The desire for new territory, for the propagation of religion, and,

above all, for the precious metals, were the chief motives which

prompted the voyages of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. These

motives have remained operative; and to them has been added in more

recent times the spirit of pure adventure and the interest in science,

together with, increasing measure, the effort to secure trade. But the

extension of trade followed slowly in the wake of discovery. China and

Japan remained almost closed. The policy of Spain sought to restrict

her American waters to her own ships, and the commerce they carried

was scanty. Communication remained slow and dangerous across the oceans

till the introduction of steam vessels (1825-1830).

[Illustration: The Hereford Map: about 1307

Note Paradise at the top, and Jerusalem in the centre

The Fra Mauro Map: about 1457

Babylon is shown in the centre of the map

The World as Known on the Eve of Discovery of America (Drawn by Martin

Behaim in 1492)

The World as known in 150 A.D. From a map by Ptolemy, who appears to

have had knowledge of the sources of the Nile

THE FIRST MAPS: SOME EARLY GEOGRAPHERS’ IDEAS OF THE WORLD]

[Illustration: THE MODERN REPRESENTATION OF THE WORLD: SHOWN ON THREE

DIFFERENT PROJECTIONS

In each case the British Empire is shaded

]

[Sidenote: Round the World in 40 Days!]

Land transport, though it had steadily increased in Europe, remained

costly as well as slow till the era of railway construction began in

1829. The application of steam as a motive power and of electricity as

a means of communicating thought has been by far the greatest factor

in this long process of reducing the dimensions of the world, which

dates back as far as the domestication of beasts of burden, and the

invention, first of paddles and oars, and then of sails. The North

American Continent can now be crossed in five days, the South American

(from Valparaiso to Buenos Ayres) in under two, the Transandine tunnel

having now been pierced. The Continent which stretches from the Baltic

to the North Pacific can now be traversed in twelve days. By means of

the Trans-Siberian line and its steamship connection with the ports

of Japan, it is now possible to go round the globe in less than fifty

days. Indeed, the journey has recently been done in forty days. Nor

is this acceleration of transit more remarkable than its practical

immunity, as compared with earlier times, not only from the dangers

for which Nature is answerable, but from those also which man formerly

interposed.

The increase of trade which has followed in the track first of

discovery and latterly (with immensely larger volume) of the

improvement of means of transport, has been accompanied not only by the

seizure of transoceanic territories by the greater civilised States,

but also by an outflow of population from those States into the more

backward or more thinly-peopled parts of the earth. Sometimes, as

in the case of North America, Siberia, and Australia, the emigrants

extinguish or absorb the aboriginal population.

[Sidenote: Europeanisation of the World]

Sometimes, as in the case of India, Africa, and some parts of

South America, they neither extinguish nor blend with the previous

inhabitants, but rule them and spread what is called civilisation

among them--this civilisation consisting chiefly in a knowledge

of the mechanical arts and of deathful weapons accompanied by the

destruction, more or less gradual, of their pre-existing beliefs

and usages. Sometimes, again, as in the case of China, and to some

extent also of the Mussulman East, though political dominion is not

established, the process of substituting a new civilisation for the old

one goes on despite the occasional efforts of the backward people to

resist the process. The broad result is everywhere similar. The modern

European type of civilisation is being diffused over the whole earth,

superseding, or essentially modifying, the older local types. Thus,

in a still more important sense than even that of communications, the

world is contracted and becomes far more one than it has ever been

before. The European who speaks three or four languages can travel over

nearly all of it, and he can find on most of its habitable coasts, and

in many parts of the lately-discovered interior, the appliances which

are to him necessaries of life. The world is, in fact, becoming an

enlarged Europe, so far as the externals of life and the material side

of civilisation are concerned. The dissociative forces of Nature have

been overcome.

[Sidenote: Triumph of Natural Science]

Putting together the two processes, the process in time and the

process in space, which we have been reviewing, it will be seen that

the main line of the development of mankind may be described as the

transmission and the expansion of culture--that is to say, of knowledge

and intellectual capacity. The stock of knowledge available for use and

enjoyment has been steadily increased, and what each people accumulated

has been made available for all. With this there has come assimilation,

the destruction of weaker types of civilisation, the modification by

constant interaction of the stronger types, the creation of a common

type tending to absorb all the rest. Assimilation has been most

complete in the sphere ruled by natural science--that is to say, in

the material sphere, less complete in that ruled by the human sciences

(including the sphere of political and social institutions), still

less complete in the sphere of religious, moral, and social ideas, and

as respects the products of literature and art. Or, in other words,

where certainty of knowledge is attainable and utility in practice

is incontestable, the process of assimilation has moved fastest and

furthest.

