"Thomas Cromwell to his most excellent friend, Master William Bates,

greeting. I am removed to the farmhouse of La Strada at San Casciano for

a short time, having left Florence on account of the great heat and an

indisposition of my stomach, caused by a surfeit of raw ham and figs:

for it is the custom of this people, when the figs ripen, to make an

excursion to their villas, or the farms of their tenants, and having

brought with them a number of small hams, smoked and excellently well

flavoured, which they cut into thin slices, they sit in the shade of a

fig-tree, and make a great feasting. Messer Frescobaldi carried me to

such a feast at one of his neighbouring villas, and I, whether from the

novelty of the dish, which savours deliciously, and is exciting to the

palate, or from a natural intemperance of appetite, having eaten

immoderately of figs and ham, and having drunk a vast quantity of wine,

was seized on my return to Florence with violent pains and cramps in the

stomach, accompanied by much retching and colic. Messer Frescobaldi,

having sent for his physician to come to me, I was blooded eight ounces,

and am now somewhat recovered, though in much need of rest, and the

coolness of the country air.

"But since I am charged with the execution of your business rather than

with the recreation of mine own health, let me say that the matter of

the Lucca merchants is settled, on the terms mentioned in the enclosed

treaty, and such produce as you require will be sent as occasion offers,

whether by France or Antwerp, depending upon the state of the rival

nations; but in so far as is possible the goods will be shipped at Genoa

by the Fuggers, and carried thence to Antwerp, to be reladed at your own

charge, and carried to your brother at Boston, or on a ship of the

Fuggers' trading with England, in which case they will be delivered to

yourself at the sign of the Blue Anchor, in Chepeside. The late

ordinances directing that all shrouds shall be made of woollen, and

forbidding the export of raw wool out of England, and the question of

the staple, have caused much ill-feeling against English merchants, both

at Antwerp and Florence; wherefore I think it would be wise to

commission the Fuggers to buy for you, and to colour your goods with

their name, more especially in the Baltic trade. The same offices will,

at your request, be undertaken by Messer Frescobaldi here and throughout

Italy, both with the cloth merchants of Florence and the glass workers

and silk merchants of Venice; but, in matters connected with your trade

with the latter town, Messer Frescobaldi demands that you place a sum of

money in his bank, sufficient to cover the charges of the import and the

export duty, or, that such moneys as he may advance on your behalf for

the payment of these imposts be charged against you at one and a half

per cent. above the current rate, so that in the one case he hath the

use of your money, and in the other a large interest upon his own. You

will easily see by the treaty that I have relinquished to him rather the

shadow than the substance of what he desired; but I do feel it my duty

to beseech you that in every wise you show him such convenience and fair

dealing as you may, without hurt to your own prosperity, since by your

acting in this fashion he will be the less likely to repudiate the

contract as a cheat devised for his beguiling.

