The Rev. Eliphalet was really an excellent organizer. He had been

originally the business manager of a circus. His advertisements, his

posters, his hand-bills, in his old occupation, were prepared with all

the gorgeous imagery of the East. He did not forget his old tactics in

his new profession. Immediately on his arrival in Frogtown he grappled

the newspapers. He begged, bullied, or badgered the editors until they

noticed him. He set the Christian Juveniles and the kindred societies to

work, with whom, of course, there was no difficulty. In a couple of days

he succeeded in drawing around him the clergymen of every denomination,

except the Episcopalian and Unitarian. Some of these, however, went much

against their will. The Episcopalian minister--a gentle, amiable man--was

very loath at first; but the pressure brought to bear upon him was too

strong. He finally succumbed and joined in what was called a Union

Christian Meeting of all the Protestant congregations. This important

point achieved, Mr. Notext had three of the “best workers” in each

congregation selected. These he sent among the people to raise the sinews

of war, without which no campaign, whether sacred or profane, can be

conducted to a successful issue. Mr. Notext’s terms were reasonable--only

three hundred dollars a week and found. A man must live; and when a man

works hard--as Mr. Notext undoubtedly did--he must live well, or he

cannot stand the strain on his physical and mental strength. Then, there

were blank weeks when he had no revival in hand, and probably a hotel

bill to pay. Taking these things into consideration, any reasonable

person will allow that three hundred dollars a week and found was not an

exorbitant price.

Mr. Notext had a large tent which the profane said had been formerly

used in his old business. It was pitched in a vacant lot within the city

limits, and could accommodate about fifteen hundred persons. Mr. Notext

prevailed on the clergymen who united with him to close their churches

on the first Sunday of his revival. On the previous Friday he gathered

around him a number of male and female enthusiasts. Accompanied by these

people, organized in squads and led by the regular revival practitioners

who did what is profanely termed the “side-show” business in all Mr.

Notext’s tours, he sang hymns in front of every drinking-saloon in the

town. The instrumental accompaniment to the singing was furnished by a

melodeon, which was carried about in a one-horse cart.

On Sunday the union meetings began, and, notwithstanding a heavy

rain, the tent was full. A large platform had been erected inside,

and near the door was a table on which were exposed for sale a great

variety of contributions to religious literature, all by one author,

who had evidently tried every string of the religious lyre. There were

collections of hymns by the Rev. Mr. Notext; tracts by the Rev. Mr.

Notext; sermons by the Rev. Mr. Notext; tales for the young by the Rev.

Mr. Notext; appeals to the old by the Rev. Mr. Notext; reasons for the

middle-aged by the Rev. Mr. Notext, etc., etc. There were photographs, in

every style, of the Rev. Mr. Notext, as well as likenesses of remarkable

converts who had been remarkable rascals until they “got religion”

through the efforts of the Rev. Mr. Notext.

On the platform were seated the shepherds of most of the flocks in

Frogtown. Some among them, it is true, did not seem quite at home in that

situation, but they had to be there. In the centre of the platform was an

organ, which furnished the instrumental music. On each side of the organ

seats were arranged for a volunteer choir. Fully half those present were

children.

The Rev. Eliphalet Notext was introduced to the audience by the minister

of the Methodist church. The revivalist was a stout, fair-haired,

fresh-colored, rather pleasant-looking man, inclined to corpulency,

evidently not an ascetic, and gifted with no inconsiderable share of

physical energy and magnetism.

“I wish all persons who can sing to come on the platform and occupy the

seats to the right and left of the organ,” he began.

No movement was made in response to this call. It was repeated with a

better result. A dozen young ladies summoned up enough courage to mount

the platform.

“This will never do!” cried Mr. Notext. “I want every person present who

can sing right here on this stand. We can’t get along without music and

plenty of it.”

“Brethren,” he continued, turning toward the clergymen on the platform,

“you know the singers in your congregations; go among them and send them

up here. Everybody must put his shoulder to the wheel in the great work

of bringing souls to Jesus.”

The brethren meekly did as they were bid. They soon succeeded in filling

the seats reserved for the singers. These numbered about one hundred.

“That’s more like it,” said Mr. Notext approvingly. “Now, my friends, we

will begin by singing a hymn. I want everybody to join in.” (A nod to the

organist, who began to play.)

The singing was rather timid at first, but, led by Mr. Notext, the

singers rapidly gained confidence, and soon rolled forth in full chorus.

Having fairly launched them, their leader, after the first verse, left

them to take care of themselves. The singing was really good. The rich

volume of harmony drowned the commonplace melody and the vulgar words.

Thus Brother Notext was successful in the production of his first effect.

It was evident that he depended much on the singing. There is nothing

like a grand mass of choral music to excite the sensibilities. After two

or three hymns, the revivalist had his audience in a highly emotional

condition. “I want all the children together in front!” shouted Mr.

Notext. “_Ad_ults [the accent on the first syllable] will retire to the

back seats. Don’t stop the music! Keep up the singing! Go on! go on!”

Then he ran to the organ, whispered something to the organist, and led

off with

“Oh! you must be a lover of the Lord,

Or you won’t go to heaven when you die,”

leaving the singers to sing it out for themselves after the first two or

three lines.

It took some time to get all the children to the front. If the music

flagged, Mr. Notext shouted to the singers to “keep it up.” From time to

time he would rush to the organ, pick up a hymn-book in a frantic manner,

and lead off with a new hymn, waving his hands in cadence, but, with a

due regard for his lungs, not singing a note more than was absolutely

necessary to start the other singers afresh.

The fathers and mothers of the little ones, softened by the music, looked

with moistened eyes on their children as the latter took their seats. The

American people are very fond of children when they are old enough to

walk and talk and be interesting. Mr. Notext was alive to this fact. Even

the worst criminal or the most cynical man of the world cannot help being

touched while music charms his ears and his eyes look on the beautiful

spectacle of childish innocence. Mr. Notext evidently knew the more

amiable weaknesses of human nature. He appealed to the senses and the

affections, and won over the fathers and mothers through the children.

“Now, my little friends,” said Mr. Notext, “I wish you all to keep

perfectly silent while I am talking to you. This first meeting is

especially for you.”

There was considerable buzzing among the little ones.

“I must have silence, if I am to do anything with these children,” said

Mr. Notext rather testily, and in a tone which showed that he would not

scruple to apply the birch to his little friends if they did not keep

quiet. “The slightest noise distracts their attention. There are some

boys to the right there who are still talking! I wish some one would stop

them.”

A softly-stepping gentleman with long hair and green goggles went to the

designated group, remonstrated with, and finally succeeded in silencing,

them. Then Mr. Notext began his sermon to the children. He told the

story of the Passion in a manner which, though it inexpressibly shocked

Christians of the old-fashioned kind who happened to be present, was

exceedingly dramatic--“realistic” in the highest degree, to borrow a

word from the modern play-bill. Suddenly he broke off and said rather

excitedly:

“There is a boy on the fourth bench who persists in talking. I must have

absolute silence, or I cannot hold the attention of these children.

The slightest noise distracts them and takes their minds away from the

picture I am endeavoring to present to them. It is that red-haired boy!

Will somebody please to take him away?” Several pious gentlemen bore

down on the poor little red-haired urchin, and all chance of “getting

religion” was taken away from him for the nonce by his summary removal.

When silence was restored, Mr. Notext resumed the story. When describing

how the divine Victim was buffeted and spat upon, he administered to

himself sounding slaps on the face, now with the left hand, now with the

right. He placed an imaginary crown of thorns on his head, pressed the

sharp points into his forehead, and, passing the open fingers of both

hands over his closed eyes and down his face, traced the streams of blood

trickling from the cruel wounds. Tears already rolled down the cheeks of

the little ones. When he reached the nailing to the cross, he produced a

large spike, exhibited it to the children, and went through the semblance

of driving it into his flesh. An outburst of sobs interrupted him. Some

of the children screamed in very terror. The desired effect was produced.

Many fathers and mothers, touched by the emotion and terror of their

children, wept in sympathy with them.

“Now the music!” shouted Mr. Notext, stamping with impatience, as if he

wanted a tardy patient to swallow a Sedlitz-powder in the proper moment

of effervescence. “Now the music!” And he led off with

“Oh! you must be a lover of the Lord,

Or you won’t go to heaven when you die!”

He shouted to the “workers” to go among the people and ask them to “come

to Jesus.” A crowd of “workers,” some professional, some enthusiastic

volunteers, broke loose upon the audience. They seized people by the

hands. They embraced them. They inquired: “How do you feel now? Do you

not feel that Jesus is calling you?” They begged them to come to Jesus at

once. They asked them if they were “Ker-istians.”

One of the workers met two gentlemen who entered together and were

evidently present through curiosity. Of the first, who seemed to be a

cool, keen, self-poised business man, the worker asked the stereotyped

question:

“Are you a Ker-istian?”

“Of course, of course,” said the self-possessed business man.

The worker passed on, perfectly satisfied with the off-hand declaration.

He repeated the question to the gentleman’s companion, who, possessed of

less assurance, hesitated and humbly replied:

“I trust so.”

The worker immediately grappled the sensitive gentleman, much to his

mortification, and it was some time before he succeeded in effecting

his escape, regretting, doubtless, that he had not made as prompt and

satisfactory a profession of faith as that of his companion.

The “inquiry meeting,” as the exercises toward the close were named, was

continued until late in the afternoon. When the children were dismissed,

they were instructed to beg their parents to come to Jesus--to entreat

them, with tears if necessary, until they consented. A Presbyterian

gentleman of the old school, describing his sensations after the meeting

was over, said:

“I cannot deny that I was affected. I felt tears coming to my eyes--why,

I could not tell. The effect, however, was entirely physical. My reason

had nothing to do with it. It condemned the whole thing as merely

calculated to get up an unhealthy excitement, which, even if not

injurious, would be fleeting in its effect. I noticed some nervous women

almost worked up into spasms. As to the children, they were goaded into

a state of nervousness and terror which was pitiable to see. I can only

compare my own condition to that of a man who had drunk freely. While

the effect lasted I was capable of making a fool of myself, being all

the while aware that I was doing so. Sunlight and air have dispelled the

intoxication, and now nothing remains but nausea.

“I am disgusted with such claptrap, and ashamed of myself for having been

affected by it, however temporarily and slightly.”

The progress made on the first Sunday of the revival was duly chronicled

in the newspapers of the day following. It was announced that hundreds of

children had been awakened to a sense of their sinful condition. A little

girl--four years old--had recognized that she was thoroughly steeped

in sin. She had had no idea of the condition of her soul until she was

roused to it by Mr. Notext’s preaching. She was now perfectly happy. She

had experienced religion. She knew she was forgiven. She had gone to

Jesus, and Jesus had come to her. She had sought Mr. Notext’s lodgings,

leading her father with one hand and her mother with the other.

Charley Biggs--the well-known drunken alderman--was among the converted.

He had “got religion,” and was resolved henceforth to touch the

time-honored toddy nevermore.

A belated “local” of one of the newspapers, while returning to his

lodgings on the previous evening, had his coat-tail pulled, much to his

surprise, by a little girl about six years old.

“Please, sir,” she asked, “do you know Jesus?”

The “local” was struck dumb.

“O sir!” she continued, “won’t you please come to Jesus?”

This was enough. The hard heart-of the “local” was touched. He sobbed, he

wept, he cried aloud. He fell upon his knees. The little girl fell on

hers. They sang:

“Come to Jesus,

Come to Jesus,

Come to Jesus just now,” etc.

When the “local” rose, after the conclusion of the singing, he took

the little girl’s hand and went whither she led him. He, too, had “got

religion”--somewhat as one gets a _coup de soleil_ or a stroke of

paralysis.

The opposition dailies mildly called attention to the purely emotional

character of the effects produced. They expressed their fears that the

moral and physical result of factitious excitement on minds of tender

years might be the reverse of healthy. The next day the melodeon was

carted about again and the singing continued on the sidewalks and in

front of the drinking-saloons. Mr. Notext’s machinery was in full blast.

