CHAPTER II

THE VEDAS, BRÂHMANAS AND THEIR PHILOSOPHY

The Vedas and their antiquity.

The sacred books of India, the Vedas, are generally believed to be the

earliest literary record of the Indo-European race. It is indeed

difficult to say when the earliest portions of these compositions came

into existence. Many shrewd guesses have been offered, but none of them

can be proved to be incontestably true. Max Müller supposed the date to

be 1200 B.C., Haug 2400 B.C. and Bâl Ga@ngâdhar Tilak 4000 B.C. The

ancient Hindus seldom kept any historical record of their literary,

religious or political achievements. The Vedas were handed down from

mouth to mouth from a period of unknown antiquity; and the Hindus

generally believed that they were never composed by men. It was

therefore generally supposed that either they were taught by God to the

sages, or that they were of themselves revealed to the sages who were the

"seers" (_mantradra@s@tâ_) of the hymns. Thus we find that when some

time had elapsed after the composition of the Vedas, people had come to

look upon them not only as very old, but so old that they had,

theoretically at least, no beginning in time, though they were believed

to have been revealed at some unknown remote period at the beginning of

each creation.

The place of the Vedas in the Hindu mind.

When the Vedas were composed, there was probably no system of writing

prevalent in India. But such was the scrupulous zeal of the Brahmins,

who got the whole Vedic literature by heart by hearing it from their

preceptors, that it has been transmitted most faithfully to us through

the course of the last 3000 years or more with little or no interpolations

at all. The religious history of India had suffered considerable changes

in the latter periods, since the time of the Vedic civilization, but such

was the reverence paid to the Vedas that they had ever remained as

the highest religious authority for all sections of the Hindus at

all times. Even at this day all the obligatory duties of the Hindus

at birth, marriage, death, etc., are performed according to the old

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Vedic ritual. The prayers that a Brahmin now says three times a day

are the same selections of Vedic verses as were used as prayer verses

two or three thousand years ago. A little insight into the life of an

ordinary Hindu of the present day will show that the system of

image-worship is one that has been grafted upon his life, the regular

obligatory duties of which are ordered according to the old Vedic rites.

Thus an orthodox Brahmin can dispense with image-worship if he likes,

but not so with his daily Vedic prayers or other obligatory ceremonies.

Even at this day there are persons who bestow immense sums of money

for the performance and teaching of Vedic sacrifices and rituals.

Most of the Sanskrit literatures that flourished after the Vedas

base upon them their own validity, and appeal to them as authority.

Systems of Hindu philosophy not only own their allegiance to the Vedas,

but the adherents of each one of them would often quarrel with others

and maintain its superiority by trying to prove that it and it alone

was the faithful follower of the Vedas and represented correctly their

views. The laws which regulate the social, legal, domestic and religious

customs and rites of the Hindus even to the present day are said to be

but mere systematized memories of old Vedic teachings, and are held to

be obligatory on their authority. Even under British administration, in

the inheritance of property, adoption, and in such other legal

transactions, Hindu Law is followed, and this claims to draw its authority

from the Vedas. To enter into details is unnecessary. But suffice it to

say that the Vedas, far from being regarded as a dead literature of the

past, are still looked upon as the origin and source of almost all

literatures except purely secular poetry and drama. Thus in short we may

say that in spite of the many changes that time has wrought, the orthodox

Hindu life may still be regarded in the main as an adumbration of the

Vedic life, which had never ceased to shed its light all through the past.

Classification of the Vedic literature.

A beginner who is introduced for the first time to the study

of later Sanskrit literature is likely to appear somewhat confused

when he meets with authoritative texts of diverse purport and

subjects having the same generic name "Veda" or "S'ruti" (from

_s'ru_ to hear); for Veda in its wider sense is not the name of any

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particular book, but of the literature of a particular epoch extending

over a long period, say two thousand years or so. As this literature

represents the total achievements of the Indian people in different

directions for such a long period, it must of necessity be of a

diversified character. If we roughly classify this huge literature from

the points of view of age, language, and subject matter, we can point out

four different types, namely the Sa@mhitâ or collection of verses (_sam_

together, _hita_ put), Brâhma@nas, Âra@nyakas ("forest treatises")

and the Upani@sads. All these literatures, both prose and verse,

were looked upon as so holy that in early times it was thought

almost a sacrilege to write them; they were therefore learnt by

heart by the Brahmins from the mouth of their preceptors and

were hence called _s'ruti_ (literally anything heard)[Footnote ref 1].

The Sa@mhitâs.

