SECTION XXI.

But Sir W. Molesworth had roused opposition to the prevailing system.

The Commons' committee examined twenty-three gentlemen, whose testimony

would be without novelty to the reader of these volumes. The greater

part concurred in the inexpediency of assignment, and in the usefulness

and importance of transportation. These witnesses were charged by

Maconochie with a general indifference to the moral welfare and personal

improvement of the prisoners. A colonist would, however, easily

distinguish substantial benevolence from sentimental opinions; and they

knew, by the trials of experience, how toilsome are the most generous

efforts to correct habits not to be softened by the tears of compassion,

and which do not yield to the wand of the magician.

The committee recommended that transportation to New South Wales, and

the settled districts of Van Diemen's Land, should be discontinued: that

establishments abroad should be limited to places where no free settlers

were allowed to enter; that the abridgment of a sentence should be

determined by fixed rules; that at its close, encouragement should be

offered, to such as might merit the favor, to go to some country where

support could be more easily obtained, and character recovered; and,

finally, that no convict should be permitted to remain at the place of

his punishment after its termination.

Such were the recommendations of this famous committee, which were

carried into effect only so far as suited the convenience of the

ministers; who, however, stopped transportation to New South Wales, and

revoked the order in council by which that country was constituted a

penal settlement. "On the 1st of August, 1840," said Lord John Russell,

"transportation to New South Wales will cease for ever."

In van Diemen's Land, assignment was abolished: first in domestic

service, then in the towns; and the opinion was intimated by Lord John

Russell, that he inclined to the views of Archbishop Whately, with

limitations and exceptions.[227]

Among writers upon the subject, who most strenuously maintained the

policy of transportation, may be enumerated Bishop Broughton, Dr. Lang,

Dr. Ross, of Hobart Town, Sir George Arthur, Sir John Franklin, Messrs.

Macarthur, David Burns, and Captain Wood. They united in vindicating the

colonists from the imputation of profligacy and cruelty. Governor Bourke

was alone, among influential persons, a secret advocate of total

abolition. In writing to the secretary of state, he intimated his

conviction that, however strong the prejudice of the colonists in favor

of penal labor, they were losers by the bargain; and that the social

mischief gathering around them would soon demand a total cessation.[228]

In the voluminous productions, which for more than twenty years teemed

from the colonial press, the idea of total abolition was scarcely

suggested; except, indeed, in the year 1826, a colonist, under a

fictitious signature, hinted in modest language that free labor might

prove the cheapest in the end. The notion was tolerated, while the

country was ravaged by bushrangers, but it was only treated as a

curiosity and a dream.[229]

Towards the close of 1839, a meeting was held in the Mansion-house at

Dublin, to promote emigration to New Zealand. A resolution was passed,

on the motion of Dr. Dickenson, the chaplain of the Archbishop of

Dublin, which exhibited a frightful portraiture of the Australian

colonies.[230] Dr. Dickenson dwelt upon the social corruption, and

declared that it was in vain to imagine a colony, so composed, could

ever become respectable. The natural conclusion from the proportions of

the census, the amount of crime, and the character of the expirees, was

unfavorable to the colonies; but the imputation of general vice and

juvenile depravity, were made most frequently by projectors of rival

settlements, and were tinged with selfishness. The object of the

arch-bishop and his chaplain warped their judgment, and their lofty tone

induced the public to believe that they were right; yet when they

described the colonies as vast brothels--as the dwelling of banditti,

rank with the crimes and ripening to the ruin of Gomorrah--they were

guilty of injustice. Many, who labored to civilise the brutish, and to

reform the vicious, read with just indignation the statements of

persons, whose station gave weight to their accusations, when they told

the world that the children of the settlers surpassed, by the precosity

of their depravation, the dreams of misanthropy. Against these sweeping

opinions, Major Macarthur, then on the spot, earnestly protested. Dr.

Broughton, on this side the globe, made an energetic remonstrance, and

asserted that the report of the transportation committee could be taken

only as the collection of facts, which were spread over a long period of

time, and were descriptive only of a base and dishonored fraction. He

asserted that a series of the _Times_ newspaper contained a succession

of atrocities which, if combined, would exhibit Great Britain as the

most worthless of nations.

