SHIPS AND MEN
Bombay had been first so called by the Dutch, meaning Good Bay. Owing
to its spaciousness, excellent depth of water and other facilities it
was well designated. By the end of the eighteenth century it had its
dry and wet docks and every facility for careening and repairing ships,
being of great utility to the Company’s merchant ships and its navy as
well. Its dockyard was furnished with all kinds of necessary stores.
Here there was always on hand plenty of timber and planking, here
anchors could be forged, here new cables and ropes were made of all
kinds. The cables were of hemp, but for the smaller ropes the external
fibres of the cocoanut, so abundant in India, were made up into that
inferior type of rope known as kyah or coir.
We called attention on another page to the introduction of India-built
vessels into the Company’s service. India of course is famous for its
teak, and every shipman knows what excellent material this wood is
for building craft, owing to its hardness and durability. The vessels
which Bombay built were fine, stout ships and excellently finished,
and Indian shipbuilders even constructed some battleships and frigates
for the British navy which were in every way splendid vessels. One
vessel named the _Swallow_, which was built out here and launched in
April 1777, was actually in use till she was lost on a shoal in the
Hooghly in June 1823. But during this lengthy period of usefulness
she had served in many seas and in various capacities. She was first
employed as one of the Company’s packets between India and England.
After that she was in the Bombay Marine, or the East India Company’s
navy. After that she again resumed service as one of the Company’s
merchantmen, where she remained for many years. About the beginning of
the nineteenth century she was sold to the Danes, and from Copenhagen
proceeded to the West Indies, where she was arrested as a prize by a
British man-of-war. She was then employed in the King’s service and
became a sloop-of-war, and afterwards sold out of the service to some
merchants. In this capacity she again made several voyages between
London and Bombay, and eventually brought her fine career to an end as
stated.
Before the close of the eighteenth century the Battle of the Nile had
been fought and won. The importance of this to India was tremendous.
For had the result been otherwise Napoleon would have possessed
himself of all that the English East India Company had done there. Our
Anglo-Indian trade would have come to an end, and the ships which are
the subject of our present study would have been no longer required,
or else compelled to sail under the French flag. Nelson, in fact, had
despatched a messenger overland to the Governor of Bombay, informing
the latter of the arrival of the French in Egypt, for he knew well
that Bombay was the objective of the enemy if they could get there.
However, Nelson’s victory at the Nile quite altered all this, and when
the East India Company afterwards voted the gallant admiral the sum of
£10,000, it was to show how deeply indebted was this corporation for
the welcome relief from catastrophe.
Before we leave the eighteenth century we have to consider some of the
more important changes and developments which were taking place. We
have seen that the size of these East Indiamen had gradually increased
during the century. About the year 1700 the biggest vessels were under
500 tons. Some were even much smaller, as, for instance, the _Juno_, of
180 tons, and the _Success_ and the _Borneo_ of similar size, but there
was also the _Arabella_, of only 140 tons, and the _Benjamin_, of 160
tons. Between the years 1748 and 1772 all the Company’s merchant ships
are of one size—499 tons. There are very few exceptions indeed to this,
and in those few instances you get an occasional ship of 180, 300,
350, 370 or 380 tons. Otherwise there is nothing but this stereotyped
499-ton ship year after year, season after season. This curious fact
has puzzled many people, including those who in later days served in
the Company’s service. Why was it?
[Illustration: THE EAST INDIAMAN “SWALLOW.”
This vessel was of about 700 tons, and armed with eighteen guns. She is
here seen in the year 1788 in different ways—hove-to for a pilot, under
plain sail, and before the wind under all sail.
(By kind permission of the P. & O. Steam Navigation Company)]
The answer is quite simple, and I give it on the authority of an old
skipper contemporary with these ships, named Hutchinson, who at one
time of his life had been a privateer. The reader will remember that
in an earlier chapter I drew attention to the slackness of morals and
general spirit of irreligion which were notorious of the mid-eighteenth
century, at any rate so far as English people were concerned. Naturally
enough this spirit spread to the ships of the East India Company, so
that the corruption ashore had its counterpart afloat. Now these
craft, when they were of 500 tons and over, were compelled to carry
a chaplain. And it was just in order to be able to dispense with the
latter, and so save expense, that the owners used to cause these ships
to be rated at 499 tons, and so keep within the letter of the law.