There are four collections or Sa@mhitâs, namely @Rg-Veda, Sâma-Veda,

Yajur-Veda and Atharva-Veda. Of these the @Rg-Veda is probably the

earliest. The Sâma-Veda has practically no independent value, for

it consists of stanzas taken (excepting only 75) entirely from the

@Rg-Veda, which were meant to be sung to certain fixed melodies, and

may thus be called the book of chants. The Yajur-Veda however contains

in addition to the verses taken from the @Rg-Veda many original prose

formulas. The arrangement of the verses of the Sâma-Veda is solely with

reference to their place and use in the Soma sacrifice; the contents

of the Yajur-Veda are arranged in the order in which the verses were

actually employed in the various religious sacrifices. It is therefore

called the Veda of Yajus--sacrificial prayers. These may be contrasted

with the arrangement in the @Rg-Veda in this, that there the verses are

generally arranged in accordance with the gods who are adored in them.

Thus, for example, first we get all the poems addressed to Agni or the

Fire-god, then all those to the god Indra and so on. The fourth

collection, the Atharva-Veda, probably attained its present form

considerably later than the @Rg-Veda. In spirit, however, as Professor

Macdonell says, "It is not only entirely different from the _Rigveda_

but represents a much more primitive stage of thought. While the

_Rigveda_ deals almost exclusively with the higher gods as conceived by a

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[Footnote 1: Pâ@nini, III. iii. 94.]

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comparatively advanced and refined sacerdotal class, the _Atharva-Veda_

is, in the main a book of spells and incantations appealing to the demon

world, and teems with notions about witchcraft current among the lower

grades of the population, and derived from an immemorial antiquity. These

two, thus complementary to each other in contents are obviously the most

important of the four Vedas [Footnote ref 1]."

The Brâhma@nas. [Footnote ref 2]

After the Sa@mhitâs there grew up the theological treatises called the

Brâhma@nas, which were of a distinctly different literary type. They

are written in prose, and explain the sacred significance of the

different rituals to those who are not already familiar with them.

"They reflect," says Professor Macdonell, "the spirit of an age in

which all intellectual activity is concentrated on the sacrifice,

describing its ceremonies, discussing its value, speculating on its

origin and significance." These works are full of dogmatic assertions,

fanciful symbolism and speculations of an unbounded imagination in the

field of sacrificial details. The sacrificial ceremonials were probably

never so elaborate at the time when the early hymns were composed.

But when the collections of hymns were being handed down from generation

to generation the ceremonials became more and more complicated. Thus

there came about the necessity of the distribution of the different

sacrificial functions among several distinct classes of priests. We may

assume that this was a period when the caste system was becoming

established, and when the only thing which could engage wise and religious

minds was sacrifice and its elaborate rituals. Free speculative thinking

was thus subordinated to the service of the sacrifice, and the result

was the production of the most fanciful sacramental and symbolic

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[Footnote 1: A.A. Macdonell's _History of Sanskrit Literature_, p. 31.]

[Footnote 2: Weber (_Hist. Ind. Lit_., p. 11, note) says that the word

Brâhma@na signifies "that which relates to prayer _brahman_." Max Muller

(_S.B.E._, I.p. lxvi) says that Brâhma@na meant "originally the sayings

of Brahmans, whether in the general sense of priests, or in the more

special sense of Brahman-priests." Eggeling (S.B.E. XII. Introd. p. xxii)

says that the Brhâma@nas were so called "probably either because

they were intended for the instruction and guidance of priests (brahman)

generally; or because they were, for the most part, the authoritative

utterances of such as were thoroughly versed in Vedic and sacrificial

lore and competent to act as Brahmans or superintending priests." But

in view of the fact that the Brâhma@nas were also supposed to be as

much revealed as the Vedas, the present writer thinks that Weber's view

is the correct one.]

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system, unparalleled anywhere but among the Gnostics. It is now

generally believed that the close of the Brâhma@na period was not later

than 500 B.C.

The Âra@nyakas.

As a further development of the Brâhma@nas however we get the Âra@nyakas

or forest treatises. These works were probably composed for old men who

had retired into the forest and were thus unable to perform elaborate

sacrifices requiring a multitude of accessories and articles which could

not be procured in forests. In these, meditations on certain symbols

were supposed to be of great merit, and they gradually began to supplant

the sacrifices as being of a superior order. It is here that we find

that amongst a certain section of intelligent people the ritualistic ideas

began to give way, and philosophic speculations about the nature of

truth became gradually substituted in their place. To take an

illustration from the beginning of the B@rhadâra@nyaka we find that

instead of the actual performance of the horse sacrifice (_as'vamedha_)

there are directions for meditating upon the dawn (_U@sas_) as the head

of the horse, the sun as the eye of the horse, the air as its life, and

so on. This is indeed a distinct advancement of the claims of speculation

or meditation over the actual performance of the complicated ceremonials

of sacrifice. The growth of the subjective speculation, as being capable

of bringing the highest good, gradually resulted in the supersession of

Vedic ritualism and the establishment of the claims of philosophic

meditation and self-knowledge as the highest goal of life. Thus

we find that the Âra@nyaka age was a period during which free thinking

tried gradually to shake off the shackles of ritualism which had fettered

it for a long time. It was thus that the Âra@nyakas could pave the way

for the Upani@sads, revive the germs of philosophic speculation in the

Vedas, and develop them in a manner which made the Upani@sads the source

of all philosophy that arose in the world of Hindu thought.

