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Transcriber's note:
This work was originally published in 1851. As noted below,
footnotes marked by an asterisk were added by the editor
of the 1909 edition, from which this e-book was prepared.
Obvious printer errors have been corrected without note.
Certain spelling inconsistencies have been made consistent;
for example, variants of Michelangelo's last name have been
changed to Buonarroti.
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up the flow of the text.
MEMOIRS OF THE DUKES OF URBINO
Illustrating the Arms, Arts & Literature of Italy, 1440-1630
by
JAMES DENNISTOUN OF DENNISTOUN
A New Edition with Notes by Edward Hutton
& Over a Hundred Illustrations
In Three Volumes. VOLUME THREE
[Illustration]
London John Lane The Bodley Head
New York John Lane Company MCMIX
William Brendon and Son, Ltd., Printers, Plymouth
[Illustration: _Anderson_
FRANCESCO MARIA II. DELLA ROVERE, DUKE OF URBINO
_After the picture by Baroccio in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence_]
CONTENTS
BOOK SIXTH
(_Continued_)
OF FRANCESCO MARIA DELLA ROVERE, FOURTH DUKE OF URBINO
PAGE
CHAPTER XXXIX
Causes which led to the sack of Rome--The assault--Death of
Bourbon--Atrocities of his soldiery--The Duke of Urbino's
fatal delays--The Pontiff's capitulation and escape--Policy
of the Emperor 3
CHAPTER XL
The Duke's mischievous Policy--New league against Charles
V.--A French army reaches Naples--The Duke's campaign in
Lombardy--Peace restored--Siege of Florence--Coronation of
the Emperor at Bologna--The independence of Italy finally
lost--Leonora Duchess of Urbino--The Duke's Military Discourses 34
CHAPTER XLI
Italian Militia--The Camerino disputes--Death of Clement
VII.--Marriage of Prince Guidobaldo--Proposed Turkish crusade
under the Duke--His death and character 60
BOOK SEVENTH
OF GUIDOBALDO DELLA ROVERE, FIFTH DUKE OF URBINO
CHAPTER XLII
Succession of Duke Guidobaldo II.--He loses Camerino and
the Prefecture of Rome--The altered state of Italy--Death
of Duchess Giulia--The Duke's remarriage--Affairs of the
Farnesi 85
CHAPTER XLIII
The Duke's domestic affairs--Policy of Paul IV.--The Duke
enters the Spanish service--Rebellion at Urbino severely
repressed--His death and character--His children 106
BOOK EIGHTH
OF FRANCESCO MARIA II. DELLA ROVERE, SIXTH AND LAST DUKE OF URBINO
CHAPTER XLIV
Autobiography of Duke Francesco Maria II.--His visit to the
Spanish Court--His studious habits--His marriage--Is engaged
in the naval action of Lepanto--Succeeds to the dukedom 129
CHAPTER XLV
The unsatisfactory results of his marriage--He separates from
the Duchess--His court and habits--Death of the Duchess--He
remarries 152
CHAPTER XLVI
Birth of Prince Federigo--The Duke's retired habits and
aversion to business--His constitution-making experiments--His
instructions to his son--The Prince's unfortunate education
and character 173
CHAPTER XLVII
The Prince's marriage--The Duke entrusts to him the government,
and retires to Castel Durante--His dissolute career and
early death--Birth of his daughter Vittoria--The Duke rouses
himself--He arranges the devolution of his state to the Holy
See--Papal intrigues 196
CHAPTER XLVIII
The Duke's monkish seclusion--His death and character--His
portraits and letters--Notices of Princess Vittoria, and
her inheritance--Fate of the ducal libraries--The duchy
incorporated with the Papal States--Results of the Devolution 224
BOOK NINTH
OF LITERATURE AND ART UNDER THE DUKES DELLA ROVERE AT URBINO
CHAPTER XLIX
Italian literature subject to new influences--The
Academies--Federigo Comandino--Guidobaldo del Monte--The
Paciotti--Leonardi--Muzio Oddi--Bernardino Baldi--Girolamo
Muzio--Federigo Bonaventura 253
CHAPTER L
Italian versification--Ariosto--Pietro Aretino--Vittoria
Colonna--Laura Battiferri--Dionigi Atanagi--Antonio
Galli--Marco Montano--Bernardo Tasso 278
CHAPTER LI
Torquato Tasso--His insanity--Theories of Dr. Verga and
Mr. Wilde--His connection with Urbino--His intercourse with
the Princess of Este--His portraits--His letter to the Duke
of Urbino--His confinement--His death--His poetry--Battista
Guarini 308
CHAPTER LII
The decline of Italian art: its causes and results--Artists
of Urbino--Girolamo della Genga and his son Bartolomeo--Other
architects and engineers 335
CHAPTER LIII
Taddeo Zuccaro--Federigo Zuccaro--Their pupils--Federigo
Baroccio and his pupils--Claudio Ridolfi--Painters of Gubbio 355
CHAPTER LIV
Foreign artists patronised by the Dukes della Rovere--The
tomb of Julius II. by Michael Angelo--Character and
influence of his genius--Titian's works for Urbino--Palma
Giovane--Il Semolei--Sculptors at Urbino 381
CHAPTER LV
Of the manufacture of majolica in the Duchy of Urbino 403
APPENDICES
I. Correspondence of Clement VII. with Duke Francesco Maria
before the sack of Rome, 1527 427
II. The sack of Rome 429
III. The Duke of Urbino's justification, 1527 444
IV. Sketch of the negotiations of Castiglione at the court
of Madrid, 1525-1529 448
V. Account of the armada of Don John of Austria at Messina, 1571 452
VI. Indulgence conceded to the corona of the Grand Duke
of Tuscany by Pius V., 1666 456
VII. Monumental inscriptions of the ducal family of Urbino 458
VIII. Statistics of Urbino 463
IX. Two sonnets by Pietro Aretino on Titian's portraits of
Duke Francesco Maria I. and his Duchess Leonora 470
X. Petition to Guidobaldo II. Duke of Urbino, by certain
Majolica-makers in Pesaro 472
XI. Letter from the Archbishop of Urbino to Cardinal Giulio
della Rovere, regarding a service of Majolica 474
XII. Collections of art made by the Dukes of Urbino 476
DENNISTOUN'S LIST OF AUTHORITIES FOR THE WORK 490
GENEALOGICAL TABLE 501
INDEX 505
ILLUSTRATIONS
Francesco Maria II. della Rovere, Duke of Urbino.
After the picture by Baroccio in the Uffizi Gallery,
Florence. (Photo Anderson) _Frontispiece_
FACING PAGE
The Emperor Charles V. From the picture by Titian in the
Prado Gallery, Madrid. (Photo Anderson) 28
Guidobaldo II., Duke of Urbino. From a picture in the
Albani Palace in Rome 88
? Guidobaldo II. della Rovere. From the picture by Titian
in the Pitti Gallery, Florence. (Probably once in the
Ducal Collection.) (Photo Alinari) 90
Isabella d'Este. After the picture by Titian in the Imperial
Museum, Vienna. (Photo Franz Hanfstaengl) 134
Duke Francesco Maria II. receiving the allegiance of his
followers. After the fresco by Girolamo Genga in the Villa
Imperiale, Pesaro. (Photo Alinari) 148
Duke Francesco Maria II. receiving the allegiance of his
followers. After the fresco by Girolamo Genga in the Villa
Imperiale, Pesaro. (Photo Alinari) 150
Francesco I. de' Medici. After the picture by Bronzino in
the Pitti Gallery, Florence. (Photo Anderson) 154
Federigo, Prince of Urbino. From the picture once in the
possession of Andrew Coventry of Edinburgh 196
Facsimiles of signatures and monograms 200
Francesco Maria II., Duke of Urbino. From a picture once
in the possession of James Dennistoun 226
Vittoria della Rovere, Grand Duchess of Tuscany. From the
picture by Sustermans in the Pitti Gallery, Florence.
(Photo Anderson) 248
Supposed portrait of Ariosto. After the picture by Titian
in the National Gallery 280
Pietro Aretino. From the picture by Titian in the Pitti
Gallery, Florence. (Photo Alinari) 288
Bernardo Tasso. From a picture once in the possession of
James Dennistoun 298
Torquato Tasso. From a picture once in the possession of
James Dennistoun 308
Laura de' Dianti and Alfonso of Ferrara. After the picture
by Titian in the Louvre. (Photo Neurdein Frères) 312
Martyrdom of S. Agata. After a picture by Seb. dal Piombo,
once in the Ducal Collection at Urbino, now in the Pitti
Gallery, Florence. (Photo Anderson) 336
Holy Family. After the picture by Sustermans, once in the
Ducal Collection of Urbino, now in the Pitti Gallery,
Florence. (Photo Alinari) 340
The Knight of Malta. From the picture by Giorgione, once in
the Ducal Collection at Urbino, now in the Uffizi Gallery,
Florence. (Photo Anderson) 344
Judith with the head of Holofernes. After the picture by
Palma il Vecchio, once in the Ducal Collection at Urbino.
(Photo Alinari) 346
Head of Christ. After the picture by Titian, once in the
Ducal Collection, now in the Pitti Gallery, Florence.
(Photo Alinari) 348
The Resurrection. After the banner painted by Titian for
the Compagnia di Corpus Domini, now in the Pinacoteca,
Urbino. (Photo Alinari) 352
The Last Supper. After the picture by Baroccio in the Duomo
of Urbino. (Photo Alinari) 356
Noli me Tangere. After the picture by Baroccio, once in the
Ducal Collection at Urbino, now in the Uffizi Gallery,
Florence. (Photo Anderson) 372
The Communion of the Apostles. By Giusto di Gand, in the
Palazzo Ducale Urbino. (From the Ducal Collection.)
(Photo Alinari) 382
Giovanni and Federigo, Electors of Saxony. After the
portraits by Cranach, once in the Ducal Collection at
Urbino, now in the Uffizi Gallery, Florence.
(Photo Anderson) 386
La Bella. After the picture by Titian in the Pitti Gallery,
Florence. Supposed portrait of Duchess Leonora.
(Photo Anderson) 390
The Venus of Urbino. Supposed portrait of the Duchess
Leonora, after the picture by Titian in the Uffizi Gallery,
Florence, once in the Ducal Collection. (Photo Anderson) 392
Sleeping Venus. After the picture by Giorgione in the
Dresden Gallery, after which the Venus of Urbino was painted.