These 499-ton ships carried a captain, four mates, a surgeon and a
purser. They would sail from the Downs about January or March of one
year, proceed to India or China, and then be back again in the London
river by June or July of the following year, though sometimes they were
away for much longer periods. When homeward bound they had called at
Portsmouth—where the more wealthy passengers went ashore and proceeded
home by road—and the Downs, they eventually made fast to moorings at
one of three places—Blackwall, Deptford and North-fleet.
We spoke, also, some time back of what were known as “hereditary
bottoms,” by which it was meant that an owner who had been accustomed
to charter one of his ships to the Company had a proprietary right to
supply other ships when this one had been worn out. Thus one finds,
for instance, a ship called the _Brunswick_ built on the bottom of the
_Atlas_, the _Hindostan_ built on the bottom of the _Grosvenor_, and so
on. This went on for year after year, so that you could make out a kind
of genealogical tree of East India ships. It was a very clear instance
of eighteenth-century monopoly which would be hard to beat. But this
principle of perpetuity came to an end on 6th February 1796, when
open competition was introduced. There can be no question that this
decision, together with that of abolishing the sale of commands, was
all for the good of the service. The Company themselves recognised that
it was the only way in which they could have an efficient fleet, always
ready and consisting of vessels built on the best principles, inspected
during construction by the Company’s own surveyors, and commanded by
officers “of acknowledged character, talents and experience,” and
various by-laws were passed to this effect. The following list will
afford the reader some idea of the size and dimensions of these East
Indiamen ships at the close of the eighteenth century. The difference
between the burthen tonnage and the chartered tonnage is noticeable:—
Name of Ship Length Beam Burthen Chartered
Tonnage Tonnage
ft. in. ft. in.
Ganges 149 0 43 6 1502 1200
Hope 144 0 43 6 1471 1200
Neptune 144 0 43 6 1468 1200
Hindostan 144 0 43 6 1463 1248
Walmer Castle 144 0 43 6 1460 1200
Warley 144 0 43 6 1460 1200
Earl of Abergavenny 144 0 43 6 1460 1200
Royal Charlotte 144 0 43 6 1460 758
Coutts 144 0 43 6 1451 1200
Cirencester 144 0 43 0 1439 1200
Arniston 144 0 43 0 1433 1200
Glatton 144 0 43 0 1432 1200
Thames 144 0 43 0 1432 1200
Ceres 144 0 43 0 1430 1200
Cuffnells 144 0 43 0 1429 1200
Earl Talbot 144 0 43 0 1428 1200
Nottingham 130 0 40 0 1152 1152
Dorsetshire 134 0 42 0 1200 1200
Alfred 134 0 41 0 1221 1189
David Scott 134 0 42 0 1257 1200
Alnwick Castle 133 11½ 42 0 1257 1200
Exeter 132 0 41 0 1265 1200
Carnatic 132 0 40 6 1169 1169
Boddam 128 0 38 6 1021 1021
Albion 125 0 38 0 961 961
Royal Admiral 120 2 37 10 914 914
Belvidere 123 0 38 8 986 987
Earl Howe 117 10 37 4¾ 876 876
Sulivan 116 0 35 0 876 876
Middlesex 116 0 35 0 852 852
Princess Charlotte 102 0 33 6¾ 610 610
Earl of Wycombe 101 10¾ 34 5¾ 643 655
Princess Mary 93 11 34 5¾ 643 462
The science and art of shipbuilding in England during the eighteenth
century were very defective compared with France. But during the
last decade of this, and the early part of the nineteenth century,
improvements were taking place. Papers were being read before the
Royal Society, treatises were being published, a number of valuable
experiments were being made and the best lessons of the French were
being studied. To all this must be attributed the better type of East
Indiaman which was to follow. The continued demand for tea made it
necessary to have fine, big ships which could get the cargoes of this
perishable commodity to London as soon as possible. It was always
reckoned that an 800-ton ship would be able to bring home about 750,000
lb. of tea, and a 1200-ton ship nearly 1,500,000 lb. Some idea of the
increased popularity of this commodity in England will be ascertained
when it is stated that during the year 1765 five million lbs. were
brought home and sold by the Company. By 1784 the average was about six
million lb., the following year this figure was more than doubled, and
by the end of the century it was nearly twenty-four million lb. There
was, therefore, every need for fine, big ships of good lines. And by an
Act of 1799 the Company were restricted from employing in their service
any ships but those contracted for six voyages to India or China and
back. Whenever they wished to have more ships built, they were to give
public notice of this by advertisement four weeks ahead, inviting
tenders for building and freighting.