The @Rg-Veda, its civilization.

The hymns of the @Rg-Veda are neither the productions of a

single hand nor do they probably belong to any single age. They

were composed probably at different periods by different sages,

and it is not improbable that some of them were composed

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before the Aryan people entered the plains of India. They were handed

down from mouth to mouth and gradually swelled through the new additions

that were made by the poets of succeeding generations. It was when the

collection had increased to a very considerable extent that it was

probably arranged in the present form, or in some other previous forms

to which the present arrangement owes its origin. They therefore reflect

the civilization of the Aryan people at different periods of antiquity

before and after they had come to India. This unique monument of a long

vanished age is of great aesthetic value, and contains much that is

genuine poetry. It enables us to get an estimate of the primitive

society which produced it--the oldest book of the Aryan race.

The principal means of sustenance were cattle-keeping and the

cultivation of the soil with plough and harrow, mattock and hoe,

and watering the ground when necessary with artificial canals.

"The chief food consists," as Kaegi says, "together with bread,

of various preparations of milk, cakes of flour and butter, many

sorts of vegetables and fruits; meat cooked on the spits or in pots,

is little used, and was probably eaten only at the great feasts and

family gatherings. Drinking plays throughout a much more important

part than eating [Footnote ref 1]." The wood-worker built war-chariots

and wagons, as also more delicate carved works and artistic cups.

Metal-workers, smiths and potters continued their trade. The

women understood the plaiting of mats, weaving and sewing;

they manufactured the wool of the sheep into clothing for men

and covering for animals. The group of individuals forming a

tribe was the highest political unit; each of the different families

forming a tribe was under the sway of the father or the head of

the family. Kingship was probably hereditary and in some cases

electoral. Kingship was nowhere absolute, but limited by the

will of the people. Most developed ideas of justice, right and

law, were present in the country. Thus Kaegi says, "the hymns

strongly prove how deeply the prominent minds in the people

were persuaded that the eternal ordinances of the rulers of the

world were as inviolable in mental and moral matters as in the

realm of nature, and that every wrong act, even the unconscious,

was punished and the sin expiated."[Footnote ref 2] Thus it is only right

and proper to think that the Aryans had attained a pretty high degree

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[Footnote 1: _The Rigveda_, by Kaegi, 1886 edition, p. 13.]

[Footnote 2: _Ibid_. p. 18.]

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of civilization, but nowhere was the sincere spirit of the Aryans

more manifested than in religion, which was the most essential and

dominant feature of almost all the hymns, except a few secular

ones. Thus Kaegi says, "The whole significance of the Rigveda

in reference to the general history of religion, as has repeatedly

been pointed out in modern times, rests upon this, that it presents

to us the development of religious conceptions from the earliest

beginnings to the deepest apprehension of the godhead and its

relation to man [Footnote ref 1]."

The Vedic Gods.

The hymns of the @Rg-Veda were almost all composed in

praise of the gods. The social and other materials are of secondary

importance, as these references had only to be mentioned incidentally

in giving vent to their feelings of devotion to the god.

The gods here are however personalities presiding over the diverse

powers of nature or forming their very essence. They have

therefore no definite, systematic and separate characters like the

Greek gods or the gods of the later Indian mythical works, the

Purâ@nas. The powers of nature such as the storm, the rain, the

thunder, are closely associated with one another, and the gods

associated with them are also similar in character. The same

epithets are attributed to different gods and it is only in a few

specific qualities that they differ from one another. In the later

mythological compositions of the Purâ@nas the gods lost their

character as hypostatic powers of nature, and thus became actual

personalities and characters having their tales of joy and sorrow

like the mortal here below. The Vedic gods may be contrasted

with them in this, that they are of an impersonal nature, as the

characters they display are mostly but expressions of the powers

of nature. To take an example, the fire or Agni is described, as

Kaegi has it, as one that "lies concealed in the softer wood, as

in a chamber, until, called forth by the rubbing in the early

morning hour, he suddenly springs forth in gleaming brightness.

The sacrificer takes and lays him on the wood. When the priests

pour melted butter upon him, he leaps up crackling and neighing

like a horse--he whom men love to see increasing like their own

prosperity. They wonder at him, when, decking himself with

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[Footnote 1: _The Rigveda_, by Kaegi, p. 26.]

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changing colors like a suitor, equally beautiful on all sides, he

presents to all sides his front.