(Photo Anderson) 394
Portrait of his wife, by Lucas Cranach. From the picture
in the Roscoe Collection, Liverpool. Possibly modelled on
the Venus of Urbino 396
Maiolica. A plate of Urbino ware of about 1540 in the
British Museum 404
Maiolica. A plate of Castel Durante ware of about 1524 in
the British Museum. "The divine and beautiful Lucia" 408
Maiolica. A plate of Urbino ware about 1535 in the British
Museum. (The arms are Cardinal Pucci's) 412
Maiolica. Plate of Castel Durante ware about 1540, with a
portrait medallion within a border of oak leaves. This
pattern was called "Cerquata" or "al Urbinata," the oak
being the badge of the Rovere house. In the British Museum 416
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
A.D. PAGE
CHAPTER XXXIX
1527. Causes leading to the sack of Rome 3
" The Pontiff's fatal confidence 4
" Defenceless state of his capital 5
" Apr. His tardy alarm, and inadequate exertions 5
" " Demoralisation of the city 6
" " Warnings of impending woe 6
" May. Foolhardiness of Renzo da Ceri 8
" " Authorities for the sack 8
" " Panic in the city 8
" " Estimate of the respective forces 9
" " 5. Arrival of Bourbon's army 10
" " 6. The assault 10
" " The localities examined and compared 11
" " Death of Bourbon 12
" " Rome lost by a panic 13
" " The Pope and Cardinals gain the castle of
S. Angelo 13
" " The imperialists overrun the entire city 14
" " It is ferociously sacked during three days 14
" " The Prince of Orange succeeds Bourbon 15
" " Savage atrocities and sacrilege of the army 15
" " Several cardinals outraged 16
" " Pillage of shops and palaces 17
" " Ransom extorted by the soldiery 18
" " Dilatory proceedings of the confederates 18
" " 3. The Duke of Urbino leaves Florence 19
" " Unworthy motives imputed to him 19
" " 17. Abortive attempt to rescue the Pope 20
" " 20. He advances to Isola di Farnese 21
" " Distracted counsels in his camp 21
" " He resolves upon inaction 22
" " His memorial defending this 22
" " The Pontiff vainly appeals to Lannoy 23
" Jun. 5. He accepts a humbling capitulation 23
" " Sale of cardinals' hats 24
" " The capitulation rejected 24
" Aug. Pestilence and famine in Rome 25
" " Death of Lannoy 25
" Oct. New and more severe terms of capitulation 25
" Dec. 8. The Pope escapes in disguise to Orvieto 26
Castiglione's negotiations at Madrid from
1524 to 1528 26
" Jul. 25. Conduct of Charles V. on hearing of sack 29
" The Pope's dissatisfaction and Castiglione's
defence 29
" Nov. 22. The Emperor's hollow professions 31
" " Fatal consequences of the sack 32
CHAPTER XL
" Jun. 1. The confederates retire to Monterosi 34
" Aug. Mischievous policy of Francesco Maria 34
" Dec. His interview with the Pope 34
" Jul. Distrust of the Venetians 35
1528. Removed by a visit from the Duke 35
" His violent proceedings 36
" He is presented with a palace at Venice 37
1527. Jun. New League against Charles V. 37
" Jul. A French army enters Italy 37
" Close of this miserable year 37
1528. Feb. 16. The imperialists evacuate Rome 38
" " Overtaken by signal vengeance 39
" " 10. Lautrec enters the Abruzzi 39
" Apr. 29. And lays siege to Naples 39
" Aug. 15. His death, and the destruction of his army 39
" May. The Duke protects the Venetian mainland 40
" And saves Lodi from the Duke of Brunswick 40
" Sep. 20. He recovers Pavia 40
" Oct. 21. But loses Savona 41
" Demoralising effects of these wars 41
1529. Jun. 29. Peace restored between the great powers 42
" Dec. Venice not being included, the Duke keeps
the field till December 42
" Nov. 5. Charles and Clement meet at Bologna 42
" Dec. 23. Treaty of the Italian powers 42
1530. Aug. 12. Siege of Florence 43
" " Death of the Prince of Orange there 43
1529. Nov. 1. The Duke arrives at Bologna with the Duchess 44
" His reception by some veterans 44
1530. He declines the imperial baton 45
" But is in high favour with Charles 45
" Who restores to him Sora and Arce 45
" Feb. 22. The coronation of Charles V. 46
" Mar. 22. He leaves Bologna 46
" Apr. 6. Clement VII. visits Urbino 46
" Altered position of Italy by the loss of her
nationality and independence 46
" Opinions of Mariotti 48
" The Duchess of Urbino builds the palace
of Imperiale 49
" Its attractions and site 49
" Her portrait and administration 52
" Prince Guidobaldo 53
" Marriage of Princess Ippolita 53
" The Duke's Military Discourses 53
" His opinions on fortification 54
" His critique on Venetian policy 55
" His views regarding sieges 55
" And Artillery 56
" His comparative estimate of various nations
in the field 57
" His rules for the construction of an army 57
1532. His inspections of the Venetian troops 58
" Ancona annexed to the papal states 59
CHAPTER XLI
1533. Militia organised in Italy 60
" The Feltrian legion instituted at Urbino 61
" Jan. Charles V. attends a congress at Bologna 62
" " Where Titian meets him and probably paints
the Duke and Duchess of Urbino 62
" Apr. Birth of Prince Giulio 63
" " Origin of the Camerino disputes 63
" Descent of the Varano family 63
" Giovanni Maria made Duke of Camerino 64
His daughter Giulia offered to Prince Guidobaldo 65
" The consent of Clement VII. withheld 65
" Attempted abduction of Giulia 66
1534. Sep. 27. Death of Clement, and his character 66
" Oct. 12. Election of Paul III. 68
" " " Marriage of Guidobaldo 68
" It is disapproved by the Pope 68
" Vain mediation of Francesco Maria 68
" Hostilities resorted to 69
1535. The Duke visits Charles V. at Naples,
and makes him presents 69
" Singular tradition in the Abruzzi 69
" Death of the last Sforza 70
1538. Jan. 31. Confederacy against the Turks, with the Duke
as captain-general 70
" Sep. 20. His sudden illness 71
" " He returns to Pesaro 71
" Oct. 22. His death from poison 71
" " His funeral obsequies and epitaph 72
" " His vicissitudes of fortune 74
" " His fame has suffered from prejudiced historians 74
" " His character and military reputation 76
" " Opinion of Urbano Urbani 77
" " And of Centenelli 79
" " His dutiful conduct to Duchess Elisabetta 79
" " His widow and testamentary dispositions 80
" " His children 80
" " Cardinal Giulio della Rovere 81
CHAPTER XLII
" " Diminished interest of our subject 85
1514. Apr. 2. Birth of Prince Guidobaldo 87
" " Educated by Guido Posthumo Silvestro 87
1529. His boyish taste for horses 88
1534. Oct. 12. His marriage and its political results 88
1538. " 22. His succession to the Dukedom 88
" " 25. The ceremonial described by an eye-witness 89
1539. Jan. 8. He compromises the Camerino succession,
and loses the Prefecture 92
" Camerino annexed to the papal states 93
" The Duke strengthens himself by taking service
with the Emperor and Venice 93
1543. Compliments Charles V., with Pietro Aretino
in his suite 94
1533. Final abolition of the condottiere system 94
" The Feltrian Legion embodied 94
1540. The altered condition of Italy 95
" " And new policy of the papacy 95
" " Reaction against the Reformation 96
Investiture of Guidobaldo as captain-general
of Venice 97
1547. Feb. 17. Death of the Duchess Giulia 98
1541. Letter of commissions from her 99
1548. Jan. 30. The Duke's remarriage to Vittoria Farnese 100
1549. Nov. 10. Death of Paul III. 101
1550. Feb. 14. And of Duchess Leonora 101
1549. Feb. 20. Birth of Prince Francesco Maria II. 101
1550. San Marino under his protection 101
1551. Guidobaldo made governor of Fano 103
1552. He quits the Venetian service 103
1553. The affairs of the Farnesi 104
1555. The Prefecture restored to the Duke 105
CHAPTER XLIII
1552. Marriage of Princess Elisabetta 106
" The Duke's domestic affairs 107
" He builds the palace at Pesaro 108
1555. The bigotry and ambitious nepotism of Paul IV. 109
" He sends Guidobaldo against the Colonna 109
1557. Aug. 26. Rome nearly taken 111
1558. Apr. 9. He receives an engagement from Spain
and the Golden Fleece 111
" The terms of his service 111
1565. He sends his son to Spain 112
" His Discourse against the Turk 113
1570. His great expenses 113
1572. Consequent increase of imposts 113
" Which occasions an insurrection at Urbino 114
" It is repressed by stringent measures 115
1573. Severities against the guilty 116
" The humiliation of the city 117
" The blot attaching to the Duke's memory
from these events 120
" Letter of remonstrance to him 120
1574. Sep. 28. His death and character 122
" His children 125
CHAPTER XLIV
The autobiography of Duke Francesco Maria II. 129
1549. Feb. 20. His birth and education 130
1565. He goes to Spain by Genoa 131
1568. His account of Don Carlos's imprisonment 133
" Jul. 11. His return home by Milan 134
" His studious habits 135
1571. Jan. His marriage to Lucrezia d'Este announced
by himself 135
" " Early coldness 136
" " Congratulatory letters on the occasion 137
" Protestant doctrines at Ferrara 139
" He joins the Turkish expedition 139
" His account of the sea-fight at Lepanto 140
1574. Sep. 28. He succeeds to the dukedom 142
" Ceremonial of his investiture 142
" Letter of advice from Girolamo Muzio 144
" The difficulties of his position 149
" Overcome by prudence and moderation 149
" A conspiracy against him discovered 150
CHAPTER XLV
1577. Unsatisfactory results of his marriage 152
" His separation from the Duchess 153
" His autograph Diary 155
1582. He is taken into the Spanish service 156
" And receives the title of "Most Serene" 157
1583. Marriage of his Sister Princess Lavinia 157
" He builds the Videtta Villa 157
1586. And obtains the Golden Fleece 158
" List of officers at his court 159
1588. His fondness for the chase 160
1589. Other pastimes of his court 161
" His literary pursuits 162
" His hospitalities. Galileo 163
1597. Oct. Death of the last Duke of Ferrara 164
1598. Feb. 11. And of the Duchess of Urbino 165
" Clement VIII. visits Urbino 166
" His desire for the Duke's abdication 166
" The Duke's retired habits 167