But in the year 1803 the Company were empowered to engage ships for two
additional voyages, making eight in all. Two reasons were given for
this innovation. First, if was found that the ships now being built
were of such a character that they could be repaired and refitted
to perform these two additional voyages with great advantage. And
secondly, it was contended that if fewer ships were built, this would
“be the means of lessening the consumption of ship-timber.” It will be
recollected that in the year 1803 Napoleon had openly and intentionally
insulted the British Ambassador, and that in the month of May war was
again declared, and both nations made elaborate preparations for the
resumption of hostilities, the British taking time by the forelock and
sending squadrons to watch Brest and Toulon. All this warlike activity
on sea made it not any easier for the East Indiamen to go about their
lawful business. In effect it meant that they must be fitted out with
even greater care and that they must be armed as strongly as ever they
could be. And this, in turn, meant that the cost to the owners of the
ships was much increased. “War extraordinaries,” as they were called,
were always a source of keen dispute during those anxious years,
between the Company and the shipowners, and in this present case the
Company were authorised to pay higher rates owing to the increased
expense to the owners.
But such was the improvement in the class of vessel now built that in
the year 1810 they were allowed by Act of Parliament to engage ships
even beyond the allotted eight voyages, provided that after being
repaired they were found fit for service. The Company were also allowed
to take up by private contract certain other ships in order to bring
home the cargoes from China and India. Under this class were chartered
vessels which had taken out to New South Wales convicts and stores. The
East India Company had already come to the country’s aid again during
that year, 1803. Ten thousand tons of shipping did they lend to the
State for six months free of charge, though this meant a loss to the
Company of £67,000. These ships were employed in guarding the British
coast against the threatened invasion by the French; and in other ways
they were found very useful to the Admiralty.
In peace time they would go out to India with troops and stores,
calling at St Helena on the way, and then return home with cargoes from
China and India. In the last-mentioned territorial waters they were
almost as likely to be annoyed by the attentions of the press-gangs as
they were in English waters, for his Majesty’s ships out there were
sadly in need of men. Repeated complaints were made by the Company in
regard to this, even as they had previously complained of what used
to take place at home. But repeated and indignant representations
proved ineffectual. Captains of the Royal Navy must have men for their
ships, and the distance between England and India was too great for
much interference under this category, so things went on pretty much as
before.
It will have been noticed from the list of the East India Company’s
ships given on an earlier page in this chapter that the size had
immensely increased. Big ships always necessitate big accommodation
when they reach port. These particular craft were far and away the
biggest merchant ships in the world, for no other trade either required
or could afford such vessels. This being so, the East Indiamen when
they now arrived in the Thames were compelled to lie many miles down
the river, since there was no accommodation for them higher up. But
this was to subject them to a grave risk. They came home with most
valuable cargoes which meant not only very much to the Company, but
were actually of some national importance. As they lay out in the river
a good deal of pilfering went on, and the loss was very serious, not
merely to the Company and the shipowners, but to the State, which lost
a good deal of customs duty thereby, since the goods thus pilfered were
then smuggled ashore. It was therefore realised that the only remedy
was to have a sufficient area of wet docks in which the ships could be
loaded and unloaded. A number of gentlemen therefore decided to form a
joint-stock company with a capital of £200,000 in order to provide wet
docks to be enclosed by proper walls and ditches, and communicating
with the Thames. These docks were to be appropriated solely for the
ships in the India trade, who should pay a duty of 14s. a ton in the
case of a registered English ship, and 12s. a ton for every India-built
ship navigated by lascars. It was ordered that the hatches of every
ship arriving from India or China should be locked down before the ship
reached Gravesend, and the captain, and one of the two officers next
to him in command, must remain on board until such time as the ship
was moored in the docks, and the keys of the hatches handed over to an
officer of the East India Company. Of the thirteen directors of these
docks, four must be directors of the East India Company.