The meeting on the second evening was devoted principally to grown

people. The tent was full. The choir was strengthened by additional

voices, and the music was good of its kind.

After half a dozen hymns had been sung, Mr. Notext began his sermon--by

courtesy so-called. He first spoke of the number of persons he had

converted at home and abroad. For he had been “abroad,” as he took care

to let his audience know. He had been the guest and the favored companion

of the Duchess of Skippington, of the Earl of Whitefriars, of Lord This

and Lady That, and the Countess of Thingumy. In Scotland and in Ireland

immense crowds followed him and “got religion.” He converted three

thousand people in a single town in Ireland. Since the meeting on the

previous day, many children, and many adults as well, had visited him at

his lodgings. Some who came to the tent “to make fun” went away full of

religion. He would now let a dear little friend of his tell his own story

in his own way.

A red-haired youngster, about thirteen, was introduced to the audience as

the nephew of a prominent and well-known official in a neighboring town.

(It was afterwards stated, by the way, that the official in question had

not a nephew in the world. No doubt the youngster imposed on Mr. Notext.)

If ever there were a thoroughly “bad boy,” this youngster was one, or--as

may be very possible--his face belied him atrociously. Mr. Notext placed

his arm dramatically--affectionately, rather--around the young rogue’s

neck, and led him to the front of the platform. The boy looked at the

audience with a leer, half-impudent, half-jocular, and then gave his

experiences glibly in a very harsh treble:

“When first I heard that Rev. Mr. Notext was going to get up a revival, I

joked about it with other boys, and said he couldn’t convert me; and the

night of the first meeting I said to the other boys--who were bad boys,

too--for us to go along and make fun. And so we did. And I came to laugh

at Mr. Notext and to make fun. And somehow--I don’t know how it was--I

got religion, and I was converted; and now I am very happy, and I love

Mr. Notext, and I am going with him to Smithersville when he gets through

here. And I am very happy since I was converted and became a good boy.”

(Sensation among the audience, and music by the choir in response to Mr.

Notext’s call.)

Another juvenile convert was brought forward. He repeated substantially

the same story as his predecessor, though more diffidently. (More music

by the choir.)

Mr. Notext now told the affecting story of “little Jimmy.” Little Jimmy

was a native of Hindostan. He lived in some town ending in _an_. There

was in that town a missionary school. Jimmy’s master was a very bad

man--cruel, tyrannical. He forbade Jimmy to go to the mission-school.

But Jimmy went, nevertheless, whenever he could. The master was a true

believer in the national religion of Hindostan. He believed that Jimmy

would go to perdition if he left his ancestral faith to embrace the

national religion--or rather the governmental religion--of Great Britain.

Jimmy would return from his visits to the mission-school in a very happy

mood, singing as he went:

“Yes, I love Jesus,

Yes, I love Jesus,

I know, I know I do,” etc.

Mr. Notext gave an operatic rendering of the scene of Jimmy going home

singing the above words. One day the master heard Jimmy, and was roused

to a state of fury. He forbade the boy to sing the song. But Jimmy would

sing it (Mr. Notext did not say whether Jimmy sang the hymn in English

or Hindostanee). Then the brutal master took an enormous cowhide--or

the Hindostanee punitive equivalent thereto--and belabored poor Jimmy.

But Jimmy continued to sing, though the tears rolled down his cheeks

from pain. And the master flogged; and Jimmy sang. And still the master

flogged and flogged. And still Jimmy sang and sang and sang. It was like

the famous fight in Arkansas, wherein the combatants “fit and fit and

fit.” But there must be an end of everything--even of an Arkansas fight.

The struggle lasted for hours. Exhausted nature finally gave way, and

poor little Jimmy died under the lash, singing with his last breath:

“Yes, I love Jesus,

Yes, I love Jesus,

I know, I know I do.”

“Now, my friends,” said Mr. Notext, “I want you all to stand up for Jesus

and sing poor little Jimmy’s song.” And Mr. Notext led off. The choir

followed his example; but the audience remained seated.

“I want to know,” said Mr. Notext rather testily, “how many Christians

there are in this assembly. I want every one of them to stand up!”

Several persons now stood up, and gradually the action began to spread,

like yawning in a lecture-room. There were still many, however, who

had not hearkened to Mr. Notext’s summons to stand up. He called

attention to them, and bade some of the brethren go to them and talk

them into an erect position. Some of the recalcitrants, evidently to

avoid importunity, stood up. The rest also stood up, and hurriedly left

the tent, followed by an angry scowl from Mr. Notext. After a little

hesitation, he said: “We will now once more sing little Jimmy’s hymn.”

And when the hymn was sung, the meeting dispersed.

Next morning the friendly newspapers chronicled the wonderful success

of Mr. Notext’s efforts. The number of converts was miraculously large.

Two thousand persons had stood up for Jesus. The meetings were continued

during the week. The _modus operandi_ was about the same. Mr. Notext

repeated himself so often that interest began to languish and his _coups

de théâtre_ to grow flat and stale. When he was at a loss for words to

continue one of his disjointed discourses, he took refuge in music and

hymns.

“Brethren, let us sing:

“Come to Jesus!

Come to Jesus!

Come to Jesus just now,” etc.

When his vulgar and often unintentionally blasphemous exhortations

failed to hold the attention of his hearers, and Morpheus was making

fight against him in sundry corners of the tent, he would suddenly call

in his loudest tones on all present to stand up for Jesus. In cases of

very marked inattention, he would summon his hearers, and particularly

the children, to write down their names for Jesus in a large book kept

for that purpose by the great revivalist. This stroke generally roused

the audience pretty thoroughly. But when the children had written their

names in the book three or four times, they began to grow tired of the

practice, thinking that, if these writing lessons were continued, they

might as well be at school.

In the beginning of the second week there were unmistakable signs of

impending collapse. The revival received a momentary impulse, however,

from the opposition of another “Reverend Doctor,” who challenged Mr.

Notext to controversy. This aroused the natural desire to witness a

“fight” which lives in the human heart. But the desire was not gratified,

owing to Mr. Notext’s refusal to accept the challenge. His failure to

exhibit a proper polemical pugnacity was a very great detriment to him.

Indeed, the end of the second week showed a marked falling off in the

number of persons present at the nightly meetings. Then the sinews of

war began to fail. The weekly wage of the great revivalist could not

be raised, though he thrice sent back “the best workers” in all the

congregations to make additional efforts to raise the stipulated sum.

The Rev. Dr. Notext did not tarry very much longer in Frogtown. He

had barely turned his back upon the little town before every trace of

the “great tidal wave of the revival” (as the journals called it) had

disappeared. The youthful converts had gone back to their peg tops, their

kites, and their china alleys, and Alderman Charley Biggs was again

taking his whiskey-toddies in the time-honored way.

THE PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE.

The President’s message, so far as it deals with the school question and

the taxation of church property, is the sequel to the speech which he

delivered at Des Moines. The article on that oration which appeared in

our last number was, to some extent, an exposition of our views on the

school question.

We are sure that those views, when carefully examined, will be

found to contain the only solution in harmony with the spirit of

free institutions. We are willing to submit to the fairness of our

fellow-citizens, and to wait until time and thought have matured their

judgment on the following questions:

1. Who has a right to direct the education of children--their parents or

the government?

2. Whether, in a republic whose form of government depends more than

any other upon the virtue of its citizens, it is better to have moral

instruction given in abundance, or to have this species of instruction

restricted to the narrowest limits?

3. Whether it is the design of a free government to legislate for all, or

whether public institutions--the common schools, for instance--are to be

directed only for the benefit of certain classes?

4. Whether moneys raised by taxation for the common good should not be so

applied as to satisfy the conscientious demands of all citizens?

5. Whether taxation otherwise directed than for the good of all is not a

violation of the maxim, “Taxation without representation is tyranny”?

6. Whether Catholics have or have not shown zeal for education, both

primary and scientific?

7. Whether they have or have not shed their blood in defence of the

nation, or furnished any of its great leaders in peace and war?

8. Whether any instance can be shown in which they have entered or

inhabited any country on equal terms with Protestants and infidels, and

have abused their power to hamper or persecute their fellow-citizens?

9. Whether, in paying their taxes and supporting their own schools to

the best of their power, peacefully discussing the question of public

welfare and their own rights, Catholics are acting as loyal citizens or

as factious disturbers of good-will and kindly feeling among neighbors?

10. Finally, whether, in consideration of the foregoing, our views are

not entitled to respectful consideration?

We have no doubt whatever that when the thoughtful and just men of our

day and race have duly pondered upon these subjects, we shall fully agree

with their deliberate reply.

At no time in the history of our country will it be found that Catholics

have introduced religion into the arena of political discussion, and any

attempt to do so will meet with failure. In this they are in perfect

accord with the principles underlying our institutions and the genuine

spirit of this country. If, at this moment, the rancor of ancient bigotry

and fanaticism or modern hatred of Christianity has attempted to awaken a

political conflict on religious grounds, while it refuses to admit a calm

consideration of Catholic claims, we appeal from Philip drunk to Philip

sober.

In the meantime, we shall assume, that there are those who wish to hear

more with regard to our principles and convictions. We shall endeavor to

remove all obscurity on the questions now under discussion, and to reply

to whatever reasonable objections may be made against our principles.

With regard to the taxation of church property, we await the action of

the political world. Some politicians, whose “vaulting ambition” is of

that kind which “o’erleaps itself,” would introduce this question into

political discussion in order to draw off the attention of the American

people from the real, present issues in their politics. We ask for no

innovations; but if such be made, let there be no discrimination. We

stand before the law as do all other religious denominations. “Let us

have peace” were the memorable words spoken at a memorable time by a man

who to a large extent held the future of this country in his hands. Those

words held, and hold still, the germs of the wisest policy. We repeat

them now, and add, if we cannot have peace, let us at least have fair

play. If the projectors and advocates of this innovation suppose that, in

the event of its being carried out, they will thereby worst the Catholic

Church, their action in the end will be found to resemble that of the man

who cut off his nose to spite his neighbor.

Since these words were written, four letters have appeared in the New

York _Times_ under the heading, “Should Church Property be Taxed?” and

over the signature of George H. Andrews. The writer is not a Catholic.

His clear, concise reasons against the taxation of church property, as

recommended by the President in his message, will have the more weight

with non-Catholic readers on that account. It is singular, yet natural,

to see how his argument strengthens our own position on the question in

a number of ways, particularly as regards the suicidal policy of many

who, through hatred or fear of the Catholic Church, may be induced to

commit themselves to a measure which would prove an irreparable mischief

to their own church or churches. Passing by the many able and suggestive

points in Mr. Andrews’ letters, we take just such as more immediately

bear on the thoughts thrown out by ourselves.

By the census of 1870 the value of all kinds of church property in the

United States belonging to the leading denominations was placed as

follows:

Methodist, $69,854,121

Roman Catholic, 60,935,556

Presbyterian, 53,265,256

Baptist, 41,608,198

Episcopalian, 36,514,549

Congregational, 25,069,698

Reformed, 16,134,470

Lutheran, 14,917,747

Unitarian, 6,282,675

Universalist, 5,692,325

Others, 24,000,000

-------------

$354,324,595

“From these it appears,” says Mr. Andrews, “that the relative proportion

of each denomination to the whole is substantially as follows:

“Methodist, one-fifth of the aggregate; Roman Catholic, one-sixth

of the aggregate; Presbyterian, one-seventh of the aggregate;

Baptist, one-ninth of the aggregate; Episcopalian, one-tenth of the

aggregate; Congregational, one-fourteenth of the aggregate; Reformed,

one-twenty-second of the aggregate; Lutheran, one-twenty-third of the

aggregate; Unitarian, one-fifty-ninth of the aggregate; Universalist,

one-sixtieth of the aggregate.”