"All-searching is his beam, the gleaming of his light,

His, the all-beautiful, of beauteous face and glance,

The changing shimmer like that floats upon the stream,

So Agni's rays gleam over bright and never cease."

[Footnote ref 1] R.V.I. 143. 3.

They would describe the wind (Vâta) and adore him and say

"In what place was he born, and from whence comes he?

The vital breath of gods, the world's great offspring,

The God where'er he will moves at his pleasure:

His rushing sound we hear--what his appearance, no one."

[Footnote ref 2] R.V.X. 168. 3, 4.

It was the forces of nature and her manifestations, on earth

here, the atmosphere around and above us, or in the Heaven

beyond the vault of the sky that excited the devotion and

imagination of the Vedic poets. Thus with the exception of a

few abstract gods of whom we shall presently speak and some

dual divinities, the gods may be roughly classified as the

terrestrial, atmospheric, and celestial.

Polytheism, Henotheism and Monotheism.

The plurality of the Vedic gods may lead a superficial enquirer

to think the faith of the Vedic people polytheistic. But an intelligent

reader will find here neither polytheism nor monotheism but a simple

primitive stage of belief to which both of these may be said to owe

their origin. The gods here do not preserve their proper places as in

a polytheistic faith, but each one of them shrinks into insignificance

or shines as supreme according as it is the object of adoration or not.

The Vedic poets were the children of nature. Every natural phenomenon

excited their wonder, admiration or veneration. The poet is struck

with wonder that "the rough red cow gives soft white milk." The appearance

or the setting of the sun sends a thrill into the minds of the Vedic

sage and with wonder-gazing eyes he exclaims:

"Undropped beneath, not fastened firm, how comes it

That downward turned he falls not downward?

The guide of his ascending path,--who saw it?"

[Footnote Ref 1] R.V. IV. 13. 5.

The sages wonder how "the sparkling waters of all rivers flow

into one ocean without ever filling it." The minds of the Vedic

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[Footnote 1: _The Rigveda_, by Kaegi, p. 35.]

[Footnote 2: _Ibid_, p. 38.]

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people as we find in the hymns were highly impressionable and

fresh. At this stage the time was not ripe enough for them to

accord a consistent and well-defined existence to the multitude

of gods nor to universalize them in a monotheistic creed. They

hypostatized unconsciously any force of nature that overawed

them or filled them with gratefulness and joy by its beneficent or

aesthetic character, and adored it. The deity which moved the devotion

or admiration of their mind was the most supreme for the

time. This peculiar trait of the Vedic hymns Max Muller has called

Henotheism or Kathenotheism: "a belief in single gods, each in turn

standing out as the highest. And since the gods are thought of

as specially ruling in their own spheres, the singers, in their special

concerns and desires, call most of all on that god to whom they

ascribe the most power in the matter,--to whose department if I

may say so, their wish belongs. This god alone is present to the mind

of the suppliant; with him for the time being is associated everything

that can be said of a divine being;--he is the highest, the only

god, before whom all others disappear, there being in this, however,

no offence or depreciation of any other god [Footnote ref 1]." "Against

this theory it has been urged," as Macdonell rightly says in his _Vedic

Mythology_ [Footnote ref 2], "that Vedic deities are not represented as

'independent of all the rest,' since no religion brings its gods into

more frequent and varied juxtaposition and combination, and that even

the mightiest gods of the Veda are made dependent on others. Thus

Varu@na and Sûrya are subordinate to Indra (I. 101), Varu@na and

the As'vins submit to the power of Vi@s@nu (I. 156)....Even when a

god is spoken of as unique or chief (_eka_), as is natural enough in

laudations, such statements lose their temporarily monotheistic

force, through the modifications or corrections supplied by the context

or even by the same verse [Footnote Ref 3]. "Henotheism is therefore an

appearance," says Macdonell, "rather than a reality, an appearance

produced by the indefiniteness due to undeveloped anthropomorphism,

by the lack of any Vedic god occupying the position of a Zeus as the

constant head of the pantheon, by the natural tendency of the priest

or singer in extolling a particular god to exaggerate his greatness

and to ignore other gods, and by the

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[Footnote 1: _The Rigveda_, by Kaegi, p. 27.]

[Footnote 2: See _Ibid._ p. 33. See also Arrowsmith's note on it for other

references to Henotheism.]

[Footnote 3: Macdonell's _Vedic Mythology_, pp. 16, 17.]

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growing belief in the unity of the gods (cf. the refrain of 3, 35)

each of whom might be regarded as a type of the divine [Footnote ref 1]."

But whether we call it Henotheism or the mere temporary exaggeration

of the powers of the deity in question, it is evident that this

stage can neither be properly called polytheistic nor monotheistic,

but one which had a tendency towards them both, although it

was not sufficiently developed to be identified with either of them.