Inspirited by Captain Wood, of Snake Banks, the settlers of Tasmania had

endeavoured to check the calumnies which assailed them. A public

meeting, held when the report of the committee arrived, requested the

Governor to do them justice. Sir John Franklin warmly denied the

corruption imputed to the settlers, and the chief facts alleged against

transportation; and the clergy united in general commendations of the

liberality, decorum, and religious habits they had witnessed. This

appeal was not received with much favor in England, and the London

_Times_ pertinaciously maintained that they were mere assertions of

individuals--who represented that Van Diemen's Land, far from being a

den of vice, was the place to look for virtue.[231]

The Archbishop of Dublin presented a petition from certain citizens of

London, praying for the total abolition of transportation. He declared

that no opposition, derision, or contempt, should daunt him. He advised

the establishment of insular penitentiaries in the neighbourhood of

Great Britain, and he moved that the punishment of transportation

should be abolished immediately, completely, and finally.[232] The

Bishop of Exeter, always in antagonism to Dr. Whately, asserted that his

representations were exaggerated, and that crime amongst the native born

population was one half less than in England. The whig Bishop of Norwich

sustained the views of Dr. Whately. In reply, the minister stated that

they had stripped transportation of its allurement. Some punishment for

life was essential; Englishmen would not endure the perpetual

imprisonment of human beings, or the sight of felons in their streets

working in chains. It was resolved, however, to reduce the proportion

transported, and to promote emigration. Lord Normanby observed, that

although the most reverend prelate had made the question the subject of

eight years meditation, he had not yet discovered a substitute which

could justify abolition.

The ministers of the crown resolved to diminish transportation, but

nothing was prepared for a change so great as was implied by total

abolition: they, therefore, adopted a middle course, and Lord Normanby,

in a despatch to Sir George Gipps, developed the policy then in the

ascendant.[233] The principal scene of the future experiment, chosen by

her Majesty's government, was Norfolk Island, commended by its healthy

climate, its fertile soil, and its seclusion.

When the former settlers relinquished this insular paradise, it was long

abandoned to desolation. The timber of the buildings was consumed by

fire, lest the place should allure and accommodate pirates or enemies.

In 1825, when it was re-visited, the few swine left there had

multiplied; the domestic cats had become wild, and the trees were

thronged with pigeons and doves. The ruined walls and blackened chimneys

spread over with the unpruned vine, the coffee plant, the orange tree:

the road overgrown, the stone enclosure beset with rank vegetation,

amidst which many a garden flower grew wild, presented a scene, perhaps,

unprecedented, except by oriental desolations.[234]

It was proposed to erect a prison on the island, in which a large body

might be lodged; for which plans were forwarded, and the expenses

required authorised by the crown. It was intended to remove the convicts

already there; thus to preserve the prisoners transported from the

united kingdom from the contaminating example of their predecessors. A

commandant was to be appointed, at a salary of L800 per annum, who was

expected to avoid the extremes of laxity and severity; qualified by a

deep interest in the moral welfare of the prisoners. To this office

Captain Maconochie was appointed by Sir George Gipps, and was permitted

to test the ideas he had propounded, and to seek the success he had

foretold. It was expected by the government, that the labour of the

prisoners would soon almost cover the cost of their support.