The result of this was that the East India Docks, so well known to all
who take any interest in the port of London, were brought into being.
During the early part of the year 1914, whilst alterations were being
made in connection with the elaborate scheme for the improvement of
London’s shipping facilities, the original foundation-stone of the
undertaking was discovered. This had been laid as far back as 4th March
1804. It had been submerged in the import dock, but was revealed at the
base of one of the old quay walls, from which it slightly projected. On
its top were found recorded the names of Mr Joseph Cotton, who was then
Chairman of the East India Dock Company, and of Mr John Woolmore, the
deputy chairman. The inscription stated that the stone had been laid
by Mr Joseph Huddart, F.R.S., and the names of the engineers, Mr John
Rennie and Mr Ralph Walker, were added. After the dock was opened there
were for many years seen therein the pick of the world’s shipping. But
now, with the overwhelming conquest of the steamship the whole aspect
has been quite changed. Gone are those fine old wind-jammers, gone
is the romance of these ships from the Orient, gone is the stately,
naval system under which these vessels were run, gone are the handsome
opportunities for making fortunes which were then open to the captains
and officers of the mercantile marine.
In some years these ships were very unfortunate. The years 1808
and 1809 were particularly unhappy for the Company’s craft. Ten
homeward-bound East Indiamen were lost, and with them vanished over
a million sterling. The months of November 1808 and March 1809 were
notoriously stormy. Even such big craft as the _Britannia_ (1200 tons)
and the _True Briton_ (1198 tons) were lost during this period. The
former went down off the South Foreland on 25th January 1809. The
latter had parted company from the Bombay ships on 13th October in that
year, whilst sailing in the China seas, and was never heard of again.
The _Admiral Gardner_ had set forth from the Downs on 24th January
1809, and also foundered off the South Foreland on the same day as the
_Britannia_. The _Calcutta_ parted company with the other East Indiamen
off Mauritius on 14th March 1809, and was never seen again. Other ships
were captured by the enemy, some were blown up, others ended their days
by fire, some ran ashore, but as a rule these old East Indiamen managed
to get their freights into the London river with safety.
[Illustration: COMMODORE SIR NATHANIEL DANCE.
(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)]
About the year 1809 the rates of insurance between Bengal and England
were £7, 7s. for the regular East Indiaman, and £7 on her cargo. In
the case of “extra” ships the premium was £9, 9s. on the ship and £9
on the cargo. India-built ships were not insured at all, but the cargo
was insured at £15, 15s. If the Company’s ships were convoyed home,
then the “extra” craft were charged only £1 from Bengal to St Helena,
and another £1 from St Helena to England. If there were more than one
ship then only 19s. was charged in both cases, but India-built ships in
these instances were charged £2, 10s.
The number of ships employed for the India and China trade during
the years 1803 to 1808 will be found indicative of the Company’s
activities. These varied from forty-four to fifty-three, and their
burden from 36,671 to 45,342 tons. They ran great risks sometimes, but
in spite of occasional casualties they were often more than able to
look after themselves, when no naval force could be spared to convoy
them. One of the most famous instances on record is that in which the
exploits of a certain Captain Nathaniel Dance figured prominently. This
gallant commander was in charge of the Company’s ship _Earl Camden_.