The tendency towards extreme exaggeration could be called a

monotheistic bias in germ, whereas the correlation of different

deities as independent of one another and yet existing side by side

was a tendency towards polytheism.

Growth of a Monotheistic tendency; Prajâpati, Vis'vakarma.

This tendency towards extolling a god as the greatest and

highest gradually brought forth the conception of a supreme

Lord of all beings (Prajâpati), not by a process of conscious

generalization but as a necessary stage of development of the mind,

able to imagine a deity as the repository of the highest moral and

physical power, though its direct manifestation cannot be perceived.

Thus the epithet Prajâpati or the Lord of beings, which

was originally an epithet for other deities, came to be recognized

as a separate deity, the highest and the greatest. Thus it is said

in R.V.x. 121 [Footnote Ref 2]:

In the beginning rose Hira@nyagarbha,

Born as the only lord of all existence.

This earth he settled firm and heaven established:

What god shall we adore with our oblations?

Who gives us breath, who gives us strength, whose bidding

All creatures must obey, the bright gods even;

Whose shade is death, whose shadow life immortal:

What god shall we adore with our oblations?

Who by his might alone became the monarch

Of all that breathes, of all that wakes or slumbers,

Of all, both man and beast, the lord eternal:

What god shall we adore with our oblations?

Whose might and majesty these snowy mountains,

The ocean and the distant stream exhibit;

Whose arms extended are these spreading regions:

What god shall we adore with our oblations?

Who made the heavens bright, the earth enduring,

Who fixed the firmament, the heaven of heavens;

Who measured out the air's extended spaces:

What god shall we adore with our oblations?

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[Footnote 1: Macdonell's _Vedic Mythology_, p. 17.]

[Footnote 2: _The Rigveda_, by Kaegi, pp. 88, 89.]

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Similar attributes are also ascribed to the deity Vis'vakarma

(All-creator) [Footnote ref 1]. He is said to be father and procreator of

all beings, though himself uncreated. He generated the primitive waters.

It is to him that the sage says,

Who is our father, our creator, maker,

Who every place doth know and every creature,

By whom alone to gods their names were given,

To him all other creatures go to ask him [Footnote ref 2]

R.V.x.82.3.

Brahma.

The conception of Brahman which has been the highest glory

for the Vedânta philosophy of later days had hardly emerged in

the @Rg-Veda from the associations of the sacrificial mind. The

meanings that Sâya@na the celebrated commentator of the Vedas

gives of the word as collected by Haug are: (_a_) food, food offering,

(_b_) the chant of the sâma-singer, (_c_) magical formula or text,

(_d_) duly completed ceremonies, (_e_) the chant and sacrificial gift

together, (_f_) the recitation of the hot@r priest, (_g_) great. Roth

says that it also means "the devotion which manifests itself as

longing and satisfaction of the soul and reaches forth to the

gods." But it is only in the S'atapatha Brâhma@na that the conception

of Brahman has acquired a great significance as the

supreme principle which is the moving force behind the gods.

Thus the S'atapatha says, "Verily in the beginning this (universe)

was the Brahman (neut.). It created the gods; and, having

created the gods, it made them ascend these worlds: Agni this

(terrestrial) world, Vâyu the air, and Sûrya the sky.... Then the

Brahman itself went up to the sphere beyond. Having gone up

to the sphere beyond, it considered, 'How can I descend again

into these worlds?' It then descended again by means of these

two, Form and Name. Whatever has a name, that is name; and

that again which has no name and which one knows by its form,

'this is (of a certain) form,' that is form: as far as there are Form

and Name so far, indeed, extends this (universe). These indeed

are the two great forces of Brahman; and, verily, he who knows

these two great forces of Brahman becomes himself a great force [Footnote

ref 3]. In another place Brahman is said to be the ultimate thing in the

Universe and is identified with Prajâpati, Puru@sa and Prâ@na

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[Footnote 1: See _The Rigveda_, by Kaegi, p. 89, and also Muir's _Sanskrit

Texts_, vol. IV. pp. 5-11.]

[Footnote 2: Kaegi's translation.]

[Footnote 3: See Eggeling's translation of S'atapatha Brâhmana _S.B.E._

vol. XLIV. pp. 27, 28.]

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(the vital air [Footnote ref 1]). In another place Brahman is described as

being the Svayambhû (self-born) performing austerities, who offered

his own self in the creatures and the creatures in his own self,

and thus compassed supremacy, sovereignty and lordship over

all creatures [Footnote ref 2]. The conception of the supreme man (Puru@sa)

in the @Rg-Veda also supposes that the supreme man pervades the

world with only a fourth part of Himself, whereas the remaining

three parts transcend to a region beyond. He is at once the

present, past and future [Footnote ref 3].

Sacrifice; the First Rudiments of the Law of Karma.

It will however be wrong to suppose that these monotheistic

tendencies were gradually supplanting the polytheistic sacrifices.