The advent of Maconochie created vast excitement among the unfortunate

beings. The active efforts of this officer altered the tone of the

settlement, and inspired the desponding with hope: they changed the

aspect of that abode of misery--where suffering, insurgency, and

carnage, had furnished a dark page in penal history. True to his creed,

he removed the permanent gallows, which met the eyes of the prisoners as

they left their barracks for their morning toil, and abolished the

doubly-loaded cats, which had been heretofore the instruments of

punishment. The impulse was powerful: a new tone of command, humane even

to tenderness; the promise of speedy deliverance, wrought on the minds

of the prisoners with the force of novelty and surprise. The gaol doors

were thrown open: the gaoler loitered before the deserted prison, and

the prisoners yielded to the spell of a transient enchantment. On his

arrival, Maconochie issued an "exposition" of his plan: he told the

prisoners that punishment would be inflicted, to inspire the thoughtless

with reflection and the guilty with repentance. Such would be its

object, and such its limits. He exhorted them to a manly endurance and a

diligent preparation to acquire the comforts of _honest_ bread. He

assured them, that while the escape of the incorrigible would be barred

for ever, he would delight to hasten the freedom of the worthy. Thus

those that earned 6,000 marks would discharge a seven years' sentence,

or 7,000 would be required for ten years' servitude; and 8,000 was the

composition proposed for a sentence for life. They were, however, to

enjoy a portion of their earnings, which they paid in exchange for

luxuries, or to reserve the whole to hasten their discharge. Thus it was

possible to obtain a ticket-of-leave in one, two, or two and a-half

years, from a sentence of seven, ten years, or life. He deprecated those

lengthened punishments, which deprive men of the years of youth, and

strengthen and ripen every evil propensity into fatal maturity.

While the government of Norfolk Island developed the novel system,

accounts were conveyed to the colonies only at intervals: some in the

spirit of hostility, and others because they were idle, delighted to

depict the enthusiastic Maconochie as the subject of delusion, and the

butt of ridicule among those he reformed; but the climax at last came.

Never was Norfolk Island so gay, or its inhabitants so joyful, as on the

25th May, 1840. A proclamation had been issued by Maconochie, describing

the pleasures and festivities he contemplated. On this occasion he

resolved to forget the distinction between good and bad, and to make no

exception from the general indulgence; but he entreated the men to

remember that on the success of this experiment his confidence would

greatly depend: he warned them to suppress the first tokens of disorder,

and by retiring to their quarters at the sound of the bugle, prove that

they might be trusted with safety. On the morning of the day, the signal

colours floated from the staff, crowned with the union jack: twenty-one

guns, collected from the vessels and from the government-house, were

mounted on the top of a hill, and fired a royal salute. The gates were

thrown open, and eighteen hundred prisoners were set free, and joined in

various amusements, of which Captain Maconochie was a frequent

spectator. Eighteen hundred prisoners sat down to dinner, and at its

close, having received each a small quantity of spirits with water, they

drank health to the Queen and Maconochie--three times three for Victoria

and the captain rent the air. They then renewed their sports, or

attended a theatrical performance. New scenery, dresses, music, and

songs, contributed to the hilarity of the party. The performances were,

the _Castle of Andalusia_, in which the comic powers of the prisoners

were exhibited to their companions, a variety of glees and songs, the

tent scene of _Richard III._, the _Purse, or the Benevolent Tar_, and

finally the national anthem.[235] At the termination, no accident had

occurred; the gaol was entirely unoccupied; no theft or disorder had

disgraced the day; and thus the notion of Maconochie seemed to be

illustrated by the experiment. The contrast with the past system created

the greatest amazement, and the description of this extraordinary scene

excited universal laughter.

The long habit of connecting the notions of crime and punishment, of

guilt and misery, was thus violently shocked. Its novelty gave to the

policy of Norfolk Island the air of delirium: the disciplinarians of the

ancient regime raised their hands with astonishment. The place, once of

all most hateful, painted by fancy became an elysium: employment

enlivened by plays, rum, and tobacco, was described as a cheering

vicissitude in a life of crime. It was not difficult to see, that a

reaction would follow, and that any untoward accident would produce a

recoil.

It is said, that the prisoners at Norfolk Island deeply sympathised with

their chief: that they combined in a society for mutual reformation, and

that the paper which contained the outlines of the plan was headed by

the well-known motto of the Irish liberator--

"Hereditary bondsmen! know ye not, who would be free,

Themselves must strike the blow."

These promising appearances were soon followed by a catastrophe,

attended with sad sacrifice of life.

