MR. CHAIRMAN:

I cannot remain silent under the sentiment which has just been announced

and so enthusiastically received. That sentiment relates not to myself

but to Kentucky--dearer to me than self. Of Kentucky I have nothing to

say. There she is. In her history, from the period when first penetrated

by the white man as the _dark and bloody ground_, down to the present,

she speaks. The character to which that history entitles her is before

the world. She is proud of it. She is proud of the past; she is proud of

the present. And her pride is patriotic and just. As one of her sons, I

ask to express in her name, the acknowledgments due to the complimentary

notice you have taken of her, a notice not the less complimentary from

its association with the name of Massachusetts.

There is much in the character and history of Massachusetts which should

bind her in the strongest bonds to Kentucky. Your sentiment places them

together: just where they ought to be. Kentucky is willing to occupy the

place you have assigned her. Without respect now to subordinate

differences in past events, both States stand knit together by the

highest and strongest motives by which States can be impelled. I mean

the motive and purpose common to each of maintaining and upholding, in

every extremity and to the very last, the Union of these States and the

Constitution. Massachusetts has proclaimed over and over again her

resolution not to survive them. Nor will Kentucky survive them. She has

embarked her whole destiny--all she has and all she hopes for--in the

Union and the Constitution. Let come what may of public calamity, of

faction, of sectional seduction or intimidation, or evil in any form the

most dreadful to man, Kentucky, like Massachusetts, regards the

overthrow of the Union as more frightful than all. Kentucky acknowledges

no justification for a disruption of the Union that is not a

justification for revolution itself. In that Union, and under that

Constitution, Kentucky means to stand or fall. Kentucky stands by the

Union in her living efforts; she means to hold fast to it in her

expiring groans. With Massachusetts she means to perish, if perish she

must, with hands clenched, in death, upon the Union.

* * * * *

If the occasion allowed it, I should like to say something of old

Massachusetts. I should like to rekindle my own patriotism at her

altars. Here--on this very spot--in this very hall--the sacred flame

of revolutionary liberty first ascended. Here it has ever ascended. It

has never been smothered--never dimmed. Perpetual--clear--holy! Behold

its inspirations here in your midst! Where are the doctrines of the

Union and the Constitution so incessantly inculcated as here? Where

are those doctrines so enthusiastically adopted as here? The

principles of the Union and the Constitution--for us another name for

the principles of liberty which cannot survive their overthrow--will,

in after ages, trace with delight their lineage through you. The blood

of freedom is here pure. To be allied to it is to be ennobled.

_Massachusetts!_ Which of her multitude of virtues shall I commend?

How can I discriminate? I will not attempt it. I take her as she is

and all together--I give--_Old Massachusetts!_ God bless her!

Kentucky in American Letters, 1784-1912. Vol. 1 of 2 · 第 150 / 300 题