[Sidenote: Nature & the Unity of Mankind]

The process has been a long one, for its beginnings reach back beyond

our historical knowledge. So far as it lies within the range of

history, it falls into two periods, the earlier of which supplies an

instructive illustration of the later one which we know better. The

effort which Nature--that is to say, the natural tendencies of man as a

social being--has been making towards the unification of mankind during

the last few centuries, is her second great effort. The first was in

progress from the time when the most ancient records begin down to the

sixth and seventh centuries of the Christian era.

[Illustration: THE FIRST TRAVELLER ROUND THE GLOBE

The great exploit of Ferdinand Magellan, who circumnavigated the

globe in 1519-1520, ranks among the events of world importance, and

was the culminating achievement of the greatest period of discovery

in the world’s history.

]

Greek civilisation, which itself had drawn much from Egypt, as well

as from Assyria, Phœnicia, and the peoples of Asia Minor, permeated

the minds and institutions (except the legal institutions), of the

Mediterranean and West European countries, and was propagated by the

governing energy of the Romans. In its Romanised form it transformed

or absorbed and superseded the less advanced civilisations of all

those countries, creating one new type for the whole Roman world. With

some local diversities, that type prevailed from the Northumbrian

Wall of Hadrian to the Caucasus and the deserts of Arabia. The still

independent races on the northern frontier of the Empire received a

tincture of it, and would doubtless have been more deeply imbued had

the Roman Empire stood longer.

Christianity, becoming dominant at a time when the Empire was already

tottering, gave a new sense of unity to all whom the Greco-Roman type

had formed, extended the influence of that type still further, and

enabled much that belonged to it (especially its religious, its legal,

and its literary elements) to survive the political dominion of the

Emperors and to perpetuate itself among practically independent States

which were springing up. The authority of Papal Rome helped to carry

this sense of unity among civilised men through a period of ignorance,

confusion, and semi-barbarism which might otherwise have extinguished

it. Nevertheless, we may say, broadly speaking, that the first effort

towards the establishment of a common type of civilisation was, if not

closed, yet arrested by the dissolution of the Roman Empire in the

West. Close thereupon came the rise of Islam, tearing away the Eastern

provinces, and creating a rival type of civilisation--though a type

largely influenced by the Greco-Roman--which held its ground for some

centuries, and has only recently shown that it is destined to vanish.

[Sidenote: Conquest and Civilisation]

The beginnings of the second effort toward the unification of civilised

mankind may be observed as far back as the eleventh and twelfth

centuries. Its effective and decisive action may, however, be assigned

to the fifteenth, when the spread of literary and philosophic culture,

and the swift extension of maritime discovery, ushered in the modern

phase wherein we have marked its irresistible advance. This phase

differs from the earlier one both in its range--for it embraces the

whole earth and not merely the Mediterranean lands--and in its basis,

for it rests not so much upon conquest and religion as upon scientific

knowledge, formative ideas, and commerce. Yet even here a parallelism

may be noted between the ancient and the modern phase. Knowledge and

ideas had brought about a marked assimilation of various parts of the

ancient world to each other before Roman conquest completed the work,

and what conquest did was done chiefly among the ruder races. So now,

while it is knowledge and ideas that have worked for the creation of

a common type among the peoples of European stock, conquest has been a

potent means of spreading this type in the outlying countries and among

the more backward races whose territories the European nations have

seized.

[Illustration: THE EUROPEANISATION OF THE WORLD

European civilisation is being diffused all over the earth,

superseding or essentially modifying the older local types.

The solid black portions of this map represent territory under

Anglo-Saxon control; the shaded parts are under other European

control, and the dotted parts under Asiatic and African control.

]

[Sidenote: Language a Unifying Influence]

The diffusion of a few forms of speech has played a great part in both

phases. Greek was spoken over the eastern half of the Roman world

in the second century A.D., though not to the extinction of such

tongues as Syriac and Egyptian. Latin was similarly spoken over the

western half, though not to the extinction of the tongues we now call

Basque and Breton and Welsh; and Latin continued to be the language

of religion, of law, of philosophy, and of serious prose literature

in general till the sixteenth century. So now, several of the leading

European tongues are spoken far beyond the limits of their birthplace,

and their wide range has become a powerful influence in diffusing

European culture. German, English, Russian, Spanish, and French are

available for the purposes of commerce, and for those who read books

over nineteen-twentieths of the earth’s surface. The languages of the

smaller non-European peoples are disappearing in those places where

they have to compete with these greater European tongues, except in

so far as they are a medium of domestic intercourse. Arabic, Chinese,

and in less degree Persian are the only non-European languages

which retain a world importance. English, German, and Spanish are

pre-eminently the three leading commercial languages. They gain ground

on the rest, and it is English that gains ground most swiftly. The

German merchant is no doubt even more ubiquitous (if the expression be

permitted) than is the English; but the German more frequently speaks

English than the Englishman or American speaks German.