And here is the case in a nutshell: “To me it seems obvious,” comments

Mr. Andrews, on reviewing his figures, “that the expectation is that

those who belong or are allied to other sects will, from dislike to or

fear of the Roman Catholic Church, impose a burden upon it, even if in

doing so they are obliged to assume an equal burden themselves; or, in

other words, that the owners of $294,000,000 of church property will

subject it to taxation in order to impose a similar tax upon the owners

of $60,000,000 of church property. So that the adherents of every other

sect, at variance among themselves about sundry matters of doctrine and

practice, essential and non-essential, can be brought to act in concert,

and to give effect to a common spirit of hostility to Roman Catholic

doctrine, to Roman Catholic exclusiveness, Roman Catholic aggression, and

Roman Catholic influence, by placing a tax upon Roman Catholic Church

property--in effect, arousing a spirit of persecution, qualified by the

condition imposed by the Constitution, that the would-be persecutor must

share in the penalty he may succeed in imposing upon the object of his

dislike.” Which is precisely what we have characterized as “cutting off

one’s nose to spite a neighbor.”

May we presume to ask whether the taxation of church property will reduce

the expenses of the general government, render its officials more honest,

and purify our legislative halls? These are the duties of the hour. Here

are the issues of our politics. But a profound silence regarding them

reigns in the official utterance. Are the projectors of the new policy

afraid to face them? Does their conscience make cowards of them? Or is it

that they are playing the part of the cuttle-fish?

Up to this period the state and all religious denominations have advanced

peaceably to prosperity, and there have been no real grounds of complaint

on any side. At least we have heard of none publicly. What, then, has

brought about this sudden change? Who has called for it? Why should

it be sprung upon us at this moment? No danger threatens from this

quarter. There is not visible on our political horizon even the “cloud

no bigger than a man’s hand.” Catholics, when only a handful, never

dreamed of objecting to the exemption from taxation of the property of

other religious denominations, or to the aid which their benevolent

institutions received. Can it be the rapid development of Catholicity

here which has prompted the proposed innovation? Are these exemptions,

which have been handed down from the time of our fathers, to be altered

because Catholicity has had her share in the common progress? Let truth

and error grapple on a fair and open field. Is there fear that truth will

be worsted in the struggle?

If the exemption of church property from taxation be so great an evil

and danger to the country, those whom Americans generally are content to

regard as their great statesmen must have been very short-sighted men

after all to pass by, one after another, so glaring an evil. For the

growth of church property is not a thing of to-day. In his message the

President says that he believes that “in 1850 the church property of the

United States which paid no tax, municipal or State, amounted to about

eighty-three million dollars. In 1860 the amount had doubled. In 1875 it

is about one thousand million dollars.”

Mr. Andrews questions the estimate for 1875 on the ground that it is too

high. But let that pass. The following table, given by Mr. Andrews, shows

the increase in value, according to the census, of the property of the

ten principal churches for the last twenty years:

1850 1860 1870

Methodist, $14,825,670 $33,683,371 $69,854,121

Roman Catholic, 9,256,753 26,744,119 60,985,556

Presbyterian, 14,543,780 24,227,359 53,265,256

Baptist, 11,620,855 19,789,378 41,608,198

Episcopalian, 11,375,610 21,665,698 36,514,549

Congregational, 8,001,995 13,327,511 25,069,698

Reformed, 4,116,280 4,453,820 16,134,470

Lutheran, 2,909,711 5,385,179 14,917,747

Unitarian, 3,280,822 4,338,316 6,282,675

Universalist, 1,718,316 2,856,095 5,692,325

------------- ------------- -------------

$81,649,797 $156,470,846 $330,324,595

The gradation, it will be seen, has been pretty steady, and is

comparatively no more marked in 1870 than it was in 1860, or than it was,

probably, in 1850. In that year, however, the Catholics were led by four

religious bodies, and almost equalled by one. Ten years later they stood

second, and after another ten years second still. Surrounded as they are

by jealous foes, they offer fair game, therefore, to men in search of

political prey. All was right so long as the others reaped an advantage

over Catholics; but the moment there appears any prospect of Catholics

reaping an advantage equally with the rest, the cry is: The country is in

danger, and can only be saved by taxing church property. Who so blind as

not to see through this flimsy pretext?

Not Mr. Andrews certainly, and no words of ours could be more forcible

than his. “Discarding all circumlocution,” he writes, “it is as well to

get down at once to the bottom fact, which is that whatever euphemistic

phrases may be resorted to, a desire to obstruct the growth and

circumscribe the influence of the Roman Catholic Church gives whatever

vitality it may possess to the proposition to tax church property.”

But supposing this change to be made, is it to be imagined for a moment

that the progress of the church will be stopped by it? That is futile.

If, though so few in numbers and at a great disadvantage, the church was

able to raise herself to her present position; if, when the exemptions

were all in favor of other denominations, Catholics were able to make

so great a progress, is it to be supposed that by these changes, and

by placing other denominations on an equality with Catholics, the

advancement of the Catholic Church is to be retarded?

We have been trained in the stern school of poverty. We are accustomed to

sacrifice. Our clergy do not receive high salaries. The personal expenses

of his Eminence the Cardinal-Archbishop are much less than those of

many a clerical family in New York City. Wherever we have arms to work

with, the church of God shall not lack all that is necessary to give it

dignity, even if we have to pay taxes for it besides. In Ireland the

priests and people have shared their crust in the midst of the famine,

and in fear of death, until within a few years. In Germany we are now

about to part with our property, under the wicked injustice of the state,

rather than submit to its interference in the affairs of conscience. Is

any person foolish enough to imagine that a few dollars, more or less,

of taxation is going to dishearten or frighten us? If you want to make

our people more liberal, if you want to see grand Catholic churches and

the cross overtopping roof and spire in every city, just put us on our

mettle. Persecution is our legacy. Martyrdom is our life. The cross on

our brows is no empty symbol. These are our feelings. We have no alarm

whatever.

These proposed innovations are only the entrance of a wedge that, driven

home, will disturb the foundations of our government; will create

religious strife, and blast the hopes of freedom, not only in this

country, but all the world over. They count, however, without their

host who think that the American people are prepared to enter on such

a career; and the politicians who hope to ride into power by awakening

the spirit of fanaticism and religious bigotry among us, if their names

be held in memory at all, will at no remote period be pointed out with

the finger of scorn and contumely as the disturbers of that peace and

harmony which ought always to reign in a just people, and which it is the

true policy of all government and the duty of all citizens to foster and

maintain. We say nothing at the present regarding the unconstitutionality

of these proposed innovations, and of the secret banding together of men

to carry them out.

A NIGHT AT THE GRANDE CHARTREUSE.

FROM THE FRENCH OF SAINT-GENEST.

It is near midnight. I am alone in my cell, awaiting the mysterious guide

who brought me hither, and who will return to call me for the office of

Matins.

I listen to every sound, seeking to understand its language. During the

first hour I still heard steps from time to time in the distance; then

I half opened my door and looked outside. At the end of the cloister a

white figure appeared, carrying a small light in its hand. It approached

at a slow pace, stopped near a pillar, and disappeared under the arches.

Sometimes I have seen other shadows pass along, and have heard a few

low-spoken words, … bells which answered each other; then, little by

little, everything is extinguished and silent.… There is not another

sound, another breath; … but still I listen, and cannot cease to listen.

Is it indeed myself who am in this monastery? Was I, only to-day, yet in

the midst of the living? Can one single day comprise so many things? This

which is just ending has been so full, so strange, that I cannot well

recount all that has happened in it.

And yet it was but this morning that I was at Aix, in the midst of light

and noise and gayety.… The children were gambolling around me! All at

once some one said: “Suppose we go to the Grande Chartreuse!” It was said

just as one would say anything else. We set out, as if for an ordinary

excursion, a party of pleasure. Mme. B---- had provisions in readiness,

which were increased by the additions of other members of the party, and

we start in the midst of lively speeches and merriment.

So long as we proceed along the valley this is all very well. The road

rises and descends, running through the vineyards, skirting the rocks,

while the warm breath of the south gently moves the surrounding verdure.

Then, after piercing the flank of the mountain, it slopes down toward the

plains of Dauphine, discovering a horizon all bathed in light.

It is after passing Saint Laurent, at the foot of the _Desert_, and in

perceiving the entrance of the gorge, that one begins to understand

something more; … it is then that jesting is silenced and gayety grows

grave.

Then, on arriving at the Guiers-Mort, we become altogether dumb. Already

we had ceased to laugh; we now ceased to speak, but regarded with a

sort of stupefaction this road without issue, which seemed to end in

chaos. The mountains rose defiantly before us, overlapping and mingling

with each other, and here and there barring the way with huge masses of

precipitous rock; the gigantic trees seem to rise to the clouds, and

torrents from unknown heights fall as if from heaven, while the rocks

crowd upon, before, around, and seem to say, “No farther shall you

go.” As we come to a turn, it seems as if all progress were indeed at

an end; two immense blocks fallen across each other completely close

the horizon.… We approach them, however, and it opens again, the rocks

forming a sort of Titanic vaulted roof overhead, and falling again in

the form of three bridges, one above the other, the horses continuing to

climb a road which the eye cannot take in.

And whilst one is lost in these abysses, what a perfect dream of splendor

begins to break overhead! Meadows of the most exquisite green seem as if

suspended far above us, silvery rocks jutting out from among their black

firs, gigantic oaks grasping the heights of the precipices, their crowns

of verdure glittering in the wind.… It is a fantastic apparition. One

has visions in one’s childhood of unknown regions, of enchanted forests

guarded by genii, but one never thought to contemplate these marvels in

reality.

Then, all at once, the mountains separate, the torrents disappear, and in

the midst of a gorge rise battlements and spires.… It is the monastery.

There it stands, guarded by these lofty sentinels, in this sombre

amphitheatre, which would be desolation itself if God had not scattered

there all the magical beauties of his creation.

There is not a village, not a cottage, not a wayfarer--nothing; there is

La Chartreuse. No solitude can be compared to that!

On the summit of St. Bernard and of the Simplon monasteries destined

for the relief of travellers present themselves to the passage of the

nations. In the sandy deserts the most isolated convents find themselves

in the road of the caravans; but here this road conducts to nothing--it

is a silent gorge; it is the Valley of Contemplation; it is the greatest

solitude that one can imagine.

And when from those heights one has seen the gradual approach of night;

seen these masses of rock and of verdure enfolded in the vast shadows;

and, at the summons of the monastery bell, has seen the last of the white

robes descend from the mountain, he feels that it is one of those moments

in a life which will never be forgotten. Then, after having stayed awhile

to contemplate this scene, I rose and came to knock at this door, which

has been to so many others as the gate of the tomb.… A Carthusian monk

brought me to my cell, went his way in silence, and since then I have

been left to my reflections.

There are, then, men who in the morning were in their homes, in the midst

of their friends, in life, and stir, and the noise of the outer world.…

They have climbed this mountain, they have sought this _Desert_, have

knocked at this gate; it has closed upon them, … and for ever.

They have, as I, sat down at this table; they have gazed at the walls of

their cell, and have said to themselves: “Behold henceforth my horizon.”

Then they have heard the sound of these bells, the echo of these

litanies, and they have said to themselves: “We shall henceforth hear no

other voice.”

You see, one reads these things in the works of poets, one sees them

represented in the drama; but one must find one’s self actually in a real

cell, and one must sleep there, to conceive anything of the reality of a

monastic life.

To awake here in the morning; to rise and eat, alone, the food which

comes to you through a little wicket, like that of a prisoner; to meet,

when one traverses the cloister, other shadows who salute you in silence;

to go from the church to the cell, from the cell to the church, and to

say to one’s self that it is always and always to be the same!

Always!… All through life; or rather, there is no more life, no more

space, no more time. It is the beginning of eternity. One is on the

threshold of the infinite, and it seems as if all this nature had only

been created to give these men a beginning of eternal repose.