"Returning to mine own affairs. I am the guest of one Niccolo

Machiavelli, an honest and courteous man, with much wit, and knowledge

of the ancients. He was sometime in the service of the late Republic,

but was after suspected, and removed from his office by the Medici

faction. Having been racked on a false charge of treason, he retired

hither, and by a frugal expenditure hath somewhat mended his fortune, so

that he is embarrassed neither by the cares of wealth, nor the vexations

of poverty. At first, however, since a republican and popular government

considers all the citizens to be its servants, as much through their own

duty as from any hope of a fair remuneration, he, having been able to

save little of his pay, was in great straits, so that he was forced to

rise ere it was light, and spread nets for thrushes and quails,

superintend his idle workmen, and busy himself with a thousand trifling

cares: wherefore I think it more profitable to serve a tyrant than a

free people. He hath now acquired by his own efforts that leisure which

his public service and former poverty denied him, so that he can pass

his day in pleasant discourse, studying the diverse manners and habits

of men, or reading in his library, in which he doth greatly delight. The

library itself, in which I am now writing, is a long, airy room, having

a pleasant aspect toward the south-west; but it overlooks the courtyard,

and one is continually disturbed through the day by the foolish cackle

of hens and other farmyard racket. He told me that he chose the room on

his first coming hither, whereat his wife made a great clamour

complaining that he had taken for his own uses the one serviceable room

in the house, which is indeed the truth. She is well looking and I would

willingly see more of her; but she is a notable woman, and, as is usual

with her sex, occupied all day long by a thousand nothings, whereat I

think he is marvellously contented, esteeming himself fortunate in that

she differs from the majority of wives, who continually invade the

privacy of men, and use our apartments as their own. Set against the

walls are great chests of carven and painted wood, which contain his

manuscripts and printed books, the Latin poets as well as the historians

and orators, besides those Italian authors who have gained an eternity

of fame, more especially Dante Alighieri and Petrarch. Here, among this

choice store of what the world hath accounted noble in thought or

action, we sit far into the night with a flagon of wine between us, and

such entertainment as our own wits provide, relishing in our

conversation both the _sal nigrum_ of Momus, and the _sal candidum_

which Mercurius gave.

"At first, seeing the ingenious and subtle mind of my friend, I was at a

loss to account for his apparent failure in assuring his own fortune;

but, knowing him better, I see that his judgment, never at fault in

dealing with things afar off, may be perplexed and misled when it comes

to bear upon present affairs; being so great in himself he doth

sometimes forget of what poor account in Europe are his countrymen

to-day. He is at present making a series of discourses upon politics,

which he reads in the gardens of Cosimo Rucellai, where the meetings of

the Academy are held. It was at one of these meetings, after the company

had dispersed, that I first had speech of him; in which traverses,

though the chief subject of his discourse is Livy's history of the Roman

Republic, he draweth his examples from many sources, and showeth how

mankind hath always been prone to the same faults, and in like

circumstances will always act in a like manner without regard for the

lessons and warnings of the past.

"In the intervals of preparing these discourses against their occasions,

and of refining those which he hath read, he giveth much time and labour

to the polishing of a little treatise or manual for princes; a work full

of seasonable matter, which I have read with much profit and agreement,

for he reasons not, as the schoolmen use, from some abstract theory of

the universe, with which all events must be forced into harmony, but

gathering together the facts of common experience, he derives from the

perfect understanding of them the principles of his philosophy;

wherefore I say that he hath invented a new science, and added a tenth

muse to the choir of Apollo. And to show you the satiric nature of the

man, I must tell you, that having dedicated his treatise of _The Prince_

to Lorenzo di Piero de' Medici, in the hope of some advancement and

reward, and being disappointed of this hope, in the dedication of his

_Discourses_ to Zanobi Buondelmonte and Cosimo Rucellai he says, 'Though

I have been mistaken on many occasion, yet certainly I have made no

error in offering my _Discourses_ to you. For in this I think to have

shown some gratitude for benefits received, and to have abandoned the

path habitually trodden by those who make a trade of writing, and whose

custom it is to dedicate their works to some prince, to whom, in the

blindness of their ambition or of their avarice, and in the pouring out

of their empty flatteries, they attribute all the virtues, instead of

making him blush for his vices. To avoid falling into that vulgar fault

I have made choice, not indeed of a prince, but of those who merit to be

princes.... Moreover, historians give greater praise to Hieron, a plain

citizen of Syracuse, than to Perseus, King of Macedonia, for Hieron

lacked none of the qualities of kingliness, except the name, while

Perseus had no other than the kingdom.' So doth he think to repay them

for their neglect.

"This satiric quality doth characterise all his writing, whether he be

dealing with the sacred or the profane; indeed he doth make no

difference between the books of Moses and the books of Livy, but treats

both in the same way, as the record of past events; and though God

forbid that I should seem to doubt the truth of Scripture, yet it is my

opinion that the writings of Moses are not to be apprehended by the

plain man, being full of mystery and divinity, which only a clerk can

expound. Thus, in one place, after enumerating the great law-givers of

old; Moses, Cyrus, Romulus, Theseus, and the like, he adds: 'And though

perhaps I ought not to name Moses, he being merely an instrument for

carrying out the divine commands, he is still to be admired for those

qualities which made him worthy to converse with God; but if we consider

Cyrus and the others who have acquired or founded kingdoms, they will

all be seen to be admirable, and if their actions and the particular

institutions of which they were the authors be studied, they will be

found not to differ from those of Moses, though he was instructed by so

great a teacher.'