On the other hand, the complications of ritualism were gradually

growing in their elaborate details. The direct result of this growth

contributed however to relegate the gods to a relatively unimportant

position, and to raise the dignity of the magical characteristics

of the sacrifice as an institution which could give the

desired fruits of themselves. The offerings at a sacrifice were not

dictated by a devotion with which we are familiar under Christian

or Vai@s@nava influence. The sacrifice taken as a whole is conceived

as Haug notes "to be a kind of machinery in which every

piece must tally with the other," the slightest discrepancy in the

performance of even a minute ritualistic detail, say in the pouring

of the melted butter on the fire, or the proper placing of utensils

employed in the sacrifice, or even the misplacing of a mere straw

contrary to the injunctions was sufficient to spoil the whole

sacrifice with whatsoever earnestness it might be performed.

Even if a word was mispronounced the most dreadful results

might follow. Thus when Tva@s@t@r performed a sacrifice for the

production of a demon who would be able to kill his enemy

Indra, owing to the mistaken accent of a single word the object

was reversed and the demon produced was killed by Indra. But if

the sacrifice could be duly performed down to the minutest

detail, there was no power which could arrest or delay the fruition

of the object. Thus the objects of a sacrifice were fulfilled not

by the grace of the gods, but as a natural result of the sacrifice.

The performance of the rituals invariably produced certain

mystic or magical results by virtue of which the object desired

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[Footnote 1: See _S.B.E._ XLIII. pp.59,60,400 and XLIV. p.409.]

[Footnote 2: See _Ibid_., XLIV, p. 418.]

[Footnote 3: R.V.x.90, Puru@sa Sûkta.]

22

by the sacrificer was fulfilled in due course like the fulfilment of

a natural law in the physical world. The sacrifice was believed

to have existed from eternity like the Vedas. The creation of

the world itself was even regarded as the fruit of a sacrifice performed

by the supreme Being. It exists as Haug says "as an invisible thing at

all times and is like the latent power of electricity in an

electrifying machine, requiring only the operation of a suitable

apparatus in order to be elicited." The sacrifice is not offered

to a god with a view to propitiate him or to obtain from him welfare

on earth or bliss in Heaven; these rewards are directly produced by

the sacrifice itself through the correct performance of complicated

and interconnected ceremonies which constitute the sacrifice. Though

in each sacrifice certain gods were invoked and received the offerings,

the gods themselves were but instruments in bringing about the sacrifice

or in completing the course of mystical ceremonies composing it.

Sacrifice is thus regarded as possessing a mystical potency superior even

to the gods, who it is sometimes stated attained to their divine rank

by means of sacrifice. Sacrifice was regarded as almost the only

kind of duty, and it was also called _karma_ or _kriyâ_ (action) and

the unalterable law was, that these mystical ceremonies for good

or for bad, moral or immoral (for there were many kinds of

sacrifices which were performed for injuring one's enemies or

gaining worldly prosperity or supremacy at the cost of others)

were destined to produce their effects. It is well to note here that

the first recognition of a cosmic order or law prevailing in nature

under the guardianship of the highest gods is to be found in the

use of the word @Rta (literally the course of things). This word

was also used, as Macdonell observes, to denote the "'order'

in the moral world as truth and 'right' and in the religious

world as sacrifice or 'rite'[Footnote ref 1]" and its unalterable law of

producing effects. It is interesting to note in this connection that it

is here that we find the first germs of the law of karma, which exercises

such a dominating control over Indian thought up to the present

day. Thus we find the simple faith and devotion of the Vedic

hymns on one hand being supplanted by the growth of a complex

system of sacrificial rites, and on the other bending their course

towards a monotheistic or philosophic knowledge of the ultimate

reality of the universe.

____________________________________________________________________

[Footnote 1: Macdonell's _Vedic Mythology_, p. 11.]

23

Cosmogony--Mythological and philosophical.

The cosmogony of the @Rg-Veda may be looked at from two

aspects, the mythological and the philosophical. The mythological

aspect has in general two currents, as Professor Macdonell says,

"The one regards the universe as the result of mechanical production,

the work of carpenter's and joiner's skill; the other

represents it as the result of natural generation [Footnote ref. 1]."

Thus in the @Rg-Veda we find that the poet in one place says, "what was

the wood and what was the tree out of which they built heaven

and earth [Footnote ref. 2]?" The answer given to this question in

Taittirîya-Brâhma@na is "Brahman the wood and Brahman the tree from

which the heaven and earth were made [Footnote ref 3]." Heaven and Earth

are sometimes described as having been supported with posts [Footnote

ref 4]. They are also sometimes spoken of as universal parents, and

parentage is sometimes attributed to Aditi and Dak@sa.