Always alone! The thought crushes one. No more to receive anything from

without; to nourish one’s self with spiritualities alone; to meditate,

contemplate, and pray. To pray always: … to pray for those who never pray

themselves; to pray for those who have shattered your life, and who, may

be, have led you hither; … to pray for those who have despoiled your

monastery and outraged your habit--even for the impious ones who come to

insult you in your very hospitality! And for all this one thing alone

suffices: faith.

A bell has rung; it is the hour of Matins. Some one knocks at my door. I

open, and they conduct me to the little stall reserved for travellers.

At first the obscurity is so great that it is difficult to distinguish

anything. The church is empty, and none of the tapers are lighted. Then

a door opens in the distance, and the monks enter in procession, each

holding a long dark-lantern, of which the slanting gleams dimly lessen

the darkness of the chapel. They repair to their stalls, and the Office

begins.

It consists principally of a monotonous psalmody of an implacable rhythm,

of which one scarcely perceives the first murmurs, and which seems as if

it would never end. I gaze at these tall white figures, these motionless

heads.… What has been the drama of life to each one? What changes,

without and within, have led them there? What have they suffered? And do

they suffer still? What has the rule of their order done for them?--and

still the psalmody goes on.

At times they rise, uttering what seems to be a sort of lamentation; then

they fall prostrate, with their arms stretched out before them; all the

lights disappear; there is nothing but darkness and silence; it seems as

if man himself were extinguished. After which the lights reappear, the

psalmody recommences, and thus it continues.

* * * * *

When the rising sun shone upon the summits of the rocks, I rose from my

pallet, exclaiming: “The light at last! Hail to the light!” I open my

window and look out.… There is no other place like this; such as it was

in the night, such is it in the day. In vain may the sun mount above the

horizon to bring warmth into this gorge--the monastery remains cold and,

as it were, insensible; in vain his rays dart upon the walls, glitter on

the spires, and set the rocks on fire.… There are living men, but one

does not see them, one does not hear them; only a wagon drawn by oxen

crosses the meadow, followed by a monk, and some beggars are approaching

the monastery gate.

Then, without guide or direction, I plunge into the forest in search of

the Chapel of S. Bruno. This forest is of incomparable beauty; neither

Switzerland nor the Pyrenees contain anything like it. Prodigious trees

rise to an immense height, wrapping their gigantic roots about the

rocks. In the midst of the waters which murmur on every side unknown

vegetations luxuriate, sheltering at their feet a world of ferns, tall

grass, and mosses, every dewy feather and spray being hung, as it were,

with precious stones, upon which the sun darts here and there rays of

gold and touches of fire. There is here a wild enchantment which neither

pen nor pencil ever can depict; and in the midst of these marvels rises,

from a rock, the Chapel of S. Bruno. There it was that the visions

appeared to him, and there he caused a spring of water to flow forth;

but to me the most wonderful of all the miracles of his legend was

that of his getting there at all--the fact of his reaching the foot of

this desert, hatchet in hand, cutting down the trees which barred his

entrance, wrestling with wild animals, the masters of this forest, and

having no other pathway than the torrent’s bed; ever mounting upwards,

in spite of the streams, in spite of the rocks, in spite of everything;

never finding himself lost enough, but ever struggling higher and higher

still. The miracle is, too, that of his having fixed himself at last upon

that spot, and to have called companions around him, who constructed each

his little hermitage about his own; that of having, in God’s name, taken

possession of these inaccessible mountains, all of which are surmounted

by a cross, and to have founded an order which spread itself over the

whole Christian world, and which is still existing.

But the hour of departure has arrived. At the moment of quitting this

solitude we again reflect. France and Italy lie spread out beneath our

feet; … that is to say, passions, hatred, strife.… Why should we descend

again? Why resume the burden of ambitions, rivalries, the harness of

social conventionalities? To what purpose is it, since the end at last

must come alike to all?

We look around, we reflect, and then, after having well meditated, we all

descend.

At the foot of the desert we find again huts, then cottages, by and by a

village. With movement and life we find our speech again, and with speech

discussion. Overwhelmed until then by the wild beauty of all around us

and by the majesty of its silence, the sceptics only now recommence the

criticisms which were cut short the evening before: “What services do

these monks render to mankind? To what purpose do they bury themselves

upon those heights, when there is so much to be done below?”

I answer nothing. These are difficult questions. Later we shall know

which has chosen the better part, those who act or those who pray; only

I remember that whilst thirty thousand Israelites were fighting in the

plain, Moses, alone on the mountain, with his arms stretched out towards

heaven, implored the God of armies. When his arms fell through weariness,

the Amalekites prevailed; and when he raised them, Israel was victorious;

and seeing this, he caused his arms to be supported, until the enemies of

Israel were overcome.

While we are debating we cross Saint Laurent, Les Echelles, and the

Valley du Guiers. Here is Chambéry _en fête_, with its flags, its

concourse of _francs-tireurs_, and bands of music; but although we have

returned to outer life, we have brought away with us something of the

solitude we have left, where it seems as if the earth ended.

Believe me, reader, and do not forget my words when you visit these

lands. The sight of La Grande Chartreuse is one of the most powerful

emotions here below. To whatever religion you may belong, if your soul

can be moved by the thought of the life to come, you will preserve an

imperishable remembrance of a night spent in this monastery, and will

feel that you are not altogether the same man that you were when you

entered its walls.

NEW PUBLICATIONS.

LES ETATS-UNIS CONTEMPORAINS, OU LES MŒURS, LES INSTITUTIONS ET

LES IDEES DEPUIS LA GUERRE DE LA SECESSION. Par Claudio Jannet.

Ouvrage précédé d’une Lettre de M. Le Play. Paris: E. Plon.

1876.

The author of this volume has read carefully and seriously a large number

of works, by different American, French, and English writers, devoted

to an explanation of the institutions of the United States, and to the

history and social condition of the country. He shows also a remarkable

acquaintance with the magazines and newspapers of the United States, so

far as they bear on the subjects of which he treats. His book, indeed,

must have cost him years of assiduous labor.

M. Jannet gives a just and impartial exposition of the laws and political

principles of our country, as also of its present social condition.

Rarely, if ever, has a foreigner displayed so conscientious a study of

all that goes to make up American civilization. He professes to have

entered upon his study and his work without any preconceived theory--a

profession not unusual with authors, and for the most part, probably,

honestly made. It is one thing, however, to profess, another thing to

adhere to the profession. Were it possible for authors to adhere strictly

to the profession made by M. Jannet, literature and all of which it

treats would certainly not suffer therefrom: But he who imagines he has

attained to so just and fair a position is the least free from illusion.

The position is simply unattainable, and M. Jannet is scarcely to be

blamed if he has not quite reached his ideal.

Two classes of authors have written about the United States. The one

sees almost everything in _couleur de rose_, the other in a sombre hue.

M. Jannet belongs to the latter class. Throughout his volume he fastens

upon every symptom that threatens the existence or the welfare of the

republic. As an enumeration of these symptoms it is exact, and its

perusal would do no harm to our spread-eagle orators.

M. Jannet has evidently aimed at counterbalancing the influence of

writers, French writers particularly, who have exaggerated the good

side of American political society. He seems fearful lest their tone of

thought should have too great a preponderance in France, and influence

its present transition-state too powerfully in the direction of the

United States. Whether or not this was called for is not a question

for us to consider. The book, regarded as an impartial exposition of

the present condition of the United States, resembles the picture of

an artist, the background of which is painted with a Preraphaelite

exactness, while the foreground is left unfinished, and the whole work,

consequently, incomplete. Had the obvious purpose of the book been

proclaimed at the beginning, we should have read it with a more favorable

eye.

In his last chapter, however, M. Jannet holds out some hope for the

future of the American Republic. In our present commercial depression,

in the recent success of the Democratic party, in the number of families

who have preserved the primitive virtues and customs of our forefathers,

and in the progress of Catholicity he sees a ground for this hope,

and concludes his work by saying: “Men are everywhere prosperous or

unfortunate, according as they observe or despise the divine law. All

their free will consists in choosing between these two terms of the

problem of life, and all the efforts of the spirit of innovation only

break against, without ever being able to destroy, the eternal bounds

set by God to the ambitious feebleness of the creature. Therein lies the

lesson that the young republic of the New World sends from beyond the

ocean and across the mirage of its rapid prosperity to the old nations

of Europe, too inclined to believe in the sophisms of the great modern

error, and to mistrust their own traditions.”

M. Jannet’s work is worthy of a more extended notice, which will be given

it at a later date. The book may be ordered directly from the publisher

in France.

THE PUBLIC LIFE OF OUR LORD. II. Preaching of the Beatitudes.

By H. J. Coleridge, S.J. London: Burns & Oates. 1875. (New

York: Sold by The Catholic Publication Society.)

This is a new volume in the series which is intended, when complete, to

include the entire life of Jesus Christ. We have already commended the

preceding volume, and can only, at present, renew the expression of our

concurrence in the unanimous verdict of competent judges, which awards a

very high meed of praise to Father Coleridge’s work, so far as it is as

yet given to the public.

It is likely to become extensive when fully completed, since the present

volume is filled up with the author’s introductory remarks on the

missionary life of Our Lord, and the exposition of one portion of the

Sermon on the Mount--to wit, the Beatitudes. It is a work which is,

strictly speaking, _sui generis_ in our language, and indeed in all

modern literature, and one hard to describe in such a way as to give

an accurate notion of its quality and scope to a person who has not

read some portion of its contents. The author has drawn from the most

various and from the purest sources, and has himself meditated in a very

attentive and minute manner upon the rich materials furnished him by the

sacred lore of his studies. He proceeds leisurely, quietly, carefully,

like the patient illuminator of a manuscript text, filling his pages with

large and small figures, all elaborately finished. The present volume

gives us a sketch of Galilee, the scene of the preaching and miracles of

our divine Redeemer during his first year of public ministry, which makes

at once the idea of that ministry, of its extraordinary laboriousness,

its extent, and the multitude of wonderful works comprehended within its

brief period, ten times more vivid than it can be made by a mere perusal

of the Gospel narrative. In this respect it is especially interesting and

instructive for those who are themselves engaged in missionary labors. We

have a picture placed before our minds of the real nature of Our Lord’s

public life and ministry, and grouped around it are other pictures, as

illustrations, from the lives of the great missionary saints. When the

author approaches to his principal theme in this volume--the Sermon on

the Mount--he makes the whole scene and all its circumstances appear

before us like a fine dioramic view. He is not, however, of that

meretricious school to which Renan and Beecher have given a false and

momentary _éclat_, as unworthy of the divine subject as the homage of

another class of witnesses on whom Our Lord frequently imposed silence.

The poetic, literary, and picturesque charms of Father Coleridge’s style

are subservient to his theological, doctrinal, and moral exposition of

sacred truths. It is the pure doctrine of the Scriptures, and of the

fathers, doctors, and saints of the church, which we are invited and

allured to drink from the ornamented chalice.

THE HOLY WAYS OF THE CROSS; OR, A SHORT TREATISE ON THE VARIOUS

TRIALS AND AFFLICTIONS, INTERIOR AND EXTERIOR, TO WHICH THE

SPIRITUAL LIFE IS SUBJECT, AND THE MEANS OF MAKING A GOOD USE

THEREOF. Translated from the French of Henri-Marie Boudon,

Archdeacon of Evreux. By Edward Healy Thompson, M.A. London:

Burns, Oates & Co. 1875. (New York: Sold by The Catholic

Publication Society.)

Whoever, after reading the title of this book, thinks that a treatise of

this kind would be useful and helpful, and wishes to find such a book

as may really do the service promised by the title, will probably be

satisfied with the book itself. It is standard and approved, and has been

well translated by Mr. Thompson, whose preface contains some excellent

and timely remarks of his own.

THE STORY OF S. PETER. By W. D. S. London: Burns & Oates. 1875.