On 21st June, 1842, the _Governor Phillip_ stood in the Bay. A prisoner,

seated upon a rock, awaited the return of his companions from the

vessel, twelve in number: they had been sent to assist in unloading the

stores, and had remained all night. He heard firing on board, and ran to

give notice to the nearest officer: the vessel had been taken. There

were twelve soldiers, beside eighteen seamen. Two sentries were placed

over the hatchway, but the prisoners were allowed to pass to the deck,

where they noticed the negligence of the guard, which they rapidly

communicated to their comrades below. In a few minutes they were all on

deck: they rushed one sentry, and attempted to seize his pistols; then

threw him overboard: the other resigned his gun. Two unarmed soldiers,

who were accidentally on deck, struggled against them; they were

unsuccessful: one took refuge in the main chains, and slipped down into

the launch; the second attempted to swim ashore, but when within a few

yards from the rock, he uttered a cry, raised his hand, and disappeared.

The sergeant having gained the deck, shot the nearest of the mutineers;

but he received a blow which rendered him insensible. The sailors ran to

the forecastle, and the hatches were fastened down; but the prisoners,

unable to work the vessel, summoned two sailors from below to assist

them. The soldiers, having broken through to the captain's cabin, fired

through the gratings: several mutineers were wounded. The convicts then

proposed to send the sailors on shore, and demanded the surrender of the

captain, who answered with a shot, which struck the leader in the mouth,

and passed through his brain: the remainder instantly ran below, and the

vessel was retaken. One soldier, who had attempted to reach the shore,

had been compelled to swim back, and had been saved by a mutineer; but

in ascending the side of the vessel was shot by the sergeant in mistake.

The prisoners now asked quarter, which was granted; but one, on reaching

the deck, received a shot in the thigh: another raised his arms, and

cried "spare me!" Either by mistake, or in revenge, his head was blown

off by the fire of the soldiers. Thus the deck was covered with the

dying and the dead. The wounded were landed, and the bodies of those

slain were buried by moonlight.

The prisoners were confined together in a large room of the gaol, where

they were visited by the chaplain and commandant, who both labored to

awaken them to a sense of their guilt. Several were remarkable for their

misfortunes and their crimes. They were conveyed to Sydney in the vessel

they attempted to capture. On their arrival, crowds met them, anxious to

catch a glimpse of the men who had dared, unarmed, so bold an

enterprise. They met their fate with fortitude, and their last words

were in grateful remembrance of Maconochie. The chaplain who attended

them, has described[236] the gratifying change of which he was the

witness; and mentions with natural indignation the negligence which

suggested the attempt, the cowardice with which it was resisted, and the

cruelty displayed in its suppression.

Before deciding the merits of Maconochie's system by the result at

Norfolk Island, it is proper to estimate the disadvantages under which

it was tried. The island was not cleared of its former occupants, and

thus its corrupting traditions were perpetuated. The officers employed

had been formed under another system: several regarded the process with

contempt, and were involved in quarrels with its projector. They

resented the diminution of personal consequence, by an attempt to give

prisoners the air of free men.[237]

The application of marks in redemption from a time sentence, was

forbidden in cases of second conviction: thus, while some were spurred

on to labor by the prospect of earlier liberty, the older and worst

offenders were rewarded in having at their own disposal the time they

saved by extra exertion; too often injuriously passed.

The small extent of the island, and the absence of a free employing

population prevented an uniform practical liberation of the prisoners:

vessels were not always at hand, and thus tickets-of-leave were granted

to prisoners, who were employed on small farms allotted for their use.

The obstruction to rapid dispersion prevented the hope of liberty from

acting on the imagination with proper efficacy. The experimental nature

of the plan was injurious to its fame. It required constant adjustment:

irregularities and excesses suggested new details, and gave to the

movements of the commandant the aspect of vacillation.