Under this philosophical aspect the semi-pantheistic Man-hymn

[Footnote ref 5] attracts our notice. The supreme man as we have already

noticed above is there said to be the whole universe, whatever

has been and shall be; he is the lord of immortality who has become

diffused everywhere among things animate and inanimate, and

all beings came out of him; from his navel came the atmosphere;

from his head arose the sky; from his feet came the earth; from

his ear the four quarters. Again there are other hymns in which

the Sun is called the soul (_âtman_) of all that is movable and

all that is immovable [Footnote ref 6]. There are also statements to the

effect that the Being is one, though it is called by many names by the

sages [Footnote ref 7]. The supreme being is sometimes extolled as the

supreme Lord of the world called the golden egg (Hira@nyagarbha [Footnote

ref 8]). In some passages it is said "Brahma@naspati blew forth these

births like a blacksmith. In the earliest age of the gods, the existent

sprang from the non-existent. In the first age of the gods, the

existent sprang from the non-existent: thereafter the regions

sprang, thereafter, from Uttânapada [Footnote ref 9]." The most remarkable

and sublime hymn in which the first germs of philosophic speculation

___________________________________________________________________

[Footnote 1: Macdonell's _Vedic Mythology_, p. 11.]

[Footnote 2: R.V.x. 81. 4.]

[Footnote 3: Taitt. Br. II. 8. 9. 6.]

[Footnote 4: Macdonell's _Vedic Mythology_, p. 11; also R.V. II. 15 and IV.

56.]

[Footnote 5: R.V.x. 90.]

[Footnote 6: R.V.I. 115.]

[Footnote 7: R.V.I. 164. 46.]

[Footnote 8: R.V.X. 121.]

[Footnote 9: Muir's translation of R.V.x. 72; Muir's _Sanskrit Texts_, vol.

v.p. 48.]

24

with regard to the wonderful mystery of the origin of the world

are found is the 129th hymn of R.V.x.

1. Then there was neither being nor not-being.

The atmosphere was not, nor sky above it.

What covered all? and where? by what protected?

Was there the fathomless abyss of waters?

2. Then neither death nor deathless existed;

Of day and night there was yet no distinction.

Alone that one breathed calmly, self-supported,

Other than It was none, nor aught above It.

3. Darkness there was at first in darkness hidden;

The universe was undistinguished water.

That which in void and emptiness lay hidden

Alone by power of fervor was developed.

4. Then for the first time there arose desire,

Which was the primal germ of mind, within it.

And sages, searching in their heart, discovered

In Nothing the connecting bond of Being.

6. Who is it knows? Who here can tell us surely

From what and how this universe has risen?

And whether not till after it the gods lived?

Who then can know from what it has arisen?

7. The source from which this universe has risen,

And whether it was made, or uncreated,

He only knows, who from the highest heaven

Rules, the all-seeing lord--or does not He know [Footnote ref 1]?

The earliest commentary on this is probably a passage in the

S'atapatha Brâhma@na (x. 5. 3.I) which says that "in the beginning

this (universe) was as it were neither non-existent nor existent;

in the beginning this (universe) was as it were, existed and did

not exist: there was then only that Mind. Wherefore it has been

declared by the Rishi (@Rg-Veda X. 129. I), 'There was then neither

the non-existent nor the existent' for Mind was, as it were, neither

existent nor non-existent. This Mind when created, wished to

become manifest,--more defined, more substantial: it sought after

a self (a body); it practised austerity: it acquired consistency [Footnote

ref 2]." In the Atharva-Veda also we find it stated that all forms of

the universe were comprehended within the god Skambha [Footnote ref 3].

Thus we find that even in the period of the Vedas there sprang

forth such a philosophic yearning, at least among some who could

____________________________________________________________________

[Footnote 1: _The Rigveda_, by Kaegi, p. 90. R.V.x. 129.]

[Footnote 2: See Eggeling's translation of _S'.B., S.B.E._ vol. XLIII. pp.

374, 375.]

[Footnote 3: _A.V._ x. 7. 10.]

25

question whether this universe was at all a creation or not, which

could think of the origin of the world as being enveloped in the

mystery of a primal non-differentiation of being and non-being;

and which could think that it was the primal One which by its

inherent fervour gave rise to the desire of a creation as the first

manifestation of the germ of mind, from which the universe sprang

forth through a series of mysterious gradual processes. In the

Brâhma@nas, however, we find that the cosmogonic view generally

requires the agency of a creator, who is not however always the

starting point, and we find that the theory of evolution is combined

with the theory of creation, so that Prajâpati is sometimes

spoken of as the creator while at other times the creator is said

to have floated in the primeval water as a cosmic golden egg.

Eschatology; the Doctrine of Âtman.