" The anxiety of his people for his remarriage 167
" His singular appeal to them 168
1599. Apr. 26. He marries Livia della Rovere 169
1602. Dec. 13. Death of Duchess Vittoria 171
CHAPTER XLVI
1605. May 16. Birth of Prince Federigo 173
" " Universal joy of the people 174
" " The Duke's pilgrimage of thanks to Loreto 176
" " 19. Baptism of the Prince, amid festive pageants 176
1606. The Duke's breeding stud 180
" His aversion to business, and retired habits 180
" Castel Durante his favourite residence 181
" He appoints a council of state 183
" A glance at the constitution establishments
of Urbino 185
1607. The unfortunate education of the Prince 189
" His father's code of instructions to him 189
1608. His unpromising youth 194
CHAPTER XLVII
1608. His betrothal to Princess Claudia de' Medici 196
1610. His dissolute habits 197
1616. He visits Florence 198
1617. Court pastimes at Urbino 199
1621. Apr. 29. The Prince's marriage concluded 199
" Reception of the bridal pair 201
" Francesco Maria resigns the administration
of his state to the Prince 202
" And retires to Urbania 203
1622. The Prince's reckless career, and debauched life 204
1623. Jun. 29. His sudden death 207
" " The Duke's resignation 208
" Ominous warnings 209
" Monumental inscription to the Prince 210
1622. Jul. 27. Birth of his daughter Vittoria 210
1623. Princess Claudia returns to her family 211
" The Duke rouses himself 212
" The difficulties of his position 213
" Aug. 8. Election of Pope Urban VIII. 214
1624. The Duke's negotiations with the Holy See 214
" Intrigues and threats employed against him 216
" He arranges the Devolution of his state to
the Holy See 219
" To which the people gave no consent 220
1628. The terms of surrender ill kept 222
CHAPTER XLVIII
" The Duke's monkish seclusion at Urbania 224
1631. Apr. 28. His death there 225
" His funeral 226
" Notices of his character by Donato, Gozze,
and Passeri 227
" His appearance and portrait 230
" Letters of his domestic circle 232
" Notices of Princess Vittoria 239
" And of Duchess Livia 239
" The Duke's will, and the amount of
his succession 239
" His libraries 241
1658. The MSS. carried to the Vatican 242
" The printed books transported to the
Sapienza at Rome 244
" Probable number of MSS. 244
1631. The duchy incorporated with the
Ecclesiastical States 245
To the great misfortune of the people 246
Conclusion 248
CHAPTER XLIX
1400. The glory and progress of Italy while
divided into many states 253
1492-1530. Her long struggle against foreign aggression
is closed in servitude 253
1533-1600. Spanish domination fatal to manners,
language, and literature 254
" " This evil augmented by the Academies 255
" " The Assorditi of Urbino 255
" " The influence of the Reformation, how excluded
from Italian letters 257
" " The age of rhetoricians and fulsome compliment 257
" " Mathematics and engineering studied at Urbino 259
1509-1575. Federigo Comandino of Urbino 260
1544. Guidobaldo Marchese del Monte 262
1529-1591. Francesco Paciotti of Urbino 262
-1560. Gian Giacomo Leonardi of Pesaro 264
1569-1639. Muzio Oddi of Urbino 265
1553-1612. Bernardino Baldi of Urbino, his vast
acquirements and numerous works 266
His Lives of Dukes of Urbino 273
1496-1576. Girolamo Muzio of Capo d'Istria,
biographer of the Dukes 274
1555-1602. Federigo Bonaventura of Urbino 277
CHAPTER L
Facilities of Italian versification 278
Absence of traditionary ballads 279
1508-1600. Poetry flourishes at Urbino 280
1474-1533. Ludovico Ariosto 280
1515. He visits Urbino; his room in the palace there 281
" " The qualities of his poetry 286
1492-1557. Pietro Aretino, "scourge of princes" 287
Mediocrity of his poetry, and baseness
of his character 288
1490-1547. Vittoria Colonna, Marchioness of Pescara 291
" " Her devotional character and poetry 292
1522. Laura Battiferri of Urbino 294
Other bards of that court 294
Dionigi Atanagi; specimens of his verses 295
Antonio Galli and Marco Montani of Urbino 297
1493-1569. Bernardo Tasso 298
His early irregularities and services 298
1531. Enters that of the Prince of Salerno 299
1539. His marriage and happy residence at Sorrento 299
1544. Mar. Birth of his son Torquato 300
1552. Becomes a wanderer on his patron's disgrace 300
1556. Death of his wife 301
1556. His appeal to the Prince 301
" Reaches Pesaro, where he resides for two years 302
1557. Reads his _Amadigi_ at that court 303
1559. Sep. 28. Torquato intimates his death to the
Duke of Urbino 305
His poetry and correspondence 305
His invention of the Ode 306
CHAPTER LI
Torquato Tasso, a subject of mystery
and contradiction 308
Count Alberti's recent impositions 311
Dr. Andrea Verga's theory of his insanity 312
Is sufficient justification of the
Duke of Ferrara 313
1556. Torquato's arrival at Pesaro 313
His early devotion to the muses 314
1565. His first visit to Ferrara 314
His compliments to the family of Urbino
in the Rinaldo 315
His devotion to Princess Lucrezia d'Este,
afterwards Duchess of Urbino 316
1571. His sonnet to her, and canzone on her marriage 318
1573. His _Aminta_ performed at Pesaro 318
1574. His dangerous intercourse with her at Urbania 319
" She is separated from the Duke and returns
to Ferrara 320
1575. Tasso at Florence,--his portrait 321
1576. Symptoms of mental disease 321
1577. Outbreak of insanity 321
1578. He seeks shelter at Pesaro from
imaginary wrongs 321
" His canzone to the Duke 321
His long letter to him 323
1579. He is shut up in the hospital of Sta. Anna
at Ferrara for seven years 326
1587-1594. His subsequent wanderings 326
Are closed at Rome 327
1595. Apr. 25. His farewell letter and death at S. Onofrio 327
Retrospect of his life 328
His rivalry with Ariosto 329
His the latest of Italy's great names 330
1537-1611. Battista Guarini of Ferrara 331
1602-1604. Invited to Urbino 332
CHAPTER LII
1470-1520. The fine arts especially felt the impulse
given to mind before 1500 335
1520-1600. Tendency of the "new manner" to exaggeration
and artifice 338
1520-1600. New classes of subjects leading to new errors 341
" " Art under the patronage of the della Rovere
became prolific 345
1476-1551. Girolamo della Genga of Urbino, painter,
architect, and engineer 347
" " The decorations of the imperial palace 349
1518-1558. Bartolomeo della Genga of Urbino, engineer 352
CHAPTER LIII
1529-1566. Taddeo Zuccaro of S. Angelo in Vado, painter 355
" " He paints at Urbino, Rome, and Caprarola 356
1543-1608. Federigo Zuccaro, painter 357
His precocity and rapid execution 358
Paints at Rome, Venice, and Florence 358
Is compromised by his satirical picture
of Calumny 360
1574. Visits England and paints portraits 360
Also Spain, where he was less successful 361
1583. His ideas of religious art 364
1593. Chosen first president of St. Luke's
Academy at Rome 366
His house there 366
His writings 367
The paintings of the brothers Zuccaro 367
Their pupils and followers in the duchy 368
The Barocci a family of artists 369
1528-16. Federigo Baroccio of Urbino 370
Is poisoned by jealous rivals 371
His best works 372
His manner 374
His pupils 377
1560-1644. Claudio Ridolfi 379
Painters of Gubbio 380
CHAPTER LIV
1474-1563. Michael Angelo's monument of Julius II. 381
" " His style and influence 386
" " His monuments of the Medici 388
1477-1576. Titian patronised by the Dukes of Urbino 390
His paintings for that court 391
His Venus 395
His letter to Duke Guidobaldo II. 397
1544-1628. Palma Giovane 398
1560. Gianbattista Franco il Semolei 399
Sculptures executed for Urbino 400
CHAPTER LV
Cultivation of the mechanical arts in Italy 403
Watchmaking at Urbino 403
Origin of majolica or earthenware 405
Influence of Luca della Robbia 406
Majolica of Pesaro 407
Finer qualities introduced there 410
The drug-vases at Loreto 411
Subjects for majolica painting 412
Decline of the art 413
Manufactory of it at Urbino 414
And at Gubbio 414
The forms and applications of majolica-ware 415
Mottoes upon it 416
Artists chiefly employed 419
Was Raffaele among them? 422
Collections of majolica 424
APPENDICES
1572. Apr. 20. Brief from Clement VII. to Duke Francesco
Maria I. 427
" May 7. Letter from the Bishop of Moldula to the
confederate leaders at the sack of Rome 429
" " 20. Letter written from Urbino detailing the sack 429
" " 24. Despatch to Charles V. detailing it 433
" Jul. 9. Letter of Duke Francesco Maria I. justifying
himself to the Signory of Venice 444
1525-1527. Castiglione's negotiations at the Court
of Madrid 448
1571. Don John of Austria's armado at Lepanto 452
1666. Indulgences belonging to a Corona 456
1442. Monumental inscription to Count Guidantonio 458
1444. To Duke Oddantonio 459
1482. To Duke Federigo 459
1508. To Duke Guidobaldo I. 459
1538. To Duke Francesco Maria I. 460
1574. To Duke Guidobaldo II. 460
1602. To Duchess Vittoria 460
1578. To Cardinal Giulio della Rovere 461
1523. To Prince Federigo 461
1531. To Duke Francesco Maria II. 461
1632. To Princess Lavinia della Rovere 462
Statistics of Urbino 463
Revenues of the Duchy 464
Its population 466
Pietro Aretino's Sonnets on Titian's
portraits of Duke Francesco Maria I.
and the Duchess Leonora 470
Petition to Guidobaldo II. from the
majolica makers of Pesaro 472
Letters from the Archbishop of Urbino to
Cardinal Giulio della Rovere concerning a
service of majolica 474
List of pieces 475
Collection of art made by the Dukes of Urbino 476
Pelli's list 478
Venturi's list 485
The Pesaro list 488
MEMOIRS OF THE DUKES OF URBINO--III
NOTE.--The Editor's notes are marked with an asterisk.
BOOK SIXTH
(_continued_)
OF FRANCESCO MARIA DELLA ROVERE, FOURTH DUKE OF URBINO
MEMOIRS OF THE DUKES OF URBINO
CHAPTER XXXIX
Causes which led to the sack of Rome--The assault--Death of
Bourbon--Atrocities of his soldiery--The Duke of Urbino's
fatal delays--The Pontiff's capitulation and escape--Policy
of the Emperor.