The settlement continued under the command of Maconochie four years;

during which time another Plan, known as the probation system, was

launched on the sea of penal speculation. The destination of Norfolk

Island was reversed: no more the school of reform, it was to be made the

lowest deep of transportation; and well has its destiny been

fulfilled.[238]

Sir George Gipps, in his address to his council,[239] announced that,

after two years and a-half trial, it was found that the expense had

greatly increased; he had, therefore, resolved to transfer the prisoners

from Norfolk Island to Van Diemen's Land. It had been at first

contemplated to establish in that island not less than from two to four

thousand men; but this accumulation the ministers had found it necessary

to abate: and he expressed his conviction that that settlement would be

only reserved for the restraint of incorrigible offenders, and the

punishment of aggravated crimes.[240]

Sir George Gipps deemed it necessary to visit Norfolk Island (1843). His

stay was too brief for more than a superficial survey. His impressions,

on the whole, were favorable. He found the men orderly, respectful, and

contented. The "old hands," or colonial convicts, formerly subject to a

discipline severe to cruelty, were softened in their demeanour. "Great

and merciful as the amelioration, no evils had resulted equal to those

prevented." The lash was disused: the men were permitted to walk abroad

during their leisure; to fish or bathe; to mix sweet potatoes with their

maize bread--an indulgence greatly prized; to use knives, and other

conveniences before denied them: yet beneath these pleasing appearances

a fearful demoralization was traced. The prisoners from Great Britain

were exposed to examples of appalling sensual degradation: vices

prevailed which have ever stained that island.

The colonial press, uniformly hostile, was crowded with grotesque

delineations--a style of opposition, when not ill-founded, more fatal

than the most bitter criticism. The politeness of Maconochie to his men,

and which formed a part of his system, was the subject of constant

humour: he treated them like gentlemen in distress; they regarded him as

a patron and benefactor.[241] The recall of Maconochie had been

contemplated from the publication of the birthday festivities of 1840:

his administration was, however, prolonged until 1844, from the

difficulty of finding a qualified successor.

The people of New South Wales, who regretted the abolition of assignment

as a calamity, disapproved the scheme of Maconochie. The legislative

council declared against the transportation of convicts to Norfolk

Island, not only as hopeless in reference to the moral recovery of the

prisoners, but tending to perpetuate all the evils of transportation

without its advantages. They requested that prohibitory measures might

be adopted to prevent them from entering the colony at the expiration of

their sentences (1840).

The trial of the "mark system" in Norfolk Island during a period of

four years, according to Captain Forster, totally failed. This was the

most important element of Maconochie's reform discipline. The men,

however, found means to render the accumulation of marks independent of

individual conduct and moral reformation. The amount, which ranged from

eight to thirty marks a-day, afforded ample means for corruption. Clever

mechanics were rewarded for their skill; the strong for their strength.

The convict clerks falsified the accounts; men transferred their marks

to each other as a private traffic. Offences were mostly punished by the

forfeiture of marks: blasphemy at thirty; insolence at fifty; and

greater insubordination, two or three hundred. These are the

representations of an officer hostile to the plan; but they are such as

are probable in themselves, and are inseparable from every system

admitting indefinite good conduct as a positive claim to

liberation.[242]

The officers had been permitted to keep shops and to traffic with the

prisoners; and, it was said, that a vessel was freighted from Sydney to

supply them with goods. It was, however, asserted by Maconochie that the

practice had prevailed before his time; that it was in harmony with the

milder views which led to his appointment, and conduced to the

development of social virtues; that the re-convictions of persons

discharged from the island were one-third less than of prisoners trained

in Van Diemen's Land. Captain Maconochie repudiated "the fearful

conclusion, that to make men examples to others, it is necessary to

destroy them, body and soul."[243]

Nothing could have been more ill-judged than the selection of Norfolk

Island for the experiment. The detention of the doubly-convicted, men

long practised in the vices of the island, was still more unfavorable to

a moral reformation. The preliminary accommodations, directed by Lord

Normanby, were not provided: even friendly officers were not secured;

and had the scheme been ever so sound in its principles, its failure was

inevitable. In retiring from office, Maconochie was permitted to

recommend for indulgence all whose expectation of release was justified

by his promises, and he left the island regretted by the prisoners. A

total change was contemplated in the discipline of the place: Norfolk

Island returned to its former character as the "lowest deep."