"This is either too simple, or too subtile, for men of godly and pious

dispositions. Indeed, I think that by indulging his delight in irony he

hath made himself distrusted; for the depravity of human nature is such,

that, where two interpretations can be put upon words, mankind will

ordinarily choose the sense which is evil instead of that which is good.

Witness the following, on ecclesiastical princedoms: 'All the

difficulties of ecclesiastical princedoms precede their acquisition: for

they are acquired by merit or good fortune, but are maintained without

either, being upheld by the venerable ordinances of religion, which are

all of such a nature and efficacy that they secure the authority of

their princes in whatever way they may act or live. These princes alone

have territories which they do not defend, and subjects whom they do not

govern; yet, though undefended, their territories are not taken from

them, nor are their subjects concerned at not being governed or led to

think of throwing off their allegiance; nor is it in their power to do

so. Accordingly these princedoms alone are secure and happy. But

inasmuch as they are sustained by agencies of a higher nature than the

mind of man can reach, I forbear to speak of them; for, since they are

set up and supported by God himself, he would be a rash and presumptuous

man who should venture to discuss them.' It hath a double edge, and

though some may be found to declare the intention innocent, since the

book is addressed to a relative of the Pope, I would rather infer from

that the greater daring of the author. But lest you yourself, who are

curious in such matters, should doubt whether the intention be malicious

or innocent, I shall explain further his opinions, both in the matter of

Moses, and in the matter of ecclesiastical princedoms. For in two

discourses at the Rucellai gardens, at which I was present, he returned

to these subjects, and said: 'In fact no legislator has ever given his

people a new body of laws, without alleging the intervention of the

divinity; for otherwise they would not have been accepted. It is certain

that there exist many benefits of which a wise and prudent man foresees

the consequences, but nevertheless of which the evidence is not

sufficiently striking to convince all minds. To resolve that difficulty

the wise man hath recourse to the gods.... The Florentines believe

themselves to be neither ignorant nor rude, and, nevertheless, Fra

Girolamo Savonarola made them believe that he had conversations with

God. I do not pretend to decide if he were right or wrong, for one

should not speak without respect of so extraordinary a man. I only say,

that a great multitude of people believed him, without having seen

anything supernatural which could justify their belief; but his whole

life, his knowledge, and the subject of his discourses, should have been

enough to make them give credence to his words. One must never be

astonished at having failed to-day, where others once succeeded; for

mankind, as I have said in my preface, are born, live, and die,

according to the same laws.'

"And if you, Master Bates, would ask me how it is possible that such

matters should be so spoken of, openly, in this country, which licence

would not be permitted elsewhere, I shall offer in reply his own words

on ecclesiastical princedoms. For he says: 'Certainly, if religion had

been able to maintain itself as a Christian republic, such as its divine

founder had established, the States which professed it would have been

happier than they are now. But how is she fallen! and the most striking

proof of her decadence is to see that the peoples bordering on the

Church of Rome, that capital of our religion, are precisely the least

religious. If one examines the primitive spirit of her institutions, and

when he sees how far her practice hath departed from them, he might

easily believe that we are approaching a time of ruin or of retribution.

And, since some assert that the happiness of Italy depends on the Church

of Rome, I should bring against that Church several reasons which offer

themselves to my mind, among which there are two extremely grave, and

which I think, cannot be denied. First, the evil examples of the court

of Rome have extinguished in this country all devotion and all religion,

which fact carries in its train innumerable inconveniences and

disorders; and as, wherever religion reigns one must believe the

existence of good, so wherever it hath disappeared one must suppose the

presence of evil. We owe it then, we other Italians, to the Church and

to the priests that we are without religion or morals, but we owe them

one other obligation, which is the source of our ruin; it is that the

Church has always stirred up, and stirs up incessantly, the division of

this unhappy country.'