Our narrative of little interesting campaigns has now brought us to
an event unparalleled in the horrors of modern warfare, by which
the laws of nature, the dictates of humanity, the principles of
civilisation were alike outraged. The sack of Rome inflicted a
dire retribution for the restless shuffling that had disgraced the
temporal policy of recent pontiffs; it was the crowning mischief to a
long agony of ultramontane aggression; and in it was spent one of the
last mighty waves of barbarian aggression that broke upon the Italian
Peninsula.
Such are the difficulties in the way of a just and satisfactory
judgment as to the causes which led to this outrage, that it may
be well to review these, even at the risk of some recapitulation.
The total demoralisation of Bourbon's army, the want of good
understanding between him and other imperial leaders in Italy, the
absence of zeal or common interests among the confederate powers
and their officials, with the prevailing bad faith of all parties,
form a combination of elements baffling to the historian as it must
have been to the actors themselves. The petty motives and feeble
measures of the Pontiff have already been amply exposed. Francis and
the Venetians had originally entered the strife only from selfish
views upon Lombardy, which they pursued without attempting any
comprehensive or efficient operations, and, as soon as the storm had
passed by them, their languor became indifference. Charles cared
little for Italy, or the ill-defined claims of the Empire upon it,
except as a fair field for aggrandising or securing, by intrigue or
by arms, his already exorbitant dominions, and he left his officers
there pretty much to their own discretion in the maintenance of his
interests. His successive viceroys at Naples, perceiving the policy
of Clement to be inherently adverse to their master's interests,
were ever ready to annoy his frontier, or to cajole him away from
the Lombard league. The Constable, finding that the cautious tactics
of the Duke of Urbino kept his own movements in check, and impeded
his appeasing with pillage a reckless host whom he could not pay,
was ready to adopt any enterprise that might ensure occupation and
plunder to his dangerous bands, not doubting that, whoever might
suffer, success would justify him with the Emperor, to whose glory it
must ultimately redound.
As soon as the Pope had ratified the truce of the 15th March, he,
with an infatuation which even an empty treasury can ill excuse,
dismissed two thousand of the _bande nere_ who garrisoned Rome.
A Swiss corps withdrew at the same time, on his refusal of their
monthly pay in advance. When the imperialists drew southward, his
chief care was for Florence, and, on hearing of the insurrection
there, he sent one of his chamberlains to acknowledge Francesco
Maria's good service, adding a vague hope that, in the event of
Bourbon threatening Rome, he would contribute counsel and aid for
its safety. In reply, the Duke recommended that Viterbo, and
Montefiascone should be secured, and Rome suitably defended by Renzo
da Ceri and Orazio Baglioni, suggesting that his Holiness might
betake himself to the strongholds of Orvieto or Civita Castellana:
with these precautions, he added that an early and innocuous
conclusion of the inroad would ensue, as the enemy, when shut out
from plunder of the towns, must quickly disperse. But these counsels
came too late, and, with a foolhardiness and folly savouring
of judicial blindness, the Pontiff remained in the comfortable
conviction that Bourbon would take up his quarters at Siena, on the
representations of Lannoy.[*1] It was only about the 25th that his
impending danger first dawned upon him. Rome had then, of regular
troops, but two hundred foot and a few light cavalry, besides the
Swiss guard, and the only officer of rank was Renzo da Ceri, whose
personal courage and military capacity were in equal disrepute, and
of whom Clement had on various occasions spoken with contempt. Yet
upon this broken reed did he place his sole reliance for the defence
of his capital. He commanded the weak points of the walls to be
repaired and strictly guarded, distributing the artillery where most
required. He pressed above three thousand men into his service; but
these hasty levies were of the most useless description, composed
of artizans, servants, and the scum of the population, "more used
to handle kitchen spits and stable forks than military weapons."
Resorting to fanatical expedients, he proclaimed a plenary remission
of their sins to such as should fall in the sacred struggle. But
the greatest difficulty was to raise money for these purposes: the
wealthy classes were so absorbed in egotism and luxury, so deluded
by false security, that they would contribute nothing. Domenico de'
Massini, one of the richest of them, would lend but a hundred ducats,
a refusal for which he and his family paid bitterly in the sack. On
the 11th of April, Girolamo Negri, a shrewd observer, wrote that the
papal court had become a barn-yard of chickens, and that, though each
day gave more manifest signs of evil times, every one relied on the
Viceroy's mediation, failing which all would be lost.
[Footnote *1: The army would not hear of a truce. Bourbon, really
at their mercy, as he knew before he crossed the Apennines, asked
them what they wished to do. "To march on," replied the Spaniards,
"even without pay." The Germans after a time, though hungry for their
wage, made common cause with them. "To march on," became almost a
war-cry, and Bourbon was compelled to consent. He sent word to the
Pope before he got into Val d'Arno that his men "were determined to
push on, not only to Florence but to Rome, and dragged him with them
as a prisoner." He asked for 150,000 ducats by April 15th to pay them
with, that he might lead them back. The Pope, however, who had no
faith in his power or honesty, sent nothing, trusting in Lannoy and
that broken reed the Duke of Urbino.]
At this juncture there appeared in Rome one of those strange
fanatics whose mysterious aspect and unearthly character, taking
strong hold of the popular imagination at particular crises, impart
a supernatural character to their wild and dismal vaticinations.
He was an aged anchorite, who, fancying himself another Jonah, had
long attracted street audiences by vague declamations of coming
convulsions, and, as the peril became imminent, warned the anxious
people that a total revolution in church and state, and the ruin of
the priesthood, were at hand. Rushing along the thoroughfares, he
preached, with piercing voice and excited gesticulation, a general
penitence and humble reliance on the offended Deity, as the only
shelter from the impending storm. He even forced his way to the
presence of his Holiness, and, in the midst of the court, repeated
gloomy warnings and stern denunciations in harsh words seldom
heard in such high places. "But," in the words of an old writer,
"repentance is an irksome sound to the ears of hardened sinners,"
and "more is required to make a saint than sackcloth raiment, a
crucifix, and philippics against vice"; so the prophet was committed
to prison, to continue his preaching to a more limited audience.
Yet it needed no stretch of superstition to regard the sack of
Rome, with its accumulated horrors, as a Divine judgment. The gross
vices which disgraced the papacy towards the close of the preceding
century had, indeed, been considerably modified; but, as the
reformation was rather in decency than in morals, it had not greatly
influenced the people of Rome: the poison, though counteracted at
the core, continued to circulate through the branches. In truth, the
hearts of all were so indurated, and their judgment so blinded by
pleasures, debaucheries, avarice, and ambition, that the forebodings
of enthusiasts, and the many portentous omens of evil that occurred
about the same time, were equally disregarded. Among these were,
of course, blood-red suns and fiery meteors; but it was afterwards
remembered that two aged men with long beards had been observed to
stride solemnly along the chief thoroughfares of the city, bearing a
large empty bag, and exclaiming at intervals with dolorous solemnity,
"Behold the sack!"[2]
[Footnote 2: The play of words applies equally in Italian and
English, and the incident savours much of a carnival jest. A scarce
little book of prophecies, dated 1532, has for _Envoye_ a sonnet,
foreshadowing the woes of Italy in consequence of--
"L'infando error de Sogdoma e Gomora,
Le profanate sacre binde e tempi,
L'occider Dio mille volte al hora."]
The measures of the government, superficial as they were, generated
false security; and a general muster of the citizens which returned
thirty thousand as capable of bearing arms, tended to confirm the
fatal delusion. The Pope gave currency to it by setting forth on all
occasions the reduced state of the imperialist army, the proximity
of that of the league, and above all insisted that the invaders,
being for the most part Lutherans, were no doubt conducted by
Providence, to undergo a signal punishment for their heresies under
the very walls of the Christian metropolis. To such a height was this
foolhardiness carried, that the messenger, who arrived on the 3rd of
May to demand free passage to Naples, was dismissed by Renzo with
the threat of a cannon-ball at his head; and on the following day the
Datary wrote to Count Guido Rangone, that a reinforcement of six or
eight hundred men would suffice for defence of the city. But ere the
messenger was well clear of the gate, the enemy were before it.[3]
[Footnote 3: It is difficult to reconcile the varying accounts of the
sack, for which, besides the many printed authorities, we have drawn
largely upon a collection of unpublished and very minute details,
Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1677. It is doubtful whether Bourbon arrived on
the evening of the 4th or of the 5th of May, but the assault was
unquestionably made upon Monday the 6th. Many of the incidents given
in that MS. are too horrible for admission into these pages. The
narratives of Guicciardini and Giacomo Buonaparte, and those printed
in the second volume of Eccardius, may be consulted for such; the
two first, indeed, have done little beyond arranging some documents
of that MS. collection. We have also consulted the Narrative of
Leonardo Santori, Vat. Ottob. MSS. No. 2607, and Sanuto's MS.
Diaries; checking the whole by minute examination of the localities.
*On the 3rd May Bourbon had passed Viterbo, on the 4th he was at
Isola Farnese. As to the number of men which Renzo da Ceri had at
command, 3000 seems nearer the truth than 30,000. Bourbon had scaling
ladders but no artillery. Cf. GUICCIARDINI, _Il Sacco di
Roma_, Milanesi, p. 163, and CASANOVA, _Lettere di Carlo V.
a Clement VII._ (per nozze Firenze, 1894).]
The inhabitants, at length aroused to their danger by the presence
of an army whom they supposed at Siena, were thrown into general
panic, though some were so blinded as to suppose it the advanced
guard of the confederates. Even now, bold and judicious expedients
might have defended the walls until the arrival of the allies, whose
first division actually reached the Porta Salara the same day on
which the city was taken; and had the bridges been previously cut,
as was urged upon Renzo in consideration of the weak defences of the
Borgo S. Spirito, the principal portion of the city might have held
out, even after these had been carried, whilst the Duke of Urbino
would have had leisure to execute signal vengeance upon the ruffian
invaders, demoralised by their leader's fall and by the pillage of
its Transteverin quarters.
It is by no means easy to form an idea of the actual force of the
invading army from the varying estimates that have come down to us.
Muratori, who bestowed much attention upon such military statistics,
reckons the troops whom Bourbon carried from Milan at about five
thousand Spaniards, four thousand Germans, and half as many Italians,
besides five hundred men-at-arms, two thousand German cavalry,
and an indefinite number of light horse, to whom were soon united
the lansquenets of Fründesberg, originally fourteen thousand, but
already somewhat reduced. This would give a total of twenty-six or
twenty-seven thousand men, which exceeds by a few thousand infantry
the calculation adopted by Giacomo Buonaparte, his multiplication
of the men-at-arms by ten being obviously an accidental error. The
same author supposes that the Imperialists who had marched from
Montevarchi were about twenty thousand Germans, eight thousand
Spaniards, three thousand Italians, with but six hundred horse.