(New York: Sold by The Catholic Publication Society.)

This little book purports to be a simple sketch of the life of the

Prince of the Apostles. It will serve to recall the principal events in

his life, and therefore will possess a certain amount of interest for

Catholic readers. The binding, type, and paper are neat and elegant.

The object of the book is evidently pious, and therefore we shrink from

criticising it too minutely. The style also is pleasing and readable.

It is to be regretted, however, that the author did not take a little

more pains with his task. It is a good thing to have plenty of books

on Catholic subjects; and those who are gifted with power, and who can

command the leisure, are, to a certain extent, bound to write. But they

are also bound to study consistency and order, and, in sending forth

their productions, to show a proper respect for those who are expected to

buy them. Good-will does not excuse slovenliness, and we heartily wish

that “W. D. S.” had shown a deeper sense of this truth. The fact that a

book is small and easily read does not free the writer from a thorough

analysis of his subject and employment of all sources of information

regarding it. The present work is serviceable as an introduction to a

real treatise on the position and office of S. Peter. It is nothing more;

and we are sorry that it is not.

LEHRBUCH DES KATHOLISCHEN UND PROTESTANTISCHEN KIRCHENRECHTS.

Von Dr. Friedrich H. Vering. Herder, Freiburg. 1875.

A number of the most learned Catholic theologians of Germany have

combined together to prepare a complete theological library. The present

volume on canon law makes the fifth thus far issued. This library is one

which will be very valuable to German priests or those who read German.

The names of Hergenröther, Scheeben, and other writers of similar rank

who are contributors sufficiently guarantee its excellence.

ACTA ET DECRETA CONCILII VATICANI. Collectio Lacensis, tom.

iii. Herder, Freiburg. 1875.

These and other publications of the Herder publishing house are imported

by the enterprising firm of the Benzigers. The first is a convenient

and carefully edited text of the acts of the Vatican Council, to which

is appended a list of all the episcopal sees and prelatures called

_nullius_ in the entire Catholic Church. The second is one portion of the

magnificent collection of modern councils published at Maria-Laach, and

contains the acts of British and North American councils held during the

past century, or, to speak more precisely, from 1789 to 1869.

CALDERON’S GROESSTE DRAMEN RELIGIOESEN INHALTS. Uebersetzt von

Dr. F. Lorinser. 3d vol. Herder, Freiburg. 1875.

We cannot speak from personal knowledge of the merit of this translation.

Readers of German literature who cannot read Calderon in the original

will no doubt be pleased to find some of his great dramas in a German

dress, and be sufficiently interested in them to ascertain for themselves

how far the great poet has been successfully reproduced.

VOLKSTHUEMLICHES AUS SCHWABEN. Von Dr. Anton Birlinger. Herder,

Freiburg. 1861.

We have here in two volumes a miscellaneous collection of every kind of

_folk-lore_, in prose and verse, mostly very short pieces which must be

very amusing for children and others who like to entertain themselves

with curious odds and ends of this sort.

THE SACRIFICE OF THE EUCHARIST, AND OTHER DOCTRINES OF THE

CATHOLIC CHURCH EXPLAINED AND VINDICATED. By the Rev. Charles

B. Garside. London: Burns & Oates. 1875. (New York: Sold by The

Catholic Publication Society.)

This is a very thoughtful and learned treatise on the Sacrifice of the

Mass, and, though not directly controversial, it is a very lucid and

satisfactory vindication of the Catholic doctrine on the Holy Eucharist

considered as a sacrifice.

The volume contains also essays on “Definitions of the Catholic faith,

Existence of the church in relation to Scripture, Tradition as a vehicle

of Christian doctrine, The Atonement and Purgatory,” and other subjects,

all of them well written, and some, such as the one on “Definitions of

the Catholic Faith,” occupied with discussion of questions which are

frequently talked of at the present, and upon which it is important to

have clear and accurate notions.

THE PERSECUTIONS OF ANNAM: A History of Christianity in Cochin

China and Tonking. By J. R. Shortland, M.A. London: Burns

& Oates. 1875. (New York: Sold by The Catholic Publication

Society.)

We read an account a few days since of four hundred Catholic priests who

four years ago were transported from Poland to Siberia by the Russian

government; three hundred have died, and the others can survive but a

little while. It was only a paragraph in a newspaper. The martyrs die as

of old, and we scarcely hear of their sufferings. The missionary work

of the church, too, is almost forgotten by her children who are living

at ease and in comfort; and yet it is carried on in all quarters of the

globe. Our brothers, if we be worthy to call them by this name, are

toiling, suffering, dying for Christ and the souls of men in far-off

countries of which we seem not to care even to know anything. Here is a

book, most interesting and consoling, full of edifying facts and heroic

examples, written clearly and simply. It is a history of Christianity

in Cochin China and Tonking; and as these two countries form the Empire

of Annam, and the history of the church is always one of persecution,

of triumph through suffering, the book is entitled _The Persecutions of

Annam_. For centuries Europeans have been excluded from this country,

into the interior of which the only strangers who have penetrated have

been Catholic missionaries, and they have gone at the risk of their

lives. For two hundred and fifty years the apostles of the church

have been laboring in Annam, and whoever will read this book will be

struck with wonder at the work they have done and the sufferings they

have endured. Never anywhere have there been more barbarous or cruel

persecutions, and never have they been borne with more heroic fortitude

and simple trust in God.

And then what a wealth of instruction in the lives of these Annamite

converts! From 1615 down to our own day thousands and hundreds of

thousands have received the faith, and, rather than forfeit it, hundreds

and thousands have endured every torment, death itself. Their warm piety,

their intelligent faith, their dauntless courage, put us to shame.

The last persecution broke out in 1858, and raged until the Christians

were relieved by the arms of France, in consequence of which a treaty

of peace was signed in June, 1862, which was soon followed by a decree

granting religious worship; and we may hope that the soil which has drunk

the blood of so many martyrs will yet become the vineyard of Christ.

But we must refer our readers to the book itself, and close this brief

notice with the wish that some one of our Catholic houses in this country

may republish this most interesting chapter of Catholic history.

THE AMERICAN STATE AND AMERICAN STATESMEN. By William Giles

Dix. 1 vol. 12mo, pp. 171. Boston: Estes & Lauriat. 1876.

It is refreshing in these days to meet with a non-Catholic writer like

Mr. Dix, who takes his stand on Christianity and the law of Christ as

the foundation of all right law and government. There is a class, and

a large class, of patriots among us who seem, unconsciously indeed, to

resent the idea that Almighty God had anything at all to do with the

growth and development of this country. To this class of men Mr. Dix’s

book will be a sharp reminder that there is a God above us who rules

all things, and that religion and governments did actually exist in the

world at large--and in the New World, for the matter of that--before

the _Mayflower_ touched these shores. The book deals with just what its

title indicates: the American state and American statesmen. Among the

statesmen dealt with are Abraham Lincoln, Charles Sumner, and several of

the historic names that have lent a lustre to Congress. But the larger

and graver portion of the book deals with the constitution of the States

in themselves and their relation to the States as a whole or nation. Mr.

Dix is a strong and earnest advocate for his views; but his views in the

present matter are almost diametrically opposed to the general feeling of

Americans. “Are the United States a nation?” he boldly asks in the final

chapter of the book, and his answer is “yes” and “no.” In a word, he is

strongly in favor of the centralization of sovereignty as opposed to the

local independence of States. As long as federalism exists, says Mr. Dix,

practically, so long is the nation exposed to disorder and a renewal of

the civil war.

So important a question, it is needless to remark, is scarcely to be

settled in a book-notice; is, indeed, beyond books altogether. It is

a growth. The country and government alike are a growth, and a growth

that will not be forced. They are just entering on the hundredth year

of a life that has been seriously threatened, and, notwithstanding the

theatrical thunder which is being heard just now of politicians resolved

to make “a hit,” we cannot but look to the development of this growth

with hope and confidence. At the same time, it is the part of all who

are concerned to guard that growth well, to see that no weeds spring

up around it, to let in light and air and freedom, and to keep off all

noxious influences that would threaten the life of the parent stem. In

the desire to do this, such chapters as “Christianity the Inspirer of

Nations,” “Materialism the Curse of America,” and “America a Christian

Power,” which seem to us the strongest chapters in Mr. Dix’s book, will

be found full of eloquent suggestion and sound, even solemn, advice.

The book, as a whole, will be found a very interesting one. The writer

is a bold man, who certainly has the courage of his convictions, which

he never hesitates to express openly. The book overruns with apt

illustration and an extraordinary eloquence. Indeed, there is a fault

in parts of too great eloquence, compensated for over and over again by

passages full of terseness, purity, and strength.

PERSONAL REMINISCENCES BY CONSTABLE AND GILLIES. (Bric-à-Brac

Series.) Edited by Richard Henry Stoddard. New York: Scribner,

Armstrong & Co. 1876.

This volume completes the first Bric-à-Brac Series. The publishers

announce an extensive sale--proof only of its being suited to certain

literary tastes. We have not been able to pronounce a very favorable

opinion upon the merits of the series. In turning over the leaves of a

college sheet the other day, we came upon an extract from the letter of

a young lady at one of our fashionable seminaries, in which, counselling

her sisters to high resolves and noble aims, she says: “Instead of

getting a new hat this term, let us buy a Bric-à-Brac.” We think this

is good evidence of the value of these volumes as literary works. They

are admirably suited for boarding-school misses. But what the authors

and scholars who are gossiped about would say at being brought down to

this level is another question. On the whole, we would advise this young

lady to buy a new hat instead. The hat will serve a useful if not a very

exalted purpose in covering her head; the “Bric-à-Brac” will fill it with

frivolous and untrustworthy chit-chat.

This volume treats, under distinct heads, of forty-six persons--including

a majority of the poets, novelists, historians, linguistic scholars, and

essayists of Scotland at the beginning of this century, with a sprinkling

of English and German _savants_, including Goethe--in a little over

three hundred small duodecimo pages. That is to say, it gives an average

of seven pages to each author. These seven pages are devoted almost

exclusively in each instance to trivial personal anecdotes. From this

simple inventory, therefore, it will be easy to form an accurate notion

of what the young lady gains mentally as an equivalent for the loss of

her new hat.

Considerable space is given, however, to one or two worthies. Of these,

William Godwin, the revolutionary propagandist, holds the first place,

and with him incidentally his first wife, Mary Wollstonecraft, the author

of the _Vindication of the Rights of Woman_. This precious pair are

handled with great tenderness and unction.

The rest of the volume is made up chiefly of reminiscences of the small

literary stars who twinkled round Sir Walter Scott in Edinburgh at the

beginning of the century, and stole something from the reflection of his

brightness, but who are now for the most part forgotten.

IN DOORS AND OUT; OR, VIEWS FROM THE CHIMNEY CORNER. By Oliver

Optic. Boston: Lee & Shepard. 1876.

Excellent stories, all of which might have been drawn from actual life,

are to be found in this volume. Like all of Oliver Optic’s books, it may

be safely placed in the hands of young people. Some of the sketches, such

as “Good-for-Nothings,” might be read with as much profit as amusement by

grown-up persons, especially those who are continually complaining about

servant-girls.

THE CATHOLIC WORLD.

VOL. XXII., No. 132.--MARCH, 1876.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1875, by Rev. I. T.

HECKER, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C.

A SEQUEL OF THE GLADSTONE CONTROVERSY.

II

One of the most mischievous prejudices of our day is the popular theory

that the cure for all evils is to be sought in the intellectual education

of the masses. Those nations, we are told by every declaimer, in which

the education of the people is most universal, are the most moral, the

richest, the strongest, the freest, and their prosperity rests upon the

most solid and lasting foundation. Make ignorance a crime, teach all to

read and write, and war will smooth its rugged front, armies will be

disbanded, crime will disappear, and mankind will have found the secret

of uninterrupted progress, the final outcome of which will surpass even

our fondest dreams.