"My mind doth see you, sitting, perchance, in your garden, by the dial,

as is your wont after the business of the day is over, and mocking me,

that I have found a new prophet. But, indeed, it doth seem so to me, and

I am content to sit in his company gleaning the ripe ears of his wisdom.

And if I have out-wearied your patience with my praise of him, whose

every word hath the force of a deed, let me remind you of a summer day

in the garden of your old house at Boston, how we plucked the apricocks

from the espaliers, while you read to me the discourses of Sir Thomas

More upon Augustine's _De Civitate Dei_, when, if I did not gape, it was

but from politeness and my great respect for yourself. For this man doth

stand among his countrymen like a giant in a city of pigmies,

overlooking their petty disputations, and reading the future from the

mirror of the past. He doth foresee the ruin of the Church, the birth of

Empires, the dawn of a new greatness for the world, the emancipation of

the peoples from the ecclesiastical tyranny of to-day. He standeth like

one prophetic upon Pisgah. He doth see that the world must be freed from

this pestilence of monks. He says: 'Our religion, having shown us the

truth and the only way of salvation, hath lessened in our eyes the worth

of worldly honours.... The ancient religions offered divine honours only

to those illustrious with worldly glory, such as famous captains, and

leaders of the Republic; our religion, on the contrary, only sanctifies

the humble, and men given to contemplation rather than to an active

life; she hath placed the _summum bonum_ in humility, in the contempt

for worldly things, and even in abjection; while the pagans made it

consist in greatness of soul, in bodily strength, and in all that might

help to make men brave and robust. And if our religion asks us to have

strength, it is rather the strength to suffer evils than to do great

things. It seems that this new morality has made mankind weaker, and

given the world over as a prey to the wicked.'

"All these sayings have sunk deep into my mind, as you may well perceive

by the length of this letter. He hath taught me that, since the

conditions of life are always the same, a man who hath strength and wit

may rise to the same eminence in these days as the heroes of old time

did in the past.

"I have sent to my lord the Cardinal a present of furs, which I pray you

see conveyed to him with my humble duty. The cloak of furs is for

yourself, and the necklace of amber beads for your good lady. Your

advice I follow in my way of life; but, my good Will, sometimes I do

regret the old times, when you and I were younger, and fond of wenches;

or, perchance, when they were fonder of us. Three things I look forward

to seeing next Spring: the fresh face of an English country maid, a

Royal pageant on the Thames, and a bank of primroses with the rain on

them."

Folding the paper neatly, he addressed it; and taking a sardonyx gem

from his finger sealed up the edges with four seals. Then returning the

ring to his finger, he considered his small, white, fat hands, pursing

up his lips, with a curious air of meditative self-satisfaction. Lifting

up his eyes again, after this pleasant relaxation of the mind, he found

Machiavelli, who had entered softly so as not to disturb him if he were

writing, looking at him with a gently ironic smile; and he started,

somewhat annoyed that even for a moment he should have been taken off

his guard.

"If you are occupied, Messer, I shall not disturb you. Do not move. I

hope that you have asked for whatever you may have desired. Marietta

tells me that you have been busy with your correspondence."

"I have also read a little," answered Cromwell.

"Ah, I see! the _De Monarchia_. I marvel always, Messer, that in spite

of the overwhelming evidence of human depravity, men are to be found in

every age who base their conceptions of the ideal state upon the

hypothesis that mankind is naturally good."

"It is at least certain that each individual considers himself good,"

Cromwell said.

A light smile was the only reply. Machiavelli wore a long Florentine

cloak reaching down to the ankles; loosening it a little he flung the

ends back over the arms of his chair, and stretched his legs. His

clothes were of the finest Florentine cloth, well-made, but a little

worn--black and dark green in colour; he wore a collar of fine linen

fitting close about the neck; his cloak was of brown home-spun. Every

detail showed a scrupulous care for his appearance, but also a frugality

of means. Cromwell, equally sober in his black and tawny, allowed

himself little vanities; a gold chain with pendant jewels, and the white

lawn collar neatly goffered, as also were the wrist-bands.