The impression current at Rome, and in the confederate camp, that
Bourbon brought from forty to fifty thousand men before that city
was therefore grossly exaggerated; indeed, some authorities diminish
his effective force to half that number, while Buonaparte esteems
it under thirty thousand. The allied army, according to Baldi, was
twenty thousand strong, of whom one fifth were cavalry: but it, too,
had melted away when mustered at Isola, as we shall in due time see.
On the whole, it appears that the inequality of numbers was not such
as to justify the Fabian tactics, or it may be the petted policy, of
Francesco Maria.
On Sunday, the 5th of May, the Constable bivouacked in the meadows
north-west of the city, having approached it without crossing the
Tiber. He repeated by trumpet his summons in name of the Emperor for
free passage to Naples; an idle insult, considering that the way
beneath the walls lay open for him. He then explained to a council
of his officers the perilous state of affairs,--the troops fatigued,
starving, mutinous, with a powerful enemy pressing upon their rear,
and the richest metropolis of Europe ill-defended before them,
urging that there was no alternative but that night to conquer its
effeminate citizens, or next day be cut to pieces by the allied host.
But, finding these representations received with cold indifference,
he at dusk repeated them to the whole army in an energetic harangue,
which he concluded by assuring them he had received, through Cardinal
Colonna, assurances of support from the Ghibelline party within the
city.
Ere the morrow's dawn his army was in motion, and, under cover of a
singularly dense fog, approached the city between the modern gates
of Cavallegieri and S. Pancrazio. The wall was there pierced by a
loop-hole, serving as the window of a small and slightly built house
that formed part of the defences; below it was another aperture into
the cellar. These vulnerable points, which had been unpardonably
overlooked by the papal engineers, were quickly noticed by the
enemy, who brought the few guns they possessed to bear upon them,
and soon effected a small breach. The exact site is loosely and
contradictorily described as between one of the gates and the tower
of S. Spirito, near Cardinal Mellini's, or Ermellini's, garden.
Meanwhile the besiegers, protected by the mist from the guns of S.
Angelo, vigorously attacked various points; and on the heights above
the Strada Giulia, two Spanish colours were wrested from them. The
walls and substructions now visible on that side, and those which
separate the Lungara from the Borgo S. Spirito, are all of later
date; and in constructing them, sixteen years subsequently, the
aspect of the localities has been so changed as to baffle accurate
comparison with descriptions of the assault. If we can suppose the
external wall to have run from near the Porta S. Spirito towards
that of S. Pancrazio, instead of being carried, as at present,
along the Janicular ridge from the Porta Cavallegieri, it might be
comparatively easy to reconcile these statements. At all events, it
is certain that considerable resistance was made by some citizens
who occupied the _Campo Santo_ or burying ground, which then lay
just outside of the gate from S. Spirito into the Lungara, and
which, according to a mural inscription there, was removed in 1749
to its present site farther up the hill. This, being the brunt of
the battle, was occupied by Bourbon, whose exertions throughout the
morning had been unremitting. Whilst steadying a ladder with his
left hand, and cheering on his men with his right, he was struck to
the ground by a bullet which passed through his thigh. The credit
of that lucky shot, which cut short a career commenced in treason,
closed in sacrilege, is claimed by Benvenuto Cellini. He tells us
that on hieing to the Campo Santo with two comrades, he beheld from
the walls the enemy assaulting the spot where they stood; whereupon
they discharged their pieces in terror, he aiming at a figure
singled out in the mist from its commanding height. Having mustered
courage to peep over the wall, he saw a great confusion occasioned
by the Constable's fall, and, fleeing with his friends through the
cemetery, escaped by St. Peter's to the castle of S. Angelo.[*4]
This assertion, which has generally passed for gasconade, receives
support from the Vatican MS., wherein the shot is ascribed to some
silversmith lads who, from the Mount of the Holy Crucifix, aimed at
the general's white mantle and plume; and a monumental tablet outside
the Church of S. Spirito commemorates Bernardino Passeri, goldsmith
and jeweller to Clement and his two predecessors, who was killed on
the 6th of May, on the adjoining part of the Janicular, after slaying
many of the enemy, and capturing a standard. About five hundred paces
to the west of that reach of the modern city wall which commands the
Cavallegieri gate, there stands on the road to the Fornaci a small
oratory, called the Capella di Barbone, and pointed out by tradition
as the spot where Bourbon was wounded. No account, however, which I
have seen, countenances the idea of his having fallen so far away;
nor is it possible, even when no mist intervenes, to see either that
point, or the site of the present exterior city wall, from the old
cemetery of S. Spirito, whence the fatal shot appears to have been
aimed. But from whatever spot or hand it proceeded, the wound was
mortal, and the Constable died in his thirty-ninth year, ere he could
witness the desecration or share the booty to which he had stimulated
his followers. Yet had God's just judgment on the traitor been
withheld for a time, his influence might, perhaps, have stayed the
fury of the soldiery, and Rome might have been spared some portion of
the misery that ensued. His body was carried to Gaeta, and his armour
is still shown at the Vatican, a plain coat of immense strength. It,
however, bears an indentation on the inner side of the right thigh,
where the fatal bullet entered after grazing its steel edge.[5]
[Footnote *4: Cf. _The Life of Benvenuto Cellini_, trans. by J.A.
Symonds (Nimmo, 1896), p. 656.]
[Footnote 5: In a set of miniatures executed by Giulio Clovio for
Charles V., and illustrative of his military achievement, which were
bequeathed by the Right Hon. Thomas Granville to the British Museum
in 1847, Bourbon is represented falling backwards from a ladder
placed against a round tower on the walls of Rome; but being composed
without accurate knowledge of the localities, it throws no light upon
the manner of his death.]
For a moment his troops wavered, dismayed by their leader's fall;
but revenge and a consciousness of their perilous position rendered
them desperate. The assertion of Mambrino Roseo, that the Swiss guard
disputed every inch of the breach until only a drummer was left
alive, wants confirmation from those narratives of eye-witnesses
which I have examined. Be this as it may, it was about half-past
eight that the first detachment, who had made their way into the
Borgo, were observed by Renzo da Ceri. Instead of cutting them down
with the body of horse who followed him, he in a loud voice gave the
_sauve qui peut_, and, galloping round by the Ponte Sisto, reached
that of S. Angelo, where he recklessly crushed and trod down the
citizens, already rushing across it in masses to the castle.[*6] Had
this craven caitiff rallied his men to the breach, it might have been
repaired; and had he but held the Porta Settimiana, or even now cut
the lower bridges, the invaders would have been confined within a
small district of the city, until Guido Rangone arrived with succours.
[Footnote *6: Creighton justly remarks that this was not in keeping
with Renzo da Ceri's character. The tale is from Guicciardini. Renzo
da Ceri was certainly no "craven caitiff."]
The panic thus originated by the city's defender spread rapidly
in all quarters. The Pontiff, who, from his chair in S. Peter's,
had been thundering spiritual menaces against the foe, was hurried
along the covered passage to S. Angelo, whither also flocked the
cardinals, clergy, and citizens of all ranks, in such crowds that it
was found impossible to close the gates. At length the portcullis
was dropped, with great difficulty from its rusty condition, and
several cardinals, who had been excluded, were afterwards drawn up
in baskets. The terrified crowd who were thus shut out, rushed to
escape by the city gates, but, finding these closed, they dispersed
themselves among the palaces of the Ghibelline cardinals, upon which
they vainly relied as sure asylums.
About three thousand got into the castle, with fourteen cardinals.
It was very ill supplied with provisions, and the neighbouring
shops were hurriedly emptied of whatever stores they contained. The
Pontiff, in his alarm, would have attempted flight, but Bourbon's
death inspired him with some hope of making terms. In fact, the
besiegers, who had at first rushed in with cries of "Hurrah for
Spain! slay! slay!" soon paused, discouraged by the loss of their
leader, and anticipating a desperate resistance. In this state of
matters, the Portuguese ambassador was authorised by his Holiness
to propose an accommodation to the imperialist chiefs, who, finding
themselves in possession of but a fraction of the city, with walls
and gates on either side excluding them from the S. Spirito and
Trastevere quarters, temporised for some hours. But as the bulk of
their army entered at S. Pancrazio, and they ascertained the panic in
the town, their misgivings passed away, and about two hours before
sunset they suddenly advanced through the Porta Settimiana, in Via
Lungara. Encouraged by its defenceless state, they pushed across the
Ponte Sisto, which they found equally unguarded, and spread like a
deluge over the devoted city.
Now began the horrors of the sack. The brutal soldiery, absolved
from discipline, scoured the city at will, penetrating unchallenged
into the most secret and most sacred places.[*7] Churches and
convents, palaces and houses, were invaded and rifled; resistance was
punished with fire and sword; rape and murder were the fate of the
inhabitants. Passing over details too revolting for the imagination
to supply, but too repulsive for a place in these pages, we may
cite the feeling exclamations of one who seems to have witnessed
them:--"Alas! how many courtiers, gentlemen, and prelates, how many
devout nuns, matrons, and maidens became a prey to these savages!
What chalices, images, crucifixes, vessels of silver and gold,
were torn from the altars by these sacrilegious hands! What holy
relics were dashed to the ground with derisive blasphemy by these
brutal Lutherans! The heads of Saints Peter, Paul, Andrew, and of
many others, the wood of the sacred Cross, the blessed oil, and
the sacramental wafers, were ruthlessly trodden upon. The streets
exhibited heaps of rich furniture, vestments, and plate, all the
wealth and splendour of the Roman court, pillaged by the basest
ruffians."[8]
[Footnote *7: They were of many nationalities--Germans, Spaniards,
Italians--"a horde of 40,000 ruffians free from all restraint." They
gratified their elemental passions and lusts at the expense of the
most cultivated population in the world. The Germans were the worst:
"the Lutherans amongst them setting an example which was quickly
followed of disregard of holy places." The Spaniards, however,
excelled them in deliberate cruelty. For three days this barbarism
went on unchecked. On the fourth the barbarians began to quarrel
amongst themselves over the division of the booty. "The Germans ...
turned to drunkenness and buffoonery. Clad in magnificent vestments
and decked with jewels, accompanied by concubines who were bedizened
with like ornaments, they rode on mules through the streets and
imitated with drunken gravity the processions of the Papal Court."
Cf. CREIGHTON, _op. cit._, vol. VI., pp. 342-3.]