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 227: These views are thus stated by the Archbishop:--"Thus,

under a reformed system of secondary punishment, supposing

transportation abolished, it strikes me as desirable, with a view to the

preservation from a return to evil courses of persons released from

penitentiaries, &c., after the expiration of their punishment, that such

as may have evinced a disposition to reform, should be at their own

desire furnished with means of emigrating to various colonies, British

or foreign, in which they may mix, not with such men as their old

associates in crime, but with respectable persons unacquainted with

their past history; and may thus be enabled, as the phrase is, to turn

over a new leaf.' This, of course, implies that they should not emigrate

in a body to any one place, and as a distinct class. For juvenile

offenders the same course would, perhaps, be even still more

suitable."--_Letter addressed to the Rev. H. Bishop, on the evidence

taken before the Transportation Committee; containing his Grace's

opinion on the efficacy of the punishment of transportation._]

[Footnote 228: "I may venture to assure you, the colonists will feel

great satisfaction at the declared intention (1833) to continue

transportation.... The great advantage they derive from the labor

outweighing, in their opinion, the mischief. Regarding, however, the

advancement and prosperity of this colony, as now placed on foundations

which cannot be shaken, I am strongly impressed with the belief, that

the manners and morals of this people would be much improved, and

ultimately their wealth and happiness would be much augmented, by a

gradual relinquishment of the services of convicts. Yet I am aware that

this sentiment is not generally prevalent among the settlers, and I

shall therefore abstain from troubling you with any detailed

explanations, upon which my opinion is founded."--_Despatch of

Major-General Bourke, addressed to Mr. Secretary Stanley_, 1834.]

[Footnote 229: _Hobart Town Gazette._]

[Footnote 230: "Resolved--That in the opinion of this meeting it is

unjustifiable to induce intending emigrants to take up their abode in

the midst of the vice and immorality which notoriously prevail in the

penal colonies; but that such persons should be encouraged to settle in

countries, where they will not only be likely to thrive in fortune, but

to lead good lives, and bring up their children in virtuous habits."]

[Footnote 231: _Times, February 11th, 1840._]

[Footnote 232: House of Lords, 1840.]

[Footnote 233: May 11th, 1839.]

[Footnote 234: For an account of Norfolk Island see vol. i.]

[Footnote 235: The following are the characters and performers in the

_Castle of Andalusia_: _Don Caesar_, John Lawrence; _Scipio_, George

Rolfe; _Fernando_, James Walker; _Alphonso_, Henry Whitton; _Spado_,

James King; _Pedrillo_, James Monns; _Sanguino_, James Cranston;

_Rafrino_, James Porter; _Calvetti_, William Smith; _Vasquez_, R.

Saunderson.]

[Footnote 236: See _Chambers' Miscellany_, vol. i.]

[Footnote 237: The idea of employing the prisoners as jurors, will not

appear more strange than as witnesses, except that it is unusual:--

"These may appear singular proposals, and I readily admit that the

absolute _rights_ of prisoner jurors, and thereby their power of

directly controlling the course of justice, might, without impropriety,

be for a time somewhat restricted, though, if properly trained up to the

privilege, and this latter confined exclusively to men in their last

stage, they would very rarely, I am certain, be found wanting in what

was required of them. But apart from this, the objects of interesting

prisoners, when under a course of moral discipline, in the

administration of justice, and of giving them confidence in its equity,

are very important ones--perhaps not any in all their management are

more so: and both are absolutely wanting now, and may well be so in the

circumstances in which they are placed.

"In 1839, the year before my arrival at Norfolk Island, 811 cases were

tried; of which only four ended in acquittal--such was the certainty at

that time of conviction if accused. In 1840, I acquitted 90 out of 416

tried. (I was then, perhaps, too difficult about evidence, and in my

inexperience carried abstract principle too far.) In 1841, I acquitted

25 out of 297 tried; in 1842, 24 out of 326; and in 1843, 16 out of 429.