[Sidenote: Linking the Nations Together]

It has already been observed that assimilation has advanced least

in the sphere of institutions, ideas, and literature. The question

might, indeed, be raised whether the types of thought, of national

character, and of literary activity represented by the five or six

leading nations are not rather tending to become more accentuated.

The self-consciousness of each nation, taking the form of pride or

vanity, leads it to exalt its own type and to dwell with satisfaction

on whatever differentiates it from other types. Nevertheless there are

influences at work in the domain of practice as well as of thought,

which, in creating a common body of opinion and a sense of common

interest among large classes belonging to these leading nations, tend

to link the nations themselves together. Religious sympathy, or a

common attachment to certain doctrines, such as, for instance, those

of Collectivism, works in this direction among the masses, as the

love of science or of art does among sections of the more educated

class. As regards the peoples not of European stock, who are, broadly

speaking, the more backward, it is not yet possible to say what will be

the influence of the European type of culture upon their intellectual

development.

The material side of their civilisation will after a time conform to

the European type, though, perhaps, to forms that are not the most

progressive; and even such faiths as Buddhism and Islam may lose their

hold on those who come most into contact with Europeans. But whether

these peoples will produce any new types of thought or art under the

stimulus of Europe, as the Teutons and Slavs did after they had been

for centuries in contact with the relics of Greco-Roman culture, or

whether they will be overborne by and merely imitate and reproduce what

Europeans teach them--this is a question for conjecture only, since the

data for predictions are wanting.

It is a question of special interest as regards the Japanese, the

one non-European race which, having an old civilisation of its own,

highly developed on the artistic side, has shown an amazing aptitude

for appropriating European institutions and ideas. Already a Japanese

physiologist has taken high rank among men of science by being one of

the discoverers of the bacillus of the Oriental plague.

DOES HISTORY MAKE FOR PROGRESS?

One of the questions which both the writers and the readers of a

History of the World must frequently ask themselves is whether the

course of history establishes a general law of progress. Some thinkers

have gone so far as to say that this must be the moral of history

regarded as a whole, and a few have even suggested that without the

recognition of such a principle and of a sort of general guidance of

human affairs towards this goal, history would be unintelligible, and

the doings of mankind would seem little better than the sport of chance.

[Sidenote: What is the Test of Progress?]

[Sidenote: What Mankind has Achieved]

Whatever may be thought of these propositions as matters of theory,

the doctrine of a general and steady law of progress is one to which

no historian ought to commit himself. His business is to set forth and

explain the facts exactly as they are; and if he writes in the light

of a theory he is pretty certain to be unconsciously seduced into

giving undue prominence to those facts which make for it. Moreover,

the question is in itself a far more complex one than the simple word

“progress” at first sight conveys. What is the test of progress? In

what form of human advance is it to be deemed to consist? Which of

these forms is of the highest value? There can be no doubt of the

advance made by man in certain directions. There may be great doubt

as to his advance in other directions. There may possibly be no

advance but even retrogression, or at least signs of an approaching

retrogression, in some few directions. The view to be taken of the

relative importance of these lines of movement is a matter not so much

for the historian as for the philosopher, and its discussion would

carry us away into fields of thought not fitted for a book like the

present. Although, therefore, it is true that one chief interest of

history resides in its capacity for throwing light on this question,

all that need here be said may be expressed as follows:

There has been a marvellous advance in man’s knowledge of the laws

of Nature and of his consequent mastery over Nature.

There has been therewith a great increase in population, and, on

the whole, in the physical vigour of the average individual man.

There has been, as a further consequence, an immense increase in

the material comfort and well-being of the bulk of mankind, so that

to most men necessaries have become easier of attainment, and many

things which were once luxuries have become necessaries.

Against this is to be set the fact that some of the natural resources

of the world are being rapidly exhausted. This would at one time have

excited alarm; but scientific discoveries have so greatly extended

man’s capacity to utilise other sources of natural energy, that people

are disposed to assume that the loss of the resources aforesaid will be

compensated by further discoveries.

[Sidenote: The Gain and the Loss]

As to progress other than material--that is to say, progress in

intellectual capacity, in taste, in the power of enjoyment, in virtue,

and generally in what is called happiness--every man’s view must

depend on the ideal which he sets before himself of what constitutes

happiness, and of the relative importance to happiness of the ethical

and the non-ethical elements which enter into the conception. Until

there is more agreement than now exists or has ever existed on these

points, there is no use in trying to form conclusions regarding the

progress man has made. Moreover, it is admitted that nearly every

gain man makes is accompanied by some corresponding loss--perhaps a

slight loss, yet a loss. When we attempt to estimate the comparative

importance of these gains and losses, questions of great difficulty,

both ethical and non-ethical, emerge; and in many cases our experience

is not yet sufficient to determine the quantum of loss. There is room

both for the optimist and for the pessimist, and in arguing such

questions nearly everybody becomes an optimist or a pessimist. The

historian has no business to be either.