[Footnote 8: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1677, f. 19.]
After these miserable scenes had endured for three days, rumours of
the Duke of Urbino's approach recalled the imperialist leaders to the
necessity of defence.[*9] The command having devolved upon the Prince
of Orange, a yellow-haired barbarian, further plunder was prohibited,
under severe penalties; and the army, reduced to comparative
order, betook themselves to enjoy their booty. But now a new drama
of atrocities opened. The Germans had especially distinguished
themselves by a thirst for blood, but the wily Spaniards taught
them a means more effectual than murder of enriching themselves and
punishing their victims. The prisoners had, in most cases, concealed
whatever of greatest value they possessed, and recourse was had to
every variety of torment in order to extract from them supposed
treasures, and a ransom for their lives; so that those who had been
spared in seeming mercy found themselves but reserved for a worse
fate. After stripes and blows had been exhausted, when hunger and
thirst had failed to force compliance, tortures the most brutal
succeeded. Some were suspended naked from their own windows by a
sensitive limb, or swung head downwards, and momentarily threatened
to be let drop into the street. Others had their teeth drawn slowly
and singly, or were compelled to swallow their own mutilated and
roasted members. Others were forced to perform the most odious
and menial services; and the greatest extremities were always used
towards those who were suspected of being the most wealthy and noble.
Even after the desired amount of gold had been thus extorted from
them, their sufferings were sometimes resumed at the instance of new
tormentors. When such cruelties palled, their inflictors had recourse
to a novel amusement, by forcing from the victims a confession of
their sins; and we are assured by the narrator of these enormities,
himself a Roman, that the iniquities thus brought to light, as
habitual in that dissolute capital, were such as to confound even the
licentious soldiery of Bourbon. Over the outrages committed upon the
women we draw a veil: when lust was satiated, they were prolonged
in diabolical punishment, the husbands and fathers being compulsory
witnesses to such unspeakable atrocities.
[Footnote *9: The Duke was very slow as usual. There was plenty of
time for him to receive imploring letters. A career, which was a
failure brought about by dilatoriness and treason, here seems to have
reached its lowest point. As always, Dennistoun is too favourable in
his judgment of anyone belonging to the Rovere house.]
But the delight of these sacrilegious villains, especially of the
German Lutherans, was to outrage everything holy. The churches and
chapels, including the now bloodstained St. Peter's, were desecrated
into stables, taverns, or brothels; and the choirs, whence no sounds
had breathed but the elevating chant of prayer and praise, rang with
base ribaldry and blasphemous imprecations. The grand creations of
religious art were wantonly insulted or damaged; the reliquaries and
miraculous images were pillaged or defaced. Nay, a poor priest was
inhumanly murdered for his firm refusal to administer the blessed
sacrament to an ass. Nor was any respect paid to persons or party
feelings. The subjects of the Emperor who happened to be in Rome,
the adherents of the Colonna and other Ghibelline leaders, were all
involved in the general fate. Four cardinals attached to that faction
had declined entering S. Angelo, calculating that they would not only
"Guide the whirlwind and direct the storm,"
but peradventure, promote their own interests in the mêlée. They
were, however, miserably mistaken, for they, too, were held to
ransom; and one of them (Aracoeli), after being often led through the
streets tied on a donkey, behind a common soldier, was carried to
church with mock funereal rites, when the office of the dead was read
over his living body, and an oration pronounced, wherein, for eulogy,
were loathsomely related all the real or alleged immoralities of his
past life. Another outrage in especial repute with the Germans, was a
ribald procession, in which some low buffoon in sacred vestments was
borne shoulder-high, scattering mock benedictions among the mob, amid
shouts of "Long live Luther!"
A great portion of the circulating wealth of the city was centred in
the Strada de' Banchi, which, from being in a line with the castle
and just across the river, was considered comparatively secure. But
this fallacious hope quickly vanished, and during five hours that
quarter of bankers, merchants, and jewellers was savagely sacked
in sight of the papal court. In one of these shops a large money
bag being discovered, a general scramble ensued for its contents,
and forty-two of the soldiery lost their lives at their comrades'
hands, fighting for what proved to be counterfeit coin. The Jews,
who were not then enclosed in the Ghetto, suffered a full share of
such miseries, to make them disgorge their secret treasures. Vast
multitudes of citizens took refuge in the palaces of the cardinals
and principal nobility, especially of those supposed to be friendly
to the imperial interests; but these asylums were seldom respected.
That of the Cancelleria, originally built by Cardinal Pietro Riario,
and still one of the most spacious in the capital, was long spared;
but on the 20th of May its turn came; and as it was the last to
be pillaged, the outrages perpetrated upon its miserable inmates,
including numerous ecclesiastical and diplomatic dignitaries, with
a crowd of the high-born beauties of Rome, were perhaps the most
signal and sanguinary of all. In other palaces the fugitives, though
spared from violence, were held to ransom. The Dowager Marchioness
of Mantua purchased immunity for her residence with 10,000 ducats,
which the merchants whom it sheltered joined in paying, and which
her son Ferdinando, one of the imperial leaders, was said to have
basely shared. In the Vatican MS. is a backbond, signed by about five
hundred persons, who had sought refuge in the palace of Cardinal
Andrea della Valle, obliging themselves to repay, in sums varying
from 10 to 4000 scudi each, the ransom of 40,000 ducats which he had
advanced. Among the names is the King of Cyprus, and, what may have
more interest for us, that of Peter Hustan from Scotland. The English
Cardinal of St. Cecilia, Thomas Usher, Archbishop of York, was one of
those who escaped into the castle.
* * * * *
But where, meanwhile, was the army of the League?[*10] The Duke of
Urbino, after quelling the insurrection at Florence, had lingered
there for some days at the instance of the Cardinal Legate, who
represented to him that Rome was amply provided with means of
defence. Yet, upon learning Bourbon's advance, the confederates
despatched Guido Rangone from Incisa, where their army lay, to
anticipate by forced marches his arrival at that capital. Taking
five thousand light infantry of the _bande nere_, with a large force
of cavalry, he pushed on, and at Otricoli met the Datary's foolish
missive of the 4th of May, which, declining further relief, asked for
but a few hundred troops as enough for the wants of the city. The
Count, however, paid no attention to this news, and, hurrying across
the Campagna, heard near the Ponte Salara that the enemy had that
morning penetrated the walls. Had he but known the real state of the
army, or by a headlong dash risked his all in the noble enterprise,
his name would have been honoured as the saviour of Rome. But his
genius was unequal to the opportunity, and he retired to Otricoli to
await the arrival of his chiefs.
[Footnote *10: Where indeed! The Duke of Urbino had left Florence on
May 3rd, but it was the 22nd of that month before he reached Isola.
Strangely enough, he marched much slower than the barbarians.]
The Duke at length aroused himself, and moved rapidly forwards.
On the 3rd he quitted Florence, and at Cortona separated the army
into two divisions for facilitating the commissariat. One he led by
Perugia, the other, under Saluzzo, took the Val di Chiana, with a
common rendezvous at Orvieto.[*11] He was at the lake of Thrasimene
on the day Rome fell, and arrested his march at Perugia to effect
once more a revolution there, by substituting his friend Orazio
Baglioni for Gentile, a partisan of the Medici. Santori justly
observes, that "in the Duke of Urbino the desire of avenging old
injuries was suspected to have prevailed over zeal for the honour of
Italy and the safety of Rome": indeed, this ill-timed gratification
of an old grudge cost several precious days. On the 9th, his advanced
guard were met at Casalino on the Tiber by a fugitive from Rome with
news of the fall of that city, and again halted. Thus it was the 16th
ere he joined the other division of the army at Orvieto, where it had
preceded him by five days, and whence, after cruelly sacking Città
della Pieve, which refused supplies, he sent on a strong party of
two thousand foot and five hundred horse to carry off the Pope. It
was commanded by Federigo da Bozzolo, whose gallantry well qualified
him for such an attempt; but his horse having unfortunately fallen
upon him near Viterbo, disabling him entirely, the command of the
expedition devolved upon a subaltern, who, finding it daylight ere he
came in sight of S. Angelo, and his orders being for a night attack,
retraced his steps without communicating with the castle.
[Footnote *11: This amazing route is inexplicable. The way by the
Val di Chiana was, of course, a highway to Rome. The way by Perugia,
"with a rendezvous at Orvieto," is inexplicable. No more fatuous
proceeding can be imagined. From Florence he would keep the Via
Aretina so far as Arezzo, following it indeed thence to Rigutino to
Camuscia to the Case del Piano in the Perugino close to Trasimeno. If
he went thence to Perugia he was merely trying to delay his march.
It was off the main route, and would lead him into the valley of
Spoleto. From Perugia to Orvieto there was no good road. If he wished
for a road to Rome via Perugia he should have joined the Via Flaminia
at Foligno and followed it directly to the Eternal City.]
Three days were now passed in consultations among the leaders, of
which we have varying accounts. Guicciardini of course represents
them in the most unfavourable light for Francesco Maria.[*12] He
tells us that neither the letters of the Pontiff, nor the entreaties
of the Proveditori and the French general, could rouse the Duke's
stubborn nature to active measures; and he describes him as full of
zeal in words and proposals, but ever interposing obstacles to the
execution of any definite plan. On the other hand, Baldi asserts that
an onward movement, suggested by the Duke at Isola,[*13] was, to his
great regret, overruled by these authorities, and by Guicciardini
himself; whilst the Bishop of Cagli[14] pleads as his excuse for
inaction, that the Venetians, finding their duty very different from
field-days and muster-rolls, refused to follow him, and even retired
home in great numbers. But, assuming the truth of the last averment,
should not the blame of such lax discipline attach to the general
who had led these troops through several campaigns? and may not the
moral paralysis which impeded effective tactics in the army be fairly
adduced in mitigation of their unauthorised furloughs?
[Footnote *12: It is impossible to represent the Duke in a worse
light than he appears. He behaved throughout the campaign like a
selfish fool; he seems never to have understood the gravity of the
situation or the enormity of his crime. His biographer does not seem
to understand it either.]
[Footnote *13: As we know, he did not reach Isola till the 22nd. Rome
was then sacked. If Guicciardini delayed, as Baldi says, we know that
it was for some good reason, for his integrity and his patriotism
cannot be questioned. We may well doubt Baldi's tittle-tattle.]
