisions were ordered up, and all the Cavalry

to support the Lt. Division, but finding the enemy in great force and

the ground offering no position, we were forced to retire under a heavy

cannonade, which they renewed again as they gained the heights above

the river Guarena. But our loss was very trifling indeed considering.

Towards evening the enemy endeavoured to move round our left flank with

two Divisions, and sent a Brigade to attack a height on which our left

rested, but they were charged most gallantly by the 27th and 40th,

supported by the 11th and 23rd Portuguese, and completely routed, paying

us with great interest for our losses. They lost upwards of 500 men,

of which we took 130 prisoners. The Marshal was at this time slightly

wounded by a grape shot in the thigh, but very slightly, and we had one

Officer killed and about 150 to 160 men killed and wounded. I do not know

what our loss was in the whole day.

On the evening of the 19th we saw the whole of the enemy’s army in

march to turn our right apparently, and the disposition of our army was

altered to La Vallesa, where the next day both armies were at daybreak

close together, and a battle seemed inevitable. Lord Wellington began

to form on a perfect plan to receive them, and they never had a finer

opportunity, but though their whole force seemed to threaten destruction

to our right, they suddenly moved off by their left along some heights,

and Lord Wellington moved his army, in order of Battle, in two lines,

along the plain and halted at night between Cabeça Vellozo and Pitiegna,

our people much harassed and fatigued, as the heat was incessant, and

no water hardly to be found. But I suppose there never was a more

interesting or beautiful sight than that of two hostile armies of upwards

of 35,000 men each moving parallel within a mile and a half of each other

and often within cannon range.

On the 21st our army was forced to cross the Tormes, by Marmont’s moving

round it, and took up a position at night to cover Salamanca, our left

to the Tormes, our right to some isolated heights in rear of Calbaraza

de Ariba and beyond Na. Senora de la Peña, the enemy moving to the woods

nearly ½ way between Alva de Tormes and Calbarasa, having crossed at

Ençina. During all these days there was a great deal of skirmishing and

cannonading on both sides, and we were all greatly harassed and fatigued,

having scarce time to rest or eat, and on horseback all day long, and

the troops suffered much from the excessive heat and almost incessant

marching.

On the forever glorious 22nd we found the enemy at daybreak in our

front, but at a distance, and some skirmishing took place about a hill

they had got in our front, which it was as well that we should have. It

was, however, strongly supported by them, and Lord Welln. did not think

it worth while to lose many lives in retaking it, and our people were

ordered to withdraw.

As the morning advanced the enemy got possession, before our people

could, of a very strong and commanding height which was on our right,

and as they continued to move in that direction the position of our army

was altered, and we every instant expected to be attacked, as the enemy

had the finest opportunity during this change of position. But it was

ordained otherwise by that great and merciful Disposer of all events, and

we remained quiet till a little before 4 in the evening, when the enemy

opened a most tremendous cannonade upon our whole line from, I should

guess, upwards of 50 pieces of cannon, and soon after pushed forward a

crowd of sharpshooters, it should appear, however, only to insult our

army, as they were not supported, and the heavy columns they had on the

hills did not move forward. I suppose that Monr. Marmont, with French

insolence, thought, because we had not attacked him before, and had

moved back to counter manœuvre him and to avoid being turned, that we

were afraid of him, and that he could thus insult us with impunity, but

retribution was at hand, and before sunset he was doomed to pay most

dearly for his impertinence by the entire ruin of his army and loss of at

least ⅓ of it.

About 5 o’clock Lord Wellington ordered our lines to advance, having

previously detailed the 3rd Division and all our Cavalry to turn the

enemy’s left.

The Army moved forward most gallantly under a heavy cannonade to the

attack of the heights on which the enemy was posted, at the same time

that Major General Pakenham with the 3rd Div. attacked the height on

their left and succeeded in forcing it notwithstanding the enemy’s

obstinate resistance, and afterwards advanced along their line,

completely doubling it up, as the rest of the army advanced in its

front. As we came near, they kept up a most galling fire of grape and

musquetry on our line, and in many places stood most gallantly, but it

was impossible to resist the steady though impetuous advance of our brave

troops, which no loss can make waver or delay, and they were soon driven

from their first position to a second behind the right of it, which, our

troops being reformed, was successively attacked, and at last carried,

notwithstanding our people being sometimes repulsed by the gallant

charges of the enemy and the heavy fire of Artillery to which they were

exposed in advancing.

It was near sunset, and in endeavouring to make a Portuguese Brigade

charge the enemy, (who were driving the 4th Division back with 5 Bns.) in

flank, that our excellent Marshal was wounded, while exerting himself,

as he always does with the greatest zeal and gallantry, and by his noble

example, to cover the 4th Divn. by this flank charge. But they soon

rallied and regained the ground they had lost by the sudden attack of the

enemy, and the heights were retaken just as the Marshal was hit.

I was obliged to quit the field with him, and with some difficulty got

him to the rear, and to this place at 11 at night, after having his

wounds drest on the road.

The battle, however, continued with unabated fury till late in the

evening, and the enemy fought at last from despair, but pursued with

undiminished ardour by our troops, notwithstanding the fatigue they

had gone through. They at last broke and fled in all directions in

the most compleat confusion and dismay, followed by our people, who

only halted for the night at two leagues beyond the field in which the

battle commenced, and next day, yesterday, Lord Wellington continued the

pursuit with 10,000 men to near Peñazanda, where the enemy had taken up

a position. Several partial engagements have taken place since, in which

both our Cavalry and Infantry have constantly routed the enemy, who now

desert to us in hundreds every hour.

Marmont is said to have died of his wound. We know he had lost an arm.

The enemy have left upwards, I hear, of 5000 dead on the field on these

three days. We have taken 1 General, 2 Eagles, 2 Standards, 20 guns, and

near 6000 prisoners, but this as well as our loss, which is computed

at 3000 killed and wounded, (but a very large proportion of General

Officers) I tell you from hearsay, as I have not been able to leave the

Marshal since, and the _Gazette_ will tell you better, but I believe it

to be nearly true. Of the Prisoners, 4000 and odd hundred have been sent

off from hence to the rear, and 1500 were taken in one bunch by the 4th

Dragoons, or Heavy Germans, yesterday evening, and I should think I do

not exaggerate at all in stating the loss of the French at from 15 to

16,000 men. There never was a more compleat rout. They are flying in all

directions, and either come or are brought in in hundreds at a time. I am

much annoyed at being here at such a moment, but more a thousand times at

the cause.

I need say nothing in praise of the allied troops: their conduct and

the event speaks stronger in their favour than any words of mine could.

Our Cavalry constantly charged their Infantry and Cavalry, and upset

everything that opposed them. I am very sorry indeed to tell you that

poor General Le Marchant was killed charging at the Head of his Brigade

with his usual gallantry and judgment. He is universally regretted, and

in him the service has lost one of its best Cavalry Officers. I feel very

much for his unfortunate young family now left without father or mother.

Generals Leith, Cole, Sir Stapleton Cotton, are also here wounded but not

dangerously, and Maj.-General Victor Allen badly. We hear that Marmont is

dead of his wounds. It is, I believe, certain that he lost an arm, which

makes this likely. Nearly the whole of the enemy’s Baggage was taken by

the Portuguese 3 Regts. of Cavalry under D’Urban, who behaved very well

indeed, and twice charged the enemy’s Infantry, and once their Cavalry,

with compleat success, and the General speaks in the highest terms of

them.

I mentioned that we remained quiet all day nearly till 4 o’clock, but it

was not so, as there was a great deal of skirmishing and cannonading at

times. The battle made me forget, I suppose, all the rest.