This fallacy, which has not even the merit of being plausible, is,

of course, made to do service in M. de Laveleye’s pamphlet on the

comparative bearing of Protestantism and Catholicism on the prosperity of

nations.

“It is now universally admitted,” he informs us (p. 22), “that the

diffusion of enlightenment is the first condition of progress.… The

general spread of education is also indispensable to the exercise of

constitutional liberty.… In short, education is the basis of national

liberty and prosperity.”

He then goes on to declare that in this matter of popular education

Protestant countries are far in advance of those that are Catholic;

that this is necessarily so, since “the Reformed religion rests on a

book--the Bible; the Protestant, therefore, must know how to read.

Catholic worship, on the contrary, rests upon sacraments and certain

practices--such as confession, Masses, sermons--which do not necessarily

involve reading. It is, therefore, unnecessary to know how to read;

indeed, it is dangerous, for it inevitably shakes the principle of

passive obedience on which the whole Catholic edifice reposes: reading is

the road that leads to heresy.”

We will first consider the theory, and then take up the facts.

“The diffusion of enlightenment is the first condition of progress.

Education is indispensable to the exercise of constitutional liberty.

Education is the basis of national liberty and prosperity.”

Enlightenment is, of course, of the mind, and means the development, more

or less perfect, of the intellectual faculties; and education, since it

is here considered as synonymous with enlightenment, must be taken in

this narrow sense.

Progress is material, moral, intellectual, social, political, artistic,

religious, scientific, literary, and indefinitely manifold. Now, it is

assumed that the diffusion of enlightenment is not merely promotive, but

that it is an essential condition of progress in its widest and fullest

meaning. This is the new faith--the goddess of culture, holding the torch

of science and leading mankind into the palace of pleasure, the only true

heaven.

By conduct, we have already said, both individuals and nations are saved

or perish; and we spoke of the civilized. Barbarous states are destroyed

by catastrophes--they die a violent death; but the civilized are wasted

by internal maladies--_suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit_. They grow and

they decay, they progress and they decline. At first poverty, virtue,

industry, faith, hopefulness, strong characters and heroic natures; at

last wealth, corruption, indolence, unbelief, despair, children too weak

even to admire the strength of their fathers, too base to believe that

they were noble. Public spirit dies out; patriotism is in the mouths

of politicians, but, like the augurs of Rome, they cannot speak the

word and look one another in the face. The country is to each one what

he can make out of it, and the bond of union is the desire of each

citizen to secure his own interests. The bondholders love their country,

and the _sans-culottes_ are disloyal; class rises against class, civil

discord unsettles everything, revolution succeeds revolution, and when

the barbarian comes he holds an inquest over the corpse. It generally

happens, too, that those civilizations which spring up quickest and

promise most fair are fated to die earliest; as precocious children

disappoint fond mothers. If the teaching of history is a trustworthy

guide, we are certainly safe in affirming that civilized states and

empires perish, not from lack of knowledge, but of virtue; not because

the people are ignorant, but because they are corrupt.

The assumption, however, is that men become immoral because they are

ignorant; that if they were enlightened, they would be virtuous.

“The superstition,” says Herbert Spencer (_Study of Sociology_, p. 121),

“that good behavior is to be forthwith produced by lessons learned out

of books, which was long ago statistically disproved, would, but for

preconceptions, be utterly dissipated by observing to what a slight

extent knowledge affects conduct; by observing that the dishonesty

implied in the adulterations of tradesmen and manufacturers, in

fraudulent bankruptcies, in bubble-companies, in ‘cooking’ of railway

accounts and financial prospectuses, differs only in form, and not in

amount, from the dishonesty of the uneducated; by observing how amazingly

little the teachings given to medical students affect their lives, and

how even the most experienced medical men have their prudence scarcely at

all increased by their information.”

It is not knowledge, but character, that is important; and character

is formed more by faith, by hope, by love, admiration, enthusiasm,

reverence, than by any patchwork of alphabetical and arithmetical

symbols. The young know but little; but they believe firmly, they hope

nobly, and love generously; and it is while knowledge is feeble and these

spontaneous acts of the soul are strong that character is moulded. The

curse of our age is that men will believe that, in education, to spell,

to read, to write, is what signifies, and they cast aside the eternal

faith, the infinite hope, the divine love, that more than all else make

us men.

“The true test of civilization,” says Emerson, “is not the census, nor

the size of cities, nor the crops--no, but the kind of man the country

turns out.” Is there some mystic virtue in printed words that to be

able to read them should make us men? And even in the most enlightened

countries what do the masses of men know? Next to nothing; and their

reading, for the most part, stupefies them. The newspaper, with its

murders, suicides, hangings, startling disclosures, defalcations,

embezzlements, burglaries, forgeries, adulteries, advertisements of

nostrums, quack medicines, and secrets of working death in the very

source of life, with all manner of hasty generalizations, crude theories,

and half-truths jumbled into intellectual _pot-pourris_; the circulating

library, with its stories, tales, romances of love, despair, death, of

harrowing accidents, of hair-breadth escapes, of successful crime, and

all the commonplaces of wild, reckless, and unnatural life--these are the

sources of their knowledge. Or, if they are ambitious, they read “How to

get on in the world,” “The art of making money,” “The secret of growing

rich,” “The road to wealth,” “Successful men,” “The millionaires of

America,” and the Mammon-worship, and the superstition of matter, and the

idolatry of success become their religion; their souls die within them,

and what wretched slaves they grow to be!

In the newspaper and circulating library God and man, heaven and

earth--all things--are discussed, flippantly, in snatches, generally;

all possible conflicting and contradictory views are taken; and these

ignorant masses, who, in the common schools, have been through the Fourth

Reader, and who know nothing, not even their own ignorance, are confused.

They doubt, they lose faith, and are enlightened by the discovery that

God, the soul, truth, justice, honor, are only nominal--they do not

concern positivists. Can anything be more pitiful than the state of these

poor wretches?--neither knowing nor believing; without knowledge, yet

having neither faith nor love. God pity them that they are communists,

internationalists, _solidaires_; for what else could they be? No

enthusiasm is possible for them but that of destruction.

Religion is the chief element in civilization, and consequently in

progress. For the masses of men, even though the whole energy of mankind

should spend itself upon some or any possible common-school system,

the eternal principles which mould character, support manhood, and

consecrate humanity will always remain of faith, and can never be held

scientifically. If it were possible that science should prove religion

false, it would none the less remain true, or there would be no truth.

What children know when they leave school is mechanical, external to

their minds, fitted on them like clothes on the body; and it is soon

worn threadbare, and hangs in shreds and patches. Take the first boy

whom you meet, fourteen or fifteen years old, fresh from the common

school, and his ignorance of all real knowledge will surprise you. What

he knows is little and of small value; what is of moment is whether he

believes firmly, hopes strongly, and loves truly. Not the diffusion of

enlightenment do we want so much, but the diffusion of character, of

honest faith, and manly courage.

Man is more than his knowledge. Simple faith is better than reading and

writing. And yet the educational quacks treat the child as though he were

mere mind, and his sole business to use it, and chiefly for low ends,

shrewdly and sharply, with a view to profit; as though life were a thing

of barter, and wisdom the art of making the most of it.

Poor child! who wouldst live by admiration, hope, and love, how they

dwarf thy being, stunt thy growth, and flatten all thy soaring thoughts

with their dull commonplaces--thrift, honesty is the best policy, time is

money, knowledge is wealth, and all the vocabulary of a shop-keeping and

trading philosophy. Poor child! who wouldst look out into the universe

as God’s great temple, and behold in all its glories the effulgence of

heaven; to whom morning, noon, and night, and change of season, golden

flood of day and star-lit gloom, all speak of some diviner life, how they

stun thy poetic soul, full of high dreams and noble purposes, with their

cold teaching that man lives on bread alone--put money in thy purse! And

when thou wouldst look back with awe and reverence to the sacred ages

past, to the heroes, sages, saints of the olden times, they come with

their gabble and tell thee there were no railroads and common schools in

those days.

Is it strange that this education should hurt the nation’s highest

interests by driving in crowds, like cattle to the shambles, our youths

from God and nature and tilling of the soil to town and city, or, worse,

into professions to which only their conceit or distaste for hard labor

calls them? What place for morality is there in this Poor Richard’s

Catechism--education of thrift and best policy? We grow in likeness to

what we love, not to what we know. With low aims and selfish loves only

narrow and imperfect characters are compatible.

Science, when cherished for itself--which it seldom is and in very

exceptional cases--refines and purifies its lovers, and chastens the

force of passion; though even here we must admit that the wisest of

mankind may be the meanest, morally the most unworthy. But for the great

mass of men, even of those who are called educated, the possession of

such knowledge as they have or can have has no necessary relation with

higher moral life. Their learning may refine, smooth over, or conceal

their sin; it will not destroy it. The furred gown and intertissued robe

hide the faults that peep through beggars’ rags, but they are there all

the same. There may be a substitution of pride for sensuality, or a

skilful blending or alternation of the finer with the coarser. Vice may

lose its grossness, but not its evil. And herein we detect the wretched

sophistry of criminal statistics, which deal, imperfectly and roughly

enough, with what is open, shocking, and repulsive. The hidden sins

that “like pitted speck in garnered fruit,” slowly eating to the core

of a people’s life, moulder all; the sapping of faith, the weakening of

character, the disbelief in goodness; the luxury, the indulgence, the

heartlessness and narrowness of the rich; the cunning devices through

which “the spirit of murder” works in the very means of life,

“While rank corruption, mining all within,

Infects unseen”

--cannot be appreciated by the gross tests of numbers and averages. The

poor, by statistics as by the world, are handled without gloves. In the

large cities of civilized countries, both in ancient and in modern times,

we have unmistakable proof of what knowledge can do to form character

and produce even the social virtues. These populations have had the

advantage of the best schools in the most favorable circumstances, and

yet in character and morality they are far beneath the less educated

peasantry. Sensual indulgence, contempt of authority, hatred and jealousy

of those above them, make these the dangerous classes, eager for

socialistic reforms, radical upheavals of the whole existing order; and

were it not for the more religious tillers of the soil, chaos and misrule

would already prevail. In Greece and Rome it was in the cities that

civilization first perished, as it was there it began--began with men

who had great faith and strong character, but little knowledge; perished

among men who were learned and refined, but who in indulgence and debauch

had lost all strength and honesty of purpose.

In the last report of the Commissioner of Education some interesting

facts, bearing on the relation of ignorance to crime, are taken from the

Forty-fifth Annual Report of the inspector of the State penitentiary for

the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

“It is doubted if in any State, or indeed in any country,” says the

commissioner, “forty-four volumes containing the annual statistical

tables relating to the populations of a penal institution, covering

nearly half a century, can, on examination, be regarded as more complete.”

The number of prisoners received into the institution from 1850 to 1860

was 1,605, of whom 15 per cent. were illiterate, 15 per cent. were able

to read, and 70 per cent., or more than two-thirds, knew how to read

and write; from 1860 to 1870, 2,383 prisoners were received into the

penitentiary, and of these 17 per cent. were illiterate, 12 per cent.

could read, and about 71 per cent. could read and write.

Of the 627 convicts who were in the penitentiary during the year 1867, 62

per cent., or five-eighths of the whole number, had attended the public

schools of the State, 25 per cent., or two-eighths, had gone to private

institutions, and 12 per cent., or one-eighth, had never gone to school.

But, as we have said, statistics deal with crime, and chiefly with the

more open and discoverable sort, not with morality; whereas nations are

destroyed not so much by crime as by immorality.