[Footnote 14: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 818, f. 5. Sanuto has preserved a
letter which he says gave the first authentic information of the
sack to the combined leaders, and which urges them to exertion in
most pressing terms. It will be found in II. of the Appendix, with
two other letters detailing the principal incidents of that direful
event in terms which, though in a great measure anticipated by our
narrative, show the impression made by them at the time, and probably
conveyed the fullest information of the catastrophe to the Duchess of
Urbino and to the Emperor. See the Pontiff's brieves illustrating his
feeble policy, No. I.]
At length an advance was agreed upon, and on the 20th the
head-quarters were at Isola di Farnese, nine miles from Rome,
the Duke having marched by Nepi, and Saluzzo by Bracciano. Here
distracted counsels again prevailed, and, in answer to urgent
representations of his confederates, that the Pope must at all
hazards be relieved, Francesco Maria ordered a muster of the army,
which showed twelve to fifteen thousand men. Letters to the same
purpose arriving from the Signory, and a message declaring that
Clement had broken off a negotiation with his oppressors on the
strength of speedy assistance, he at length consented that Rangone
should once more attempt to bring off his Holiness, by leading a
division to Monte Mario, whilst he advanced to his support with the
main body as far as Tre Capanne. But on pretext of making a previous
examination of the ground, he wasted so much time, that night had
fallen when they reached that place; and the expedition being thereby
delayed until morning, a general feeling then prevailed that the
force was inadequate, and the troops were thereupon withdrawn.
An even less creditable version of this evolution is given by an
eye-witness in the Duke's service, who attributes as its motive
the seizure of a quantity of booty, which had been removed from
Rome to Monte Rotondo; adding that, on seeing signal fires over the
Campagna, and hearing a vague rumour that the enemy were approaching
in force, the Duke suddenly faced about and regained his quarters,
his men in sad plight, and the rear stripped to their shirts by some
skirmishers.[15]
[Footnote 15: Memoirs of Antenore Leonardi, dictated by him in
1581, Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, f. 85. Among the works dedicated to
Francesco Maria II. is a _Treatise on Tides_ by Annibale Raimondo
of Verona [1589], who had served under his grandfather in Lombardy,
and at this time. In the preface, a somewhat inflated testimony is
borne to that Duke's military talents, arguing that his tactics
were ever aggressive when unimpeded by other leaders, who in the
present instance prevented him from marching upon Rome. But the
author was eighty-four when he wrote a statement palpably intended
for an adulatory purpose, and his feeble or partial reminiscences
cannot be considered of material weight. We have thought it right,
in a passage so nearly touching the Duke of Urbino's fair fame,
to embrace the conflicting views of our best authorities: the
narratives of Paruta and Morosini, Venetians, who had no interest
in his reputation, go far to reconcile these and justify him. They
tell us that the Signory, profoundly moved by the Pontiff's danger,
sent pressing orders for their army to support him; and that, in
compliance therewith, Francesco Maria and the Proveditore Pisani
resolved to advance upon Rome and rescue Clement, even at the hazard
of a general engagement, but that the other Proveditore, Vetturi,
formally protested against exposing the army to so great a risk: that
disgusted by the failures brought on by these misunderstandings,
the Signory superseded Vetturi, and grumbled against their general:
that the latter, annoyed by unmerited reflections, wished to throw
up his command, and that it was only after cool consideration, and
flattering advances from the senate, that he consented to remain in
its service. See his formal defence, App. III. *Nothing can justify
him, and it is impossible to defend him with honour. After all the
only excuse for a soldier is his success, and Francesco Maria knew
not what success meant. The testimony of courtiers should go for
nothing. History has tried him, and the ruin of Rome bears witness
to the treason of this ineffectual Signorotto. The Pope surrendered
Castel S. Angelo on June 7th.]
In order to cut short such discreditable scenes, the Duke, at a
council of war, announced his resolution to attempt no offensive
operations until his army should be recruited by fifteen thousand
Swiss, some ten thousand other troops, and forty pieces of cannon,
with ample funds for their pay; adding that, as S. Angelo was
provisioned for three months, there would be sufficient time for
raising these reinforcements. This opinion he embodied in a memorial,
which he sent on the 30th from Isola, by the Bishop of Asti, to
Francis I. It is preserved by Baldi, and in Sermonetta's Letters,
and offers a verbose, laboured, and inconclusive defence of his
drivelling tactics. The burden of it is the inferiority of the allied
force to the enemy, the probable failure of aggressive movements,
and an urgent appeal that the King should come in person, as the
only means of giving unanimity to a council in which each desired
to lead. Indeed, the whole proceedings of the army attest the
mutual jealousies and disunion of its leaders, which form the best
justification of the Duke's dilatory measures, amid difficulties
which he had not energy or decision to overcome.
The Pontiff, thus abandoned to his fate, learned by bitter experience,
"With what a weight that robe of sovereignty
Upon his shoulder rests, who from the mire
Would guard it, that each other fardel seems
But feathers in the balance."
On the 18th he wrote to the Duke of Urbino, "amid these calamities
and perils," begging a safe-conduct for a messenger as far as
Siena, to induce Lannoy to repair to Rome, the envoy selected for
this mission being Bernardo, father of Torquato Tasso. The Viceroy
willingly responded to this summons, hoping to succeed Bourbon
in command of the imperialists. But finding the Prince of Orange
already chosen by the army to that post, he in disgust kept aloof
from the capitulation, which was signed on the 5th of June, by the
intervention of Gattinara. Its principal stipulations were these: 1.
A safe-conduct to Naples for his Holiness, and such of the cardinals
as chose to go, upon payment of 150,000 golden scudi, two thirds
whereof within six days, the remainder on the expiry of twenty. 2.
Security for the personal property within the castle, upon payment
of as much more, for which hostages were to be given until it could
be raised by a general impost or otherwise. 3. The removal of all
censures from the Colonna, and their restoration to their estates
and dignities. 4. The immediate surrender of S. Angelo, Civita
Vecchia, Ostia, and Civita Castellana, with the further cession of
Parma, Piacenza, and Modena to the Emperor, as an inducement for the
army to evacuate Rome. This treaty was signed by nine cardinals,
four bishops, and eighteen imperialist officers, and the castle was
forthwith consigned to a guard of the invaders, in whose hands the
Pontiff and his court remained virtually prisoners.[16]
[Footnote 16: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1677, f. 38.]
But many difficulties impeded completion of the remaining conditions.
The amount of ransom seems under various pretexts to have been
considerably advanced, and is set down by most writers at 400,000
scudi. In order to raise this sum, all the church-plate, which had
been saved in the fortress, was hastily coined into specie, and three
scarlet hats were set up to sale. Two of them were at once secured
for 160,000 scudi by the Venetians, ambitious of influence in the
conclave. The third was bought for a creature of Pompeo Colonna,
whose personal hostility to Clement had become somewhat mitigated
by grief for the sufferings he had brought upon the city, and who,
in a pathetic audience with his master, obtained his forgiveness
and benediction. Still, a large balance of the besiegers' demands
remained undischarged, and the stipulation regarding the fortresses
was nullified, Civita Castellana being in the hands of the allies,
and Ostia occupied by Andrea Doria, neither of whom would acknowledge
the capitulation. Parma and Piacenza were also held for the
Church, in consequence, as was suspected, of instructions secretly
transmitted by Clement. In the hope of obtaining better terms, his
Holiness successively directed more than one member of the Sacred
College to proceed as legate to Charles, among whom was Cardinal
Farnese, his successor on the papal throne; but none of them would
execute the commission.
Meanwhile the miseries of the city were fearfully aggravated. The
terrified peasantry having ceased to carry supplies where they were
sure of misusage, scarcity was succeeded by famine; and the sewers,
choked with bodies and abandoned to neglect, engendered a deadly
epidemic, called by Muratori, the murrain, which spared neither
friend nor foe. In August, the pestilence increased to a terrific
degree; and the invading army being reduced by long licence to an
undisciplined horde, portions of it rushed in masses from the city
of the plague. Some of these bands, after attempting to hang the
Pope's hostages, fled towards Terni and Spoleto, sacking the towns
on their way, until cut to pieces by the confederates. Nor was the
Pontiff exempt from scenes of suffering. Asses' flesh was served at
his table; and a greengrocer's wife was hanged before S. Angelo,
for dropping into the trenches a few salad leaves for his use. The
contagion spread so rapidly in the castle, that the invaders, fearing
their prey might slip from their grasp by death, removed his Holiness
for some weeks to the Vatican Belvidere, until the scourge had abated.
Lannoy, having fallen a victim to the disease, was succeeded as
viceroy by Ugo da Moncada, from whose mercy Clement knew he had
nothing to expect, and whom Santori characterises as "an experienced,
clever, and sagacious man of the world, devoid of religion, full
of fraud, and no observer of his word." He arrived on the 31st of
October, in order to effect some new arrangement, when the Pope
purchased by further large sums an exemption from several of the
former stipulations, in particular from putting himself and his
cardinals into his enemy's hands by going to Naples.[17] To raise
this fresh imposition, four more hats were thrown upon the market,
and were purchased by adherents of the Emperor. At length, after many
delays, the 9th of December was fixed for his liberation from a seven
months' virtual captivity; but, distrusting every one, he escaped in
disguise the previous night. Concealing his face and beard under an
old slouch hat and cloak, and laden with baskets and bags, he passed
the sentinels of S. Angelo as a pedlar or menial servant. At a
secret postern in the Vatican garden, he found a fleet horse, with a
single attendant, supposed to have been provided by Cardinal Colonna,
and, riding all night by Celano and Baccano, after a short repose at
Capranica, he reached Orvieto, which he had some days before fixed
upon as an interim residence.
[Footnote 17: The new treaty of November 26 is printed by Molini in
the _Documenti di Storia Italiana_, I., 273.]
* * * * *
The diplomatic relations of the Holy See at Madrid were at this
juncture in the hands of Count Castiglione, with whom we have
formerly become acquainted in the service of Dukes Guidobaldo and
Francesco Maria, and whom we last noticed as agent for the Marquis
of Mantua at the Roman court in 1522, where he was again sent in the
same capacity on the election of Clement VII. The position of the new
Pontiff soon became one of great delicacy, and already were those
difficulties closing around him, which, during his reign, completed
the first great breach in the Romish church, and consummated the
mischiefs of foreign invasion in the Peninsula. The struggle for
universal dominion of those youthful rivals who occupied the thrones
of France and the Empire, was convulsing civilised Europe, and Italy
was obviously fated to become the permanent prey of the victor. In
these circumstances, a character so deficient in energy and decision
was singularly inadequate to cope with the necessities of the times;
and Clement's influence at Florence, far from affording a prop to the
tottering papacy, tended yet more to distract his irresolute purpose.