"Do you think this treatise a foolish book?" asked Cromwell bluntly.

"Dante was great in everything," answered Machiavelli. "He could not

write foolish things; but he could be mistaken in his reasons, and as to

the capacity of human nature. His ideal Emperor, his ideal Pope, would

be gods, not men. His notion of the Church stripped of its temporal

possessions is a chimera. As religion exists to-day, asserting its

precedence over the State, or even its opposition to the State, it

splits society in two, and divides it against itself. The religion of

the pagans was merged in patriotism, and before a greater stability in

social affairs is possible, mankind must either return to that ideal, or

religion be considered as a matter for every individual to practise as

he thinks best."

He spoke with little or no inflection of the voice, resting his chin on

one hand. As he sat always with his head slightly bent, when he looked

at his companion, with bright eyes under compressed brows, his face had

an expression of stealthy alertness.

"Yes," said Cromwell; "if we turn away from Italy, and consider the

other nations, we find that in every country the Church has an

organisation, powerful and rich, which the State has to bribe; but since

the Church has this organisation, acting directly on the mass of the

people, and willing to support the State, in exchange for certain

privileges and immunities, our princes find it convenient to govern by

its help; and since the greater part of government consists of temporary

expedients, statesmen will not be led easily to forego this

convenience."

"That little book was written when Boniface VIII. sat in the chair of

Peter. It is simply a protest against the ambition and arrogant

pretensions of the popes. Innocent III. and Gregory VII. could launch

their thunders against kings more or less successfully; but the anger of

Boniface went out like a flame fallen in water; his selfish lust for

power led to his complete downfall, and the victory of Philip. But

Philip's victory caused a revulsion of feeling in the Pope's favour, so

that Dante, though he hath thrust Boniface into Hell, yet calleth him

Christ's Vicar, and doth compare his sufferings to Christ's Passion.

Even Philip did not attack him openly, but used covert weapons, Sciarra

and all the Colonnesi being his secret allies, and carrying with them

the gonfalon of the Church; in what he did openly, Philip used

traditional means, as summoning a council, and accusing the Pope of

heresy. Still, I say to you that henceforth the great States will war

continuously against the Church."

"And how should they attack her? Upon what side is the Church to be

assailed?"

"Through the monks. 'The fat bellies of the monks' are become a proverb

in Europe. Every people itch with the vermin. They have made the

practice of poverty the most lucrative of trades. Their greed, their

lewdness, and their obscenity, are the matter of every ballad, and the

butt of every wit. And yet they are one of the chief supports of the

Church, ever replenishing her treasuries with the offerings of the poor,

and the fruit of their traffic in pardon and indulgences."

"I have observed," said Cromwell, "that, though kings have often

despoiled the monasteries, such depredations have not increased their

popularity; for, though the people do not defend the property of the

monks when it is attacked, after a time the weight of their opinion is

on the side of the Church, and they accuse the officers of the State of

rapacity and harshness, and the King himself of greed."

"The people are too often ground between the upper and nether

mill-stones of Church and State," said Machiavelli; "to them both

tyrannies are equally hateful. And, also, Messer, the plundering of the

monasteries hath nearly always been an act of kingly greed, to furnish

the material for war and forge the instruments of a harsher tyranny. But

let the King make his people his accomplices...."

He finished the sentence with a smile.

"Yes," said the other slowly; "yes."

He considered his soft, white hands, and pondered the matter as if it

were an ordinary question of daily business. His fleshy face with a

bright colour about the cheek-bones, the small, pointed nose, the

watchful eyes, revealed nothing; but the mere quietness with which he

considered the question was, in a sense, a revelation. Lifting his eyes

again he spoke quietly.

"I see here," he said, turning the pages of the _De Monarchia_, "that

Dante attributes the great power of the Roman Empire to the direct

action of the divine providence. The Empire to him is a thing divinely

ordained, and Augustus is the divine monarch."

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