The thief is caught and sent to the penitentiary; but the trader

who adulterates or gives short measure, the banker who puts forth

a false or exaggerated statement, the merchant who fails with full

hands, the stock-gambler who robs thousands, Crédit-Mobilier men and

“ring” men generally who plunder scientifically, Congressmen who take

money for helping to swindle the government, getters-up of “bubble

companies”--salted diamond-fields and Emma Mines--compared with whom

pickpockets and burglars are respectable gentlemen--these know not of

penitentiaries; prisons were not built for such as they. The poor man

abandons his wife, without divorce marries another, and is very properly

sent to State prison. His rich and educated fellow-citizen gets a

divorce, or is a free-lover, or keeps a harem, and for him laws were not

made. Even that respectable old dame Society only gently shakes her head.

We must not expect too much of gentlemen, you know. The ignorant girl

falls, commits infanticide, and is incarcerated or hanged--heaven forbid

that we should attempt to tell what she would have done had she been

educated!--at any rate, she would not have gone to prison, though her

guilt would not have been less.

Has the very great diffusion of enlightenment among our people during

the hundred years that we have been an independent nation made them more

moral and more worthy?

“The true test of civilization is not the census, nor the size of cities,

nor the crops--no, but the kind of man the country turns out.”

The Yankee is smarter than the Puritan--is he as true a man? Is the

inventor of a sewing-machine or a patent bedstead as worthy as he who

believes in God and in liberty against the whole earth with all his

heart and soul, even though the heart be hard and the soul narrow? What

compensation is there in all our philanthropies, transcendentalisms,

sentimentalities, patent remedies for social evils, for the loss of the

strong convictions, reverent belief, and simple dignity of character

that made our fathers men? Do we believe in the goodness and honesty

of men as they did, or is it possible that we should? What can come of

beliefs in oversouls, whims, tendencies, abstractions, developments? If

we were shadows in a shadow-land, this might do.

Look at a famous trial where the very aroma and fine essence of our

civilization was gathered: What bright minds, keen intellects! Poetry,

eloquence, romance; the culture, the knowledge, the scientific theories,

of the age--all are there. And yet, when the veil is lifted, we simply

turn away heart sick and nauseated. Not a hundred statistical prison

reports would reveal the festering corruption and deep depravity, the

coarse vulgarity and utter heartlessness that is there, whatever the

truth may be, if in such surroundings it can be found at all.

In Laing’s _Notes of a Traveller_ (p. 221) we find a most striking

example of almost incredible corruption united with great intellectual

culture. “In this way,” he says, “we must account for the singular fact

that the only positively immoral religious sect of the present times in

the Christian world arose and has spread itself in the most educated

part of the most educated country in Europe--in and about Königsberg,

the capital of the province of Old Prussia. The Muckers are a sect

who combine lewdness with religion. The conventicles of this sect are

frequented by men and women in a state of nudity; and to excite the

animal passion, but to restrain its indulgence, is said to constitute

their religious exercise. Many of the highest nobility of the province,

and two of the established clergy of the city, besides citizens,

artificers, and ladies, old and young, belong to this sect; and two

young ladies are stated to have died from the consequences of excessive

libidinous excitement. It is no secret association of profligacy

shunning the light. It is a sect--according to the declarations of Von

Tippelskirch and of several persons of consideration in Königsberg who

had been followers of it themselves--existing very extensively under the

leadership of the established ministers of the Gospel, Ebel and Diestel,

of a Count von Kaniz, of a Lady von S----, and of other noble persons.…

The system and theory of this dreadful combination of vice with religion

are, of course, very properly suppressed.… The sect itself appears, by

Dr. Bretscheider’s account of it, to have been so generally diffused that

he says ‘it cannot be believed that the public functionaries were in

ignorance of its existence; but they were afraid to do their duty from

the influence of the many principal people who were involved in it.’”

But we are not the advocates of ignorance. We will praise with any man

the true worth and inestimable value of education. Even mere mental

training is, to our thinking, of rare price. Water is good, but without

bread it will not sustain life. Wine warms and gladdens the heart of man;

but if used without care, it maddens and drives to destruction. We are

crying out against the folly of the age which would make the school-room

its church, education its sacrament, and culture its religion. It is the

road to ruin. Culture is for the few; and what a trumpery patchwork of

frippery and finery and paste diamonds it must ever remain for the most

of these! For the millions it means the pagan debauch, the bacchanal

orgy, and mere animalism.

“The characters,” wrote Goethe--who was pagan of the pagans and

“decidirter Nicht-Christ”--“which we can truly respect have become

rarer. We can sincerely esteem only that which is not self-seeking.… I

must confess to have found through my whole life unselfish characters

of the kind of which I speak only there where I found a firmly-grounded

religious life; a creed, which had an unchangeable basis, resting upon

itself--not dependent upon the time, its spirit, or its science.”

This foundation of a positive religious faith is as indispensable to

national as to individual character, and without it the diffusion of

enlightenment cannot create a great or lasting civilization. Religion

ought to constitute the very essence of all primary education. It alone

can touch the heart, raise the mind, and evoke from their brutish apathy

the elements of humanity, especially the reason; and it is therefore the

one indispensable element in any right system of national education.

A population unable to read or write, but with a religious faith and

discipline, has before now constituted, and may again constitute, a great

nation; but a people without religious earnestness has no solid political

character. Religion is the widest and deepest of all the elements of

civilization; it reaches those whom nothing else can touch; but for the

masses of men there can be no religion without the authoritative teaching

of a church.

And now let us return to M. de Laveleye. “The general spread of

education,” he says (p. 23), “is indispensable to the exercise of

constitutional liberty.… Education is the basis of national liberty and

prosperity.”

In view of the facts that constitutional liberty has existed, and for

centuries, in states in which there was no “general spread of education,”

and that “the diffusion of enlightenment” is found in our own day to

co-exist with the most hateful despotisms, we might pass on, without

stopping to examine more closely these loose and popular phrases; but

since the fallacies which they contain form a part of the culture-creed

of modern paganism, and are accepted as indisputable truths by the

multitude, they have a claim upon our attention which their assertion by

Mr. Gladstone’s friend could not give them.

There is no necessary connection between popular education and civil

liberty, as there is none between the enlightenment and the morality of

a people. This is a subject full of import--one which, in this age and

country, ought to be discussed with perfect freedom and courage. Courage

indeed is needed precisely here; for to deny that there is a God, to

treat Christ as a myth or a common man, to declaim against religion as

superstition, to make the Bible a butt for witticisms and fine points,

to deny future life and the soul’s immortality, to denounce marriage, to

preach communism, and to ridicule whatever things mankind have hitherto

held sacred--this is not only tolerable, it is praiseworthy and runs

with the free thought of an enlightened and inquiring age. But to raise

a doubt as to the supreme and paramount value of intellectual training;

of its sovereign efficacy in the cure of human ills; of its inseparable

alliance with freedom, with progress, with man’s best interests, is

pernicious heresy, and ought not to be borne with patiently. In our

civilization, through the action of majorities, there is special

difficulty in such discussions, since with us nothing is true except what

is popular. Majorities rule, and are therefore right. With rare eloquence

we denounce tyrant kings and turn to lick the hands of the tyrant people.

Whoever questions the wisdom of the American people is not to be argued

with--he is to be pitied; and therefore both press and pulpit, though

they flaunt the banner of freedom, are the servants of the tyrant. To

have no principles, but to write and speak what will please the most and

offend the fewest--this is the philosophy of free speech. We therefore

have no independent, and consequently no great, thinkers. It is dangerous

not to think with majorities and parties; for those who attempt to break

their bonds generally succeed, like Emerson, only in becoming whimsical,

weak, and inconclusive. It is not surprising, then, that the Catholics,

because they do not accept as true or ultimate what is supposed to be the

final thought and definite will of American majorities on the subject of

education, should be denounced, threatened, and made a Trojan Horse of to

carry political adventurers into the White House.

Nevertheless, the observant are losing confidence in the theory, so

full of inspiration to demagogues and declaimers, that superstition

and despotism must be founded on ignorance. In Prussia at this moment

universal education co-exists with despotism. Where tyrannical

governments take control of education they easily make it their ally.

Let us hear what Laing says of the practical results of the Prussian

system of education, which it is so much the fashion to praise.

“If the ultimate object,” he says, “of all education and

knowledge be to raise man to the feeling of his own moral

worth, to a sense of his responsibility to his Creator and to

his conscience for every act, to the dignity of a reflecting,

self-guiding, virtuous, religious member of society, then

the Prussian educational system is a failure. It is only a

training from childhood in the conventional discipline and

submission of mind which the state exacts from its subjects.

It is not a training or education which has raised, but

which has lowered, the human character.… The social value or

importance of the Prussian arrangements for diffusing national

scholastic education has been evidently overrated; for now that

the whole system has been in the fullest operation in society

upon a whole generation, we see morals and religion in a more

unsatisfactory state in this very country than in almost any

other in the north of Europe; we see nowhere a people in a more

abject political and civil condition, or with less free agency

in their social economy. A national education which gives a

nation neither religion, nor morality, nor civil liberty,

nor political liberty is an education not worth having.… If

to read, write, cipher, and sing be education, the Prussian

subject is an educated man. If to reason, judge, and act as an

independent free agent, in the religious, moral, and social

relations of man to his Creator and to his fellow-men, be the

exercise of the mental powers which alone deserves the name

of education, then is the Prussian subject a mere drum boy

in education, in the cultivation and use of all that regards

the moral and intellectual endowments of man, compared to one

of the unlettered population of a free country. The dormant

state of the public mind on all affairs of public interest,

the acquiescence in a total want of political influence or

existence, the intellectual dependence upon the government

or its functionary in all the affairs of the community, the

abject submission to the want of freedom or free agency in

thoughts, words, or acts, the religious thraldom of the people

to forms which they despise, the want of influence of religious

and social principle in society, justify the conclusion that

the moral, religious, and social condition of the people was

never looked at or estimated by those writers who were so

enthusiastic in their praises of the national education of

Prussia.”

In spite of the continued progress of education, there is even less

liberty, religious, civil, and political, in Prussia to-day than when

these words were written, thirty years ago.

Nothing more dazzles the eyes of men than great military success; and

this, together with the habit which belongs to our race of applauding

whoever wins, has produced, especially in England and the United States,

where Bismarck is looked upon, ignorantly enough, as the champion of

Protestantism, a kind of blind admiration and awe for whatever is

Prussian. “Protestant Prussia,” boasts M. de Laveleye, “has defeated

two empires, each containing twice her own population, the one in seven

weeks, the other in seven months”; and in the new edition of Appleton’s

_Encyclopædia_ we are informed that these victories are attributed to

the superior education of her people. As well might the tyranny of the

government and the notorious unchastity and dishonesty of the Prussians

be ascribed to their superior education. Not to the general intelligence

of the people, but to the fact that the whole country has been turned

into a military camp, and that to the one purpose of war all interests

have been made subservient, must we seek for an explanation of the

victories of Sadowa and Sedan.

Who would pretend that the Spartans were in war superior to the

Athenians because they had a more perfect system of education and

were more intelligent or had a truer religion? Or who would think of

accounting in this way for the marvellous exploits of Attila with his

Huns, of Zingis Khan with his Moguls, of Tamerlane with his Tartars, of

Mahmood, Togrul-Beg, and Malek-Shah with their Turkish hordes?

In fact, it may be said, speaking largely and in general, that the

history of war is that of the triumph of strong and ignorant races over

those which have become cultivated, refined, and corrupt. The Romans

learned from their conquered slaves letters and the vices of a more

polished paganism. Barbarism is ever impending over the civilized world.

The wild and rugged north is ever rushing down upon the soft and cultured

south: the Scythian upon the Mede, the Persian, and the Egyptian; the

Macedonian upon Greece, and then upon Asia and Africa; the Roman upon

Carthage, and in turn falling before the men of the North--Goth, Vandal,

Hun, Frank, and Gaul; the Mogul and the Tartar upon China and India;

the Turk upon Southern Europe, Asia, and Africa; and to-day, like black

clouds of destiny, the Russian hordes hang over the troubled governments

of more educated Europe. Look at Italy during the middle ages--the focus

of learning and the arts for all Christendom, and yet an easy prey for

every barbarous adventurer; and in England the Briton yields to the

Saxon, who in turn falls before the Norman. It would be truer to say

that Prussia owes her military successes to the ignorance of her people,

though they nearly all can read and write. Had she had to deal with

intelligent, enlightened, and thinking populations, she could not have

made the country a camp of soldiers.