Falling back upon the usual expedient of small minds, he adopted a
neutral attitude between the two contending potentates: but the days
were past when Pontiffs could grasp the balance of power, or curb a
dangerous ascendancy; and Clement's views aimed not beyond siding
with a momentary victor. To carry out such policy fine diplomacy was
requisite, and Castiglione was selected to watch the interests of
Rome at the Spanish court. In the autumn of 1524, he accepted this
Nunziatura, to which was joined the lucrative collectorship of Spain;
and after visiting the shrine of Loreto, he reached Madrid in the
following March.
His negotiations for the next four years embraced the politics of
Europe, to which those of Italy were but an episode. We cannot
interrupt the thread of our narrative to notice them: a sketch of
their progress, in No. IV. of the Appendix, may afford some idea
of the difficulties of Castiglione's position, as the medium of
communication between a master who, leaving him habitually without
information, recalled his most momentous instructions after they
had been acted upon, and a monarch whose public measures were in
uniform contradiction to his private assurances. That diplomacy so
conducted should have issued in disgrace to Clement, ruin to Rome,
and a broken heart to Count Baldassare, can excite no astonishment;
but the ambassador merits our pity rather than our blame. Indeed
its complicated intrigues may well drive the historian and the
critic to despair. Incidents, which, although attended by important
consequences, seem sudden and unlooked for, might, upon more accurate
scrutiny, be detected as results long aimed at, and patiently
wrought out. Thus, some documents lately published by Lanz[18] prove
that Charles, although disposed to yield much for a satisfactory
accommodation with Clement, had authorised Moncada, early in the
summer of 1526, to concert with Cardinal Pompeo Colonna a series of
domestic insurrections, in order to embarrass his Holiness into a
disposition for peace, the issue of which machinations we have seen
in the first sack of Rome.
[Footnote 18: Lanz, Correspondenz des Kaisers Carl V. See also
the delightful and well-edited _Lettere di Castiglione_ by
SERASSI. *Cf. also CASANOVA, _Lettere di Carlo V. a Clement VII._
(per nozze, Firenze, 1894).]
Although the acts of Charles and his generals during 1526-7 were
uniformly and aggravatingly hostile to Clement, and prejudicial to
the papacy, they must be regarded as in some measure forced upon him
by the shuffling of his Holiness. His own position and prospects were
not then by any means so secure as to render redundant the support
still carried by the influence of the Keys; and the cherished aim
of his manhood, which would have united Western Europe in one faith
and under one sway, had not yet been abandoned as a fitful dream. By
keeping in view these peculiarities in his situation, we may in some
measure reconcile the obvious contradictions between his professions
and his policy--between his language to Castiglione and the conduct
of Bourbon; and we may appreciate in their true sense such apparently
fulsome and false expressions as he thus addressed to Clement, on the
18th of September, 1526:--"And since God has constituted us two as
mighty luminaries, it behoves us to endeavour that the globe should
be enlightened by us, and to see that no eclipse occur through our
differences; let us, then, take counsel together for the general
weal, for repressing barbarian inroads, and restraining sectarian
error." At a moment when the eastern frontier of the empire had been
broken down by the victorious Crescent; when the crowns of Hungary
and Bohemia were tottering on his brother's brow; and when, as he
writes in 1526, the wars of Italy had extracted every ducat from
his treasury, we may well suppose how sincere was his wish for a
settlement of those protracted struggles within the Alps, and for
a union of interests with the Holy See. That his measures little
accorded with that object, and nowise tended to bring it about,
arose less from want of sincere intention than from an ill-judged
mixture of good words and hard blows, partly dictated by his own
deficient judgment, partly by the misapprehension of his officers.
Though therefore the pillage of Rome by the Colonna was a natural
consequence of his own intrigues, the regret he expressed to the
Pontiff that his people had been driven to it ["_que l'on ait donné
l'occasion à mes gens que tel désastre soit advenu_"] was, no doubt,
his real feeling.
[Illustration: _Anderson_
THE EMPEROR CHARLES V
_From the picture by Titian in the Prado Gallery, Madrid_]
Equally inconsistent in appearance, but natural in the circumstances,
was his conduct in reference to Bourbon's outrageous proceedings.
When news of the sack reached Madrid, he affected great indignation,
and put his court into mourning. On the 25th of July, he addressed
to the magistracy of Rome a letter defending his proceedings.
After narrating his liberation of Francis, and the various other
sacrifices made by him, preliminary to such a general pacification
as might enable all Christian powers to unite their arms against
the Infidel, he charged the Pope with defeating this scheme by
suddenly, and without reason, instigating an attack upon him and
the imperial dignity, whereby he was compelled from self-defence to
march fresh forces upon Italy, in what he regarded as a worse than
civil broil. Moreover, new alliances against him having been arranged
by his Holiness, and the truce actually broken, his troops had no
alternative but to adopt compulsory measures. That these should, by
the blunders of his officers, have led to the siege of the city,
without his knowledge, he deeply regretted, and gladly would shed
his best blood to repair its disasters. But great as had been the
sacrifice, he consoled himself with a hope of its paving the way
for a general peace, which he would do his utmost to accelerate. In
fine, he wound up with most sonorous professions of devotion to the
grandeur of the Roman name.[19]
[Footnote 19: Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1677, f. 36.]
The Pontiff's natural dissatisfaction with his ambassador at Madrid
was very plainly expressed in a letter of the 20th of August, which
taxed him with undue reliance upon the Emperor's vague protestations,
imputing generally to him a want of foresight preceding the calamity
of Rome, and a neglect of the proper remedies for that mischief. To
this brief, Castiglione answered at considerable length, and with
unnecessary diffuseness, as soon as it reached him in December.[20]
The substance of his defence is that, on every occasion during the
four years of his mission, he had laboured to establish a good
understanding between his Holiness and Charles, and had been met
with assurances, verbal and written, of his Majesty's anxious desire
to meet these views; but that the great distance, and the delays of
communication with Rome, not only rendered it impossible to provide
for the successive exigencies as they arose, but left him entirely in
the dark as to the most important movements until too late to avert
impending mischief. Thus he had no intelligence of the truce arranged
with Lannoy on the 15th of March, till he heard of its being rejected
by Bourbon. These excuses ostensibly satisfied Clement; and, however
inadequate they might be deemed in ordinary cases of diplomatic
blundering, they may be allowed some weight in this instance; for,
although the Emperor could scarcely fail to anticipate from the sack
of Rome new facilities for domination in Italy, in consequence of
the permanent humiliation of the papacy, history must acquit him of
a preconcerted plan to bring about a catastrophe which incidentally
resulted from Bourbon's disobedience and the disorganisation of his
army. Indeed, had Charles been as much interested in the welfare of
the Eternal City as Castiglione himself, he would have been powerless
to arrest the destroyer, whose death had removed him from all
reckoning on this side of the grave, and prevented his master from
sacrificing him in token of good faith. It is, however, impossible
to regard without contempt the hollow professions of an autograph
letter addressed by the Emperor to Clement, on the 22nd of November,
wherein he congratulated his Holiness on his supposed liberation,
thanking God for it "with joy as sincere as was the grief with which
I heard of your detention from no fault of mine." Avowing himself
his most humble and loyal son, ready to use every effort for the
restoration and increment of the apostolic dignity, he besought the
Pontiff to credit nothing to the contrary that might be inserted by
false and interested suggestions.[21]
[Footnote 20: _Lettere de' Principi_, I., 83.]
[Footnote 21: _Lettere de' Principi_, I., 71, 110.]
Such are the considerations which seem calculated, and not altogether
inadequate, to account for the eccentric policy and hollow
professions of Charles, in so far as we can gather from the strange
events thus briefly sketched. But, if we are to rely upon a different
view brought forward by the Sieur de Brantôme in his anecdotes of
Bourbon, the advance of the imperialist army was not dictated from
Madrid. In his gossiping and often apocryphal pages is detailed
a conversation held by him at Gaeta with a veteran, who in youth
had been with the Constable, and who imputed to that renegade an
intention of seizing upon the sovereignty of Rome. His overweening
vanity and unbounded ambition countenance the idea, and the way
in which he is there stated to have conciliated his soldiery, by
pandering to their worst passions, gives colour to the charge. If it
be credited, Clement's indignation was misplaced, and Charles might
have defended his consistency at the expense of his pride, could he
have demeaned himself to acknowledge having been baffled and betrayed
by his own general.
* * * * *
Thus ended the Sack of Rome. No similar calamity had befallen the
Holy City since the devastation of Robert Guiscard, who, four
centuries and a half before, at the head of his Apulian Normans,
laid in ruin and ashes the most monumental portion of the imperial
capital. On this occasion, fewer remains of antiquity were exposed
to destruction, but the people suffered far more severely. From four
to six thousand of them fell in the first fury of the barbarians,
besides many who perished by more mature cruelties. Thirty thousand
are said to have sunk under the famine and pestilence which, during
many subsequent months, ravaged the devoted city, leaving only about
as many more for its entire population, which, according to Giovio,
had, ten years before, amounted to eighty-five thousand. The value of
property pillaged and destroyed was supposed to exceed two millions
of golden ducats; the amount extorted in ransoms has been stated
at a nearly equal sum. So general a pauperism ensued, that regular
distributions were long continued from the papal treasury, drained as
it had been. But a great revival of religious observances followed,
being inculcated by the clergy and government, and practised very
generally among the inhabitants, whose oblivion of such duties, and
addiction to debauchery, usury, and every grovelling pursuit, had
hitherto been scandalously apparent. Throughout all these scenes of
misery, the Pontiff had bewailed the misfortunes of his subjects
more than his own sufferings, and had penitently confessed himself
their author. It was not till the 6th of October, in the following
year, that he returned to his capital, pale and thin, languid and
disheartened; and at the moment of his arrival, a preternatural storm
burst over the city, succeeded by a most destructive flood. Nor were
such omens out of season. In him had set the ancient glory of the
papacy. From the moment that his predecessors, mingling in the arena
of international strife, descended from arbiters to parties in the
conflicts of Europe, their influence waned. When they had to canvass
for the support of temporal sovereigns, they ceased to command them.
But, after Clement was reduced to sue for personal protection to the
successor of one who had knelt before a pontiff, the prestige of
papal power was gone, its sceptre was shivered in the dust.[22]
[Footnote 22: The name CLEMENT has been remarked as unlucky
for the papacy. Under Clement V. the Holy See was translated to
France; under Clement VI. the metropolitan church of the Lateran
was burnt; Clement VII. saw Rome pillaged by an army of transalpine
heretics, and capitulated to them.]