There is another temptation besides that of delivering his opinion on

these high matters, of which the historian does well to be aware--I

mean the temptation to prophesy. The study of history as a whole,

more inevitably than that of the history of any particular country

or people, suggests forecasts of the future, because the broader the

field which we survey the more do we learn to appreciate the great and

wide-working forces that are guiding mankind, and the more therefore

are we led to speculate on the results which these forces, some of them

likely to be permanent, will tend to bring about.

[Sidenote: Modern Mastery of Nature]

This temptation can seldom have been stronger than it is now, when we

see all mankind brought into closer relations than ever before, and

more obviously dominated by forces which are essentially the same,

though varying in their form. Yet it will appear, when the problem is

closely examined, that the very novelty of the present situation of

the world--the fact that our mastery of Nature has been so rapidly

extended within the last century, and that the phenomena of the

subjugation of the earth by Europeans and of the ubiquitous contact

of the advanced and the backward races are so unexampled in respect

of the area they cover--that all predictions must be uttered with the

greatest caution, and due allowance made for elements which may disturb

even the most careful calculations. It may, indeed, be doubted whether

any predictions of a definitely positive kind--predictions that such

and such things will happen--can be safely made, save the obvious ones

which are based on the assumption that existing natural conditions

remain for some time operative.

[Sidenote: A Glimpse into the Future]

Taking this assumption to be a legitimate one, it maybe predicted that

population will continue to increase, at least till the now waste but

habitable parts of the earth have been turned to account; that races,

except where there is a marked colour line, will continue to become

intermingled; that the small and weak races, and especially the lower

set of savages, will be absorbed or die out; that fewer and fewer

languages will be spoken; that communications will become even swifter,

easier, and cheaper than they are at present; and that commerce and

wealth will continue to grow, subject, perhaps, to occasional checks

from political disturbance.

There are also some negative predictions on which one may venture,

and with a little more confidence. No new race can appear, except

possibly from a fusion of two or more existing races, or from the

differentiation of a branch of an existing race under new conditions,

as the Americans have been to some slight extent differentiated from

the English, and the Brazilians from the Portuguese (there having been

in the latter case a certain admixture of negro blood), and as the

Siberians of the future may be a different sort of Russians. Neither

is any new language likely to appear, except, mere trade jargons (like

Chinook or pigeon English), because the existing languages of the

great peoples are firmly established, and the process of change within

each of these languages has, owing to the abundance of printed matter,

become now extremely slow. Conditions can hardly be imagined under

which such a phenomenon as the development of the Romance languages out

of Latin, or of Danish and Swedish out of the common Northern tongue of

the eleventh century, could recur.

[Illustration: THE PEOPLES OF THE WORLD AT PEACE

From the statuary groups on the Albert Memorial.

]

It may seem natural to add the further prediction that the great States

and the great religions will continue to grow and to absorb the small

ones. But when we touch topics into which human opinion or emotion

enters, we touch a new kind of matter, where the influences now at work

may be too much affected by new influences to permit of any forecast.

Conditions might conceivably come into action which would split up some

or most of the present great States, and bring the world back to an age

of small political communities.

So, too, though the lower forms of paganism are fast vanishing, and

the four or five great religions are extending their sway, it is

conceivable that new prophets may arise, founding new faiths, or that

the existing religions may be split up into new sects widely diverse

from one another. Even the supremacy of the European races, well

assured as it now appears, may be reduced by a variety of causes,

physiological or moral, when some centuries have passed.

[Illustration: THE PEOPLES OF THE WORLD AT PEACE

From the statuary groups on the Albert Memorial.

]

Whoever examines the predictions made by the most observant and

profound thinkers of the past will see reason to distrust almost all

the predictions, especially those of a positive order, which shape

themselves in our minds to-day.

JAMES BRYCE

[Illustration: SUMMARY OF WORLD HISTORY

WITH

A CHRONOLOGY OF TEN THOUSAND YEARS

By Arthur D. Innes, M.A.]

Within the memory of living men, the most advanced peoples of the world

believed that the world itself had been created not 6,000 years ago. We

have all learned now that the globe itself, that life--and long later

mankind--came into being thousands, hundreds of thousands--it may be

millions--of years ago.

How long precisely, none can tell. What we do know with certainty is

that before the continents finally emerged in their present shape there

was an Ice Age, immediately preceded by what is called the Drift Age,

and that as early as the Drift Age man, the maker of implements, lived,

and did battle with the cave bear and other monsters. Where man first

came into being, how he spread over the globe, how the great races

acquired their characteristics, we can only conjecture.

[Sidenote: The Birth of the Nations]

The Book of History (Vol. 1 of 18) A History of All Nations from the Earliest Times to the Present · 第 7 / 58 段