The Prussian policy of “blood and iron” has been carried out, in defiance

of the wishes of the people as expressed through their representatives,

who were snubbed and scolded and sent back home as though they were a

pack of schoolboys; yet the people looked on in stolid indifference, and

allowed the tax to be levied after they had refused to grant it.

We will now follow M. de Laveleye a step farther.

“With regard to elementary instruction,” he says, “the Protestant states

are incomparably more advanced than the Catholic. England alone is no

more than on a level with the latter, probably because the Anglican

Church, of all the reformed forms of worship, has most in common with the

Church of Rome.”

If any one has good reason to praise education, and above all the

education of the people, certainly we Catholics have. The Catholic

Church created the people; she first preached the divine doctrine of the

brotherhood and equality of all men before God, which has wrought and

must continue to work upon society until all men shall be recognized

as equals by the law. She drew around woman her magic circle; from the

slave struck his fetters and bade him be a man; lifted to her bosom the

child; baptized all humanity into the inviolable sacredness of Christ’s

divinity; she appealed, and still appeals, from the tyranny of brute

force and success, in the name of the eternal liberties of the soul, to

God. Her martyrs were and are the martyrs of liberty; and if she were not

to-day, all men would accept accomplished facts and bow before whatever

succeeds.

The barbarians, who have developed into the civilized peoples of Europe,

despised learning as they contemned labor. War was their business. The

knight signed his name with his sword, in blood; the pen, like the

spade, was made for servile hands. To destroy this ignorant, idle life

of pillage and feud, the church organized an army, unlike any the world

had ever seen, unlike any it will ever see outside her pale--an army

of monks, who, with faith in Christ and the higher life, believed in

knowledge and in work. They became the cultivators of the mind and soil

of Europe.

“The praise,” says Hallam, speaking of the middle ages, “of having

originally established schools belongs to some bishops and abbots of the

VIth century.”

Ireland is converted and at once becomes a kind of university for all

Europe. In England the episcopal sees became centres of learning.

Wherever a cathedral was built a school with a library grew up under its

shadow. Pope Eugenius II., in a council held in Rome in 826, ordered that

schools should be established throughout Christendom at cathedral and

parochial churches and other suitable places. The Council of Mayence,

in 813, admonishes parents that they are in duty bound to send their

children to school. The Synod of Orleans, in 800, enjoins the erection in

towns and villages of schools for elementary instruction, and adds that

no remuneration shall be received except such as the parents voluntarily

offer. The Third General Council of Lateran, in 1179, commanded that in

all cathedral churches a fund should be set aside for the foundation and

support of schools for the poor. Free schools were thus first established

by the Catholic Church. The monasteries were the libraries where the arts

and letters of a civilization that had perished were carefully treasured

up for the rekindling of a brighter and better day.

As early as the XIIth century many of the universities of Europe were

fully organized. Italy took the lead, with universities at Rome Bologna,

Padua, Naples, Pavia, and Perugia--the sources

“Whence many rivulets have since been turned,

O’er the garden Catholic to lead

Their living waters, and have fed its plants.”

The schools founded at Oxford and Cambridge in the IXth and Xth centuries

had in the XIIth grown to be universities. At Oxford there were thirty

thousand, at Paris twenty-five thousand, and at Padua twenty thousand

students. Scattered over Europe at the time Luther raised his voice

against the church were sixty six universities.

“Time went on,” says Dr. Newman, speaking of the mediæval

universities; “a new state of things, intellectual and social,

came in; the church was girt with temporal power; the preachers

of S. Dominic were in the ascendant: now, at length, we may

ask with curious interest, did the church alter her ancient

rule of action, and proscribe intellectual activity? Just the

contrary; this is the very age of universities; it is the

classical period of the schoolmen; it is the splendid and

palmary instance of the wise policy and large liberality of

the church, as regards philosophical inquiry. If there ever

was a time when the intellect went wild, and had a licentious

revel, it was at the date I speak of. When was there ever a

more curious, more meddling, bolder, keener, more penetrating,

more rationalistic exercise of the reason than at that time?

What class of questions did that subtle metaphysical spirit not

scrutinize? What premise was allowed without examination? What

principle was not traced to its first origin, and exhibited

in its most naked shape?… Well, I repeat, here was something

which came somewhat nearer to theology than physical research

comes; Aristotle was a somewhat more serious foe then, beyond

all mistake, than Bacon has been since. Did the church take a

high hand with philosophy then? No, not though that philosophy

was metaphysical. It was a time when she had temporal power,

and could have exterminated the spirit of inquiry with fire and

sword; but she determined to put it down by _argument_; she

said: ‘Two can play at that, and my argument is the better.’

She sent her controversialists into the philosophical arena. It

was the Dominican and Franciscan doctors, the greatest of them

being S. Thomas, who in those mediæval universities fought the

battle of revelation with the weapons of heathenism.”[249]

To find fault with the church because popular education in the middle

ages was not organized and general as it has since become would be

as wise as to pick a quarrel with the ancient Greeks for not having

railroads, or with the Romans because they had no steamships. Reading and

writing were not taught then universally as they are now because it was

physically and morally impossible that they should have been. Without

steam and the printing-press, common-school systems would not now be

practicable, nor would the want of them be felt. We have great reason to

be thankful that the art of printing was invented and America discovered

before Luther burned the Pope’s bull, else we should be continually

bothered with refuting the cause-and-effect historians who would have

infallibly traced both these events to the Wittenberg conflagration.

All Europe was still Catholic when gunpowder drove old Father Schwarz’s

pestle through the ceiling, when Gutenberg made his printing-press, when

Columbus landed in the New World; and these are the forces which have

battered down the castles of feudalism, have brought knowledge within the

reach of all, and some measure of redress to the masses of the Old World,

by affording them the possibility and opportunity of liberty in the New.

These forces would have wrought to even better purpose had Protestantism

not broken the continuity and homogeneity of Christian civilization. The

Turk would not rest like a blight from heaven upon the fairest lands of

Europe and Asia, nor the darkness of heathenism upon India and China, had

the civilized nations remained of one faith; and thus, though our own

train might have rushed less rapidly down the ringing grooves of change,

the whole human race would have advanced to a level which there now seems

but little reason to hope it will ever reach.

But to come more nearly to M. de Laveleye’s assertion that the Protestant

states are incomparably more advanced than the Catholic, with the

exception of England, which in this matter is at least up to the standard

of Catholic countries. In the report of the Commissioner of Education for

1874 there is a statistical account of the state of education in foreign

countries which throws some light upon this subject.

The school attendance, compared with the population, is in Austria as

1 to 10; in Belgium, as 1 to 10½; in Ireland, as 1 to 16; in Catholic

Switzerland, as 1 to 16; in England, as 1 to 17. In Bavaria it is as 1

to 7, upon the authority of Kay, in his _Social Condition of the People

in England and Europe_. Catholic Austria, Bavaria, Belgium, and Ireland

have proportionately a larger school attendance than Protestant England.

England and Wales (report of 1874), with a population of 22,712,266,

had a school population of 5,374,700, of whom only about half were

registered, and not half of these attended with sufficient regularity to

bring grants to their schools. Ireland, with a population of 5,411,416,

had on register 1,006,511, or nearly half as many as England and Wales,

though her population is not a fourth of that of these two countries.

“The statistical fact,” says Laing, speaking of Rome as it was under the

popes, “that Rome has above a hundred schools more than Berlin, for a

population little more than half that of Berlin, puts to flight a world

of humbug about systems of national education carried on by governments

and their moral effects on society.… In Catholic Germany, in France,

Italy, and even Spain, the education of the common people in reading,

writing, arithmetic, music, manners, and morals, is at least as generally

diffused and as faithfully promoted by the clerical body as in Scotland.

It is by their own advance, and not by keeping back the advance of the

people, that the popish (_sic_) priesthood of the present day seek to

keep ahead of the intellectual progress of the community in Catholic

lands; and they might, perhaps, retort on our Presbyterian clergy, and

ask if they, too, are in their countries at the head of the intellectual

movement of the age. Education is in reality not only not repressed, but

is encouraged, by the popish church, and is a mighty instrument in its

hands, and ably used.”[250]

Professor Huxley’s testimony is confirmatory of this admission of Laing.

“It was my fortune,” he says, “some time ago to pay a visit to one

of the most important of the institutions in which the clergy of the

Roman Catholic Church in these islands are trained; and it seemed to me

that the difference between these men and the comfortable champions of

Anglicanism and Dissent was comparable to the difference between our

gallant Volunteers and the trained veterans of Napoleon’s Old Guard. The

Catholic priest is trained to know his business and do it effectually.

The professors of the college in question, learned, zealous, and

determined men, permitted me to speak frankly with them. We talked like

outposts of opposed armies during a truce--as friendly enemies; and when

I ventured to point out the difficulties their students would have to

encounter from scientific thought, they replied: ‘Our church has lasted

many ages, and has passed safely through many storms. The present is but

a new gust of the old tempest; and we do not turn out our young men less

fitted to weather it than they have been in former times to cope with the

difficulties of those times.’”[251]

“It is a common remark,” says Kay, “of the operatives of Lancashire,

and one which is only too true: ‘Your church is a church for the rich,

but not for the poor. It was not intended for such people as we are.’

The Roman church is much wiser than the English in this respect.… It is

singular to observe how the priests of Romanist (_sic_) countries abroad

associate with the poor. I have often seen them riding with the peasants

in their carts along the roads, eating with them in their houses,

sitting with them in the village inns, mingling with them in their

village festivals, and yet always preserving their authority.”[252]

With us, too, the masses of the people are fast abandoning Protestantism.

There is no Catholic country in Europe in which the social condition of

the masses is so wretched as in England, the representative Protestant

country. For three hundred years, it may be said, the Catholic Church

had no existence there. The nation was exclusively under Protestant

influence; and yet the lower classes were suffered to remain in stolid

ignorance, until they became the most degraded population in Christendom.

“It has been calculated,” says Kay, writing in 1850, “that there are

at the present day, in England and Wales, nearly 8,000,000 persons who

cannot read and write.” That was more than half of the whole population

at that time. But this is not the worst. A population ignorant of

reading and writing may nevertheless, to a certain extent, be educated

through religious teaching and influence; but these unhappy creatures

were left, helpless and hopeless, to sink deeper and deeper beneath the

weight of their degradation, without being brought into contact with

any power that could refine or elevate them; and if their condition has

somewhat improved in the last quarter of a century, this is no more to

be attributed to Protestantism than the Catholic Emancipation Act or the

Atlantic cable.

THE SEVEN FRIDAYS IN LENT

First, thy most holy Passion, dearest Lord,

Doth set the keynote of our love and tears;

And then thy holy Crown of Thorns appears--

Strange diadem for thee, of lords the Lord!

The holy Lance and Nails we clasp and hoard:

What pierced thee sore heals sin-sick souls to-day;

Then thy Five Wounds we glorify for aye--

Hands, feet, and broken Heart, beloved, adored.

Now tears of bitter grief flow fast like rain:

Our Lord’s most Precious Blood for us flows fast.

Alas! what tears of ours, what love, what pain,

Can match that tide of blood and love and woe?

Mother, we turn to thy Seven Griefs at last;

Teach us to stand, with thee, the cross below.

ARE YOU MY WIFE?

BY THE AUTHOR OF “PARIS BEFORE THE WAR,” “NUMBER THIRTEEN,” “PIUS VI.,”

ETC.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE SEARCH NEARLY OVER.

The Catholic World, Vol. 22, October, 1875, to March, 1876 A Monthly Magazine of General Literature and Science · 第 12 / 16 章