This vessel was of 1200 tons charter, and had sailed from England in
the season of 1802-1803. She had put into Torbay, and left there on
4th January 1803, and proceeded to Bombay and China. On the last day
of January in the following year she had filled up her holds and began
her return voyage from China. With her sailed also fifteen other East
Indiamen, named respectively the _Warley_, _Alfred_, _Royal George_,
_Coutts_, _Wexford_, _Ganges_, _Exeter_, _Earl of Abergavenny_, _Henry
Addington_, _Bombay Castle_, _Cumberland_, _Hope_, _Dorsetshire_,
_Warren Hastings_ and _Ocean_. And inasmuch as Captain Dance was
the senior commander he acted as commodore for this China fleet. In
addition to these sixteen vessels a number of other vessels were put
under his charge to convoy them as far as their courses were the same.
These vessels included a dozen “country” ships.
The “country” trade, by the way, was the trade between India and the
East as far as China and Manila. It was largely carried on by civil
servants of the East India Company and the free merchants living under
the Company’s protection. In effect the Company resigned this trade
to these people, the scope of this commerce to the westward extending
as far as the Red Sea, the principal commodities being indigo, pepper
and cotton. Of the East India Company’s ships the _Ganges_ was a
fast-sailing brig, which was to be employed by Dance in any way that
might tend to the safety and convenience of the fleet until it had
passed through the Straits of Malacca, when he was to send her on to
Bengal.
On the 14th of February at daybreak the _Royal George_ made a signal to
the commodore that she had sighted four strange sail to the south-west.
Thereupon Dance signalled that the _Alfred_, _Royal George_, _Bombay
Castle_ and the _Hope_ should run down and examine them. It happened
that among the passengers aboard Dance’s ship was Lieutenant Fowler,
R.N., and the latter, who had recently been commander of the
_Porpoise_, offered to go in the _Ganges_ brig and, getting quite close
up to the strange craft, examine them carefully. To this the commodore
assented, and away she went too. After a while Dance learned by signal
that the four strange vessels were none other than a squadron of the
enemy, consisting of a line-of-battle ship, two frigates and a brig. At
one P.M. Dance signalled to his scouts to return, and formed
the line of battle in close order. Now this merchant captain was a
decidedly able tactician, and it is most interesting to note the way he
disposed his forces for battle.
When the enemy saw that they could “fetch” in the wake of the East
Indiamen, they went about, but the commodore held on his course,
keeping under easy sail. About sunset the enemy were close up to the
rear of the English fleet, and as Dance momentarily expected his rear
ships would be attacked, he stood by to succour them. But as the day
ended no attack came, and the enemy hauled off to windward. Meanwhile
the commodore sent Lieutenant Fowler in the _Ganges_ to station the
twelve country ships to leeward of the line of East Indiamen, so that
the latter were between the enemy and the country ships. This was duly
carried out and Mr Fowler returned, bringing with him some volunteers
from the latter to help work the East Indiamen in the fight. All night
long the ships lay in their line of battle, and at daybreak the enemy
were descried about three miles to windward hove-to. The English ships
now hoisted their colours and offered battle. The enemy’s four ships
hoisted French colours. These ships consisted of the _Marengo_, an
84-gun ship with 1200 men; the _Belle Poule_, 44 guns and 490 men; the
_Semilante_, 36 guns and 400 men; and the _Berceau_, 32 guns and 350
men. The _Marengo_ was seen to be flying the flag of a rear-admiral. In
addition there was an 18-gun brig under Dutch colours.
At nine A.M., as the enemy showed no signs of engaging, the commodore
formed the order of sailing and resumed his course, still under easy
sail. But the enemy now filled his sails and edged towards the China
fleet. At 1 P.M. it was obvious that the rear-admiral’s intention was
to cut off the English rear, so Dance made the signal to tack and bear
down on him and engage him in succession, the _Royal George_ being the
leading ship, the _Ganges_ second, and the _Earl Camden_ (flagship)
next. This was done and then under a press of sail the British ships
ran towards the enemy—a very magnificent sight for those privileged
to behold it. The enemy then formed in a very close line, and opened
fire on the first ships, but this was not returned until the distance
was much reduced. The _Royal George_ had to bear the brunt of the
engagement, being in the van, and in consequence suffered, but she got
as close as she could to the enemy. As soon as their guns could have
effect, the _Ganges_ and _Earl Camden_ opened fire, and the rest of the
ships were ready to go into action as soon as their guns could bear.