There seems to be a belief in the Vedas that the soul could

be separated from the body in states of swoon, and that it could

exist after death, though we do not find there any trace of the

doctrine of transmigration in a developed form. In the S'atapatha

Brâhma@na it is said that those who do not perform rites with

correct knowledge are born again after death and suffer death

again. In a hymn of the @Rg-Veda (X. 58) the soul (_manas_) of a man

apparently unconscious is invited to come back to him from the

trees, herbs, the sky, the sun, etc. In many of the hymns there

is also the belief in the existence of another world, where the

highest material joys are attained as a result of the performance

of the sacrifices and also in a hell of darkness underneath

where the evil-doers are punished. In the S'atapatha

Brâhma@na we find that the dead pass between two fires which burn the

evil-doers, but let the good go by [Footnote ref 1]; it is also said

there that everyone is born again after death, is weighed in a balance,

and receives reward or punishment according as his works are good or bad.

It is easy to see that scattered ideas like these with regard to

the destiny of the soul of man according to the sacrifice that he

performs or other good or bad deeds form the first rudiments of

the later doctrine of metempsychosis. The idea that man enjoys

or suffers, either in another world or by being born in this world

according to his good or bad deeds, is the first beginning of the

moral idea, though in the Brahmanic days the good deeds were

_____________________________________________________________________

[Footnote 1: See _S.B._ I. 9.3, and also Macdonell's _Vedic Mythology_,

pp. 166, 167.]

26

more often of the nature of sacrificial duties than ordinary good

works. These ideas of the possibilities of a necessary connection

of the enjoyments and sorrows of a man with his good and bad

works when combined with the notion of an inviolable law or

order, which we have already seen was gradually growing with

the conception of @rta, and the unalterable law which produces

the effects of sacrificial works, led to the Law of Karma and the

doctrine of transmigration. The words which denote soul in the

@Rg-Veda are _manas_, _âtman_ and _asu_. The word _âtman_ however

which became famous in later Indian thought is generally used

to mean vital breath. Manas is regarded as the seat of thought

and emotion, and it seems to be regarded, as Macdonell says, as

dwelling in the heart[Footnote ref 1]. It is however difficult to

understand how âtman as vital breath, or as a separable part of man

going out of the dead man came to be regarded as the ultimate essence

or reality in man and the universe. There is however at least one

passage in the @Rg-Veda where the poet penetrating deeper and

deeper passes from the vital breath (_asu_) to the blood, and thence

to âtman as the inmost self of the world; "Who has seen how

the first-born, being the Bone-possessing (the shaped world), was

born from the Boneless (the shapeless)? where was the vital

breath, the blood, the Self (_âtman_) of the world? Who went to

ask him that knows it [Footnote ref 2]?" In Taittîrya Âra@nyaka I. 23,

however, it is said that Prajâpati after having created his self (as

the world) with his own self entered into it. In Taittîrya Brâhma@na

the âtman is called omnipresent, and it is said that he who knows

him is no more stained by evil deeds. Thus we find that in the

pre-Upani@sad Vedic literature âtman probably was first used to

denote "vital breath" in man, then the self of the world, and then

the self in man. It is from this last stage that we find the traces

of a growing tendency to looking at the self of man as the omnipresent

supreme principle of the universe, the knowledge of which

makes a man sinless and pure.

Conclusion.

Looking at the advancement of thought in the @Rg-Veda we

find first that a fabric of thought was gradually growing which

not only looked upon the universe as a correlation of parts or a

____________________________________________________________________

[Footnote 1: Macdonell's _Vedic Mythology_, p.166 and R.V. viii.89.]

[Footnote 2: R.V.i. 164. 4 and Deussen's article on Âtman in

_Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_.

27

construction made of them, but sought to explain it as having

emanated from one great being who is sometimes described as

one with the universe and surpassing it, and at other times as

being separate from it; the agnostic spirit which is the mother

of philosophic thought is seen at times to be so bold as to express

doubts even on the most fundamental questions of creation--"Who

knows whether this world was ever created or not?" Secondly

the growth of sacrifices has helped to establish the unalterable

nature of the law by which the (sacrificial) actions produced their

effects of themselves. It also lessened the importance of deities

as being the supreme masters of the world and our fate, and the

tendency of henotheism gradually diminished their multiple

character and advanced the monotheistic tendency in some

quarters. Thirdly, the soul of man is described as being separable

from his body and subject to suffering and enjoyment in another

world according to his good or bad deeds; the doctrine that the

soul of man could go to plants, etc., or that it could again be reborn

on earth, is also hinted at in certain passages, and this may

be regarded as sowing the first seeds of the later doctrine of

transmigration. The self (_âtman_) is spoken of in one place as the

essence of the world, and when we trace the idea in the Brâhma@nas

and the Âra@nyakas we see that âtman has begun to mean the

supreme essence in man as well as in the universe, and has thus

approached the great Âtman doctrine of the Upani@sads.

A History of Indian Philosophy, Volume 1 · 第 2 / 16 章