I was much in the habit of employing the officers about the court as a

sort of jury, referring to them, though not formally, in cases of

difficulty, and inviting them to ask questions. And I very early

appointed an intelligent prisoner, in whom I otherwise had confidence,

to speak for men accused of local offences, and make the most of their

several statements, on condition, however, that he never said for them

what he knew to be directly false. He thus served me very much, for what

he did not say I sifted with the more care; and the plan altogether, and

it is nearly that in the text, answered extremely well. It greatly

improved the pleader himself: under the new impulses given to both his

head and heart, he became almost a new man: while stupid prisoners, who

could not speak for themselves, had as good a chance given them as the

cleverest, and the latter, another very important point, had no

better."--_Maconochie on the Management of Prisoners in the Australian

Colonies._]

[Footnote 238: The following extract from Maconochie's pamphlet, may be

taken as his plan, matured by experience:--

"The management of penal settlements should be as follows:--1. A

fictitious debt of 6,000, 8,000, or 10,000 marks should be created

against every man, according to his offence, which he should redeem by

labour and other good conduct, having a proportion placed to his credit

daily as wages, according to his behaviour, and suffering a loss by fine

if he offends. 2. No ration should be allowed him of right, except bread

and water: for every thing else, following up the analogy thus created

between marks and money, he should be charged in them. 3. He should be

allowed, however, thus to expend his marks for present indulgencies to

what extent he pleases, but never to obtain his discharge, till from his

labour and economy combined (both voluntary) he shall fully redeem his

debt. 4. On first arriving at a penal settlement, for a period not under

three months, but beyond that depending entirely on his own regularity

and proficiency, and the acquisition of marks exhibiting them, his

treatment should consist of moral, religious, and other intellectual

instruction in a penitentiary. 5. After this, he should for a time not

under eighteen months, but the period also depending on the acquisition

of marks, serve in a mutually responsible party, labouring for

government, and disqualified for any situation of trust, authority or

indulgence under it, or for any private service. 6. After this, he

should hold for not less than fifteen months (making three years in

all), and beyond this till he has fully redeemed his marks and earned

his entire discharge, a ticket-of-leave in the settlement. 7. In this

last stage every reasonable facility should be afforded him to

accumulate a little money against his return to society. For this

purpose small farms or gardens should be let to men holding this

indulgence, at moderate rents in kind:--any stock or edible produce they

may raise on these, beyond their rents, should be purchased from them at

fair prices into the public stores:--and a fixed proportion of them (3,

4, or 5 per cent, of the entire number of prisoners on the settlement)

should further be eligible, as selected by their superintendent, to fill

subordinate stations of trust in the general management, and receive

(say) 6_d._ per day as money salary, besides the marks attached to their

situations. (In my proposed regulations I suggest also another mode of

giving the men a little money to take with them on their return to

society--which is, perhaps, a little extravagant, and it would thus

admit, at least, of modification; but the point is very important.) 8.

On discharge the utmost possible facilities should be afforded the men

to disperse;--and their final liberation, as well as every intermediate

step towards it, should in every case depend solely on having served the

_minimum_ time, and accumulated the corresponding number of marks. No

discretion on either head should be vested in any local authority. The

whole arrangement should be, as it were, a matter of contract; and the

local authorities should have no other control over it, than to see its

conditions on both sides punctually fulfilled."--_Maconochie's

Management, &c._]

[Footnote 239: 1843.]

[Footnote 240: Address to the Legislative Council of New South Wales,

August, 1842.]

[Footnote 241: "The whole island, we understand, is in a disorganised

state, and thefts of every day occurrence. A few weeks since a boat (the

second) was ran away with by nine convicts: one named Barratt, who a few

days before he left the island had been charged with making a picklock,

for the purpose of robbing the store, of which he was acquitted; and

Captain Maconochie actually begged his pardon for allowing him to be

locked up."--_Sydney Herald, July 26 1841._]

[Footnote 242: _Comptroller-general Forster's Report,_ 1845.]

[Footnote 243: _Observations on the State of Norfolk Island: Par. Pap._

1847.]

The History of Tasmania , Volume II · 第 21 / 28 章