But before this was possible the French rear-admiral had taken alarm,
the enemy hauled their wind and made away to the eastward, with every
stitch of sail they could set. They had been beaten—and by merchantmen.
Dance then made the signal for a general chase. This was at 2 P.M.,
and the retreating enemy were pursued for two hours, but as the
commodore feared that further pursuit would take his fleet too far
from the Straits, and that his first duty was to preserve his ships
rather than give the enemy any further beating, he made the signal to
tack, and at 8 P.M. anchored for the night, so as to be able to make
for the entrance of the Straits in the morning. The casualties were
confined to the _Royal George_, which had lost one man killed and one
more wounded. Her sails and hull had received many shot, but both the
_Ganges_ and the _Earl Camden_ were practically untouched. The enemy’s
gunnery was distinctly bad, the shot falling either short or over.
Every man who took part in this extraordinary engagement had done his
duty handsomely. Captain Timins of the _Royal George_ had taken his
ship into action most gallantly, but every ship in the English line had
been cleared and prepared for action, anxious to have the opportunity
of showing their worth. As the enemy had now long since disappeared
there was nothing for Dance to do but continue on his homeward voyage.
From Malacca he despatched Fowler in the _Ganges_ brig to Pulo Penang,
asking the captain of any of his Majesty’s ships to convoy this
exceedingly valuable fleet—the value of the sixteen ships together with
their cargoes and private property amounting to nearly eight million
pounds sterling. It was learned at Malacca that the squadron which
had just been encountered was that of Admiral Linois, comprising a
battleship, two heavy frigates, a corvette and the brig.
On the 28th of February, whilst in the Straits of Malacca, Dance’s
fleet fell in with two of his Majesty’s ships, _Albion_ and _Sceptre_,
and the _Albion’s_ captain was prevailed upon to take charge now of
the fleet, considering its national importance, and on the 9th of
June these treasure ships reached St Helena, still under the convoy
of the two British men-of-war. There the latter parted company from
the merchantmen, and instead H.M.S. _Plantagenet_ convoyed them to
England, where they arrived early in the month of August. The news of
this successful engagement, the circumstance that an enemy’s fleet had
been put to flight and chased by a fleet of East Indiamen caused the
greatest acclamation in London. The Patriotic Fund Committee presented
Commodore Dance with a sword of the value of £100, and a silver vase of
the same worth; to Captain Timins a sword of the value of £50, and each
of the other captains, as well as to Lieutenant Fowler.
As for the directors of the East India Company, they showed their
appreciation of the gallantry and the preservation of their property
in the most handsome manner. Setting aside about £50,000 they rewarded
Commodore Dance with the sum of 2000 guineas, and a piece of plate
valued at 200 guineas. To Captain Timins 1000 guineas and a piece
of plate valued at 100 guineas. To Captain Moffat 500 guineas and a
piece of plate valued at 100 guineas. The other thirteen captains were
each awarded 500 guineas and a piece of plate valued at 50 guineas.
The chief officers received each 150 guineas, the second officers 125
guineas, and so on down to the boatswains, who got 50 guineas, and
the seamen and servants 6 guineas each. The Company also presented
Lieutenant Fowler with 300 guineas and a piece of plate, as well as 500
guineas to the captain of the _Plantagenet_, who had convoyed them home
from St Helena.
[Illustration: REPULSE OF ADMIRAL LINOIS BY THE CHINA FLEET UNDER
COMMODORE SIR NATHANIEL DANCE.
(By courtesy of Messrs. T. H. Parker Brothers)]
Commodore Sir Nathaniel Dance was offered a baronetcy, which he
refused, but accepted a knighthood: and thus ended the last chapter in
an incident that was the pride and subject of yarning among the men
of the East India Company’s service for many a long day. It certainly
shows the British merchant sailor at his best—ready for a fight,
going into the engagement gallantly, and yet all the while remembering
that his first duty is to his owners and to get ships and cargoes
safely to port without unnecessarily wasting valuable time.
FOOTNOTES: