Part I, Page 247. I quote:

“At the proposal of the President of the Reichstag, on its

session of 26 April 1942, the Greater German Reichstag has

unanimously approved of the rights which the Führer has

postulated in his speech with the following decision:

“There can be no doubt that in the present war, in which the

German people is faced with a struggle for its existence or

annihilation, the Führer must have all the rights postulated by

him which serve to further or achieve victory. Therefore,

without being bound by existing legal regulations, in his

capacity as leader of the nation, Supreme Commander of the Armed

Forces, Governmental Chief and Supreme Executive Chief, as

Supreme Justice and as leader of the Party, the Führer must be

in the position to force with all means at his disposal every

German, if necessary—whether he be a common soldier or officer,

low or high, official or judge, leading or subordinate official

of the Party, worker or employee—to fulfill his duties. In case

of violation of these duties, the Führer is entitled, after

conscientious examination, regardless of so-called well-deserved

rights, to mete out due punishment and to remove the offender

from his post, rank, and position without introducing prescribed

procedures.

“At the order of the Führer, this decision is hereby made

public. Berlin, 26 April 1942.”

Hitler, himself, perhaps, best summarized the political realities of his

Germany which constituted the basis for the Prosecution’s submission

that the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party and its following

effectively dominated the State. The core and crux of the matter was

stated by Hitler in his speech to the Reichstag on 20 February 1938,

when he declared, in effect, that every institution in Germany was under

the direction of the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party.

I cite as the Prosecution’s final exhibit in support of the proposition

that the Leadership Corps dominated the German State with resulting

responsibility, Document 2715-PS, which is the book containing Hitler’s

speech to the Reichstag on the 20th of February 1938, as reported in

_Das Archiv_, Volume 47, February 1938, Pages 1441 and 1442. I quote a

brief excerpt from Document 2715-PS; and I introduce it as Exhibit

USA-331:

“National Socialism has given the German people that leadership

which as Party not only mobilizes the nation but also organizes

it, so that on the basis of the natural principle of selection,

the continuance of a stable political leadership is safeguarded

forever. . . . National Socialism . . . possesses Germany

entirely and completely since the day when, 5 years ago, I left

the house in Wilhelmsplatz as Reich Chancellor. There is no

institution in this State which is not National Socialist. Above

all, however, the National Socialist Party in these 5 years has

not only made the nation National Socialist but also has given

itself that perfect organizational structure which guarantees

its preservation for all the future. The greatest guarantee of

the National Socialist revolution lies in the complete

domination of the Reich and all of its institutions and

organizations, internally and externally, by the National

Socialist Party. Its protection against the world abroad,

however, lies in the new National Socialist Armed Forces. . . .

In this Reich anybody who has a responsible position is a

National Socialist. . . . Every institution of this Reich is

under the command of the supreme political leadership. . . . The

Party leads the Reich politically; the Armed Forces defend it

militarily . . . . There is nobody in any responsible position

in this state who doubts that I am the authorized leader of this

Reich. . . .”

The supreme power which the Leadership Corps exercised over the German

State and Government is pointed out by an article published in this same

authoritative magazine _Der Hoheitsträger_, in February 1939. In this

article, which was addressed to all Hoheitsträger, the Leadership Corps

is reminded that it has conquered the state and possesses absolute and

total power in Germany. I cite Document 3230-PS, which is the English

translation of an article entitled “Fight and Order”; and I quote from

this article, which trumpets forth in what we might term as accents of

Caesarism, the battle call of the Leadership Corps in German life. I

quote:

“Fight? Why do you always talk of fighting? You have conquered

the state, and if something does not please you, then just make

a law and regulate it differently. Why must you always talk of

fighting? For you have every power. Over what do you fight?

Foreign politics? You have the Wehrmacht—it will wage the fight

if fight is required. Domestic politics? You have the law and

the police which can change everything which does not agree with

you.”

THE PRESIDENT: Is this a good time to break off?

COL. STOREY: Yes, Sir.

[_A recess was taken._]

COL. STOREY: In view of the domination of the German State and

Government by the Nazi Party and the Leadership Corps thereof as

established by the foregoing and other evidence heretofore recited in

the previous trial briefs, it is submitted that the Leadership Corps of

the Nazi Party is responsible for the measures, including the

legislative enactments, taken by the German State and Government in

furtherance of the conspiracy formulated and carried out by the

co-conspirators and the organizations charged with criminality in the

present case.

I now skip and go to the overt acts and crimes of the Leadership Corps.

The evidence now to be presented will establish that the membership of

the Leadership Corps actively entered into a wide variety of acts and

measures designed to advance the course of the conspiracy. The evidence

will show that such participation by the Leadership Corps in the

conspiracy embraces such measures as anti-Semitic activities, war crimes

committed against members of the Allied Forces, participation in the

forced-labor program, measures to subvert and undermine the Christian

religion and persecute the Christian clergy, the plundering and

spoliation of cultural and other property in German occupied territories

in Europe, participation in plans and measures leading to the initiation

and prosecution of aggressive war, and in general, the wide variety of

measures embracing the Crimes against the Peace, War Crimes, and Crimes

against Humanity as defined and denounced by the Charter.

The first item of evidence we have to introduce is in connection with

the participation of the Gauleiter and Kreisleiter in what the Nazis

describe as the “spontaneous uprising of the people” against the Jews

throughout Germany on 9 and 10 November 1938. We do not intend to

introduce, by diverting from the text, any evidence formerly introduced

by Major Walsh on the persecution of the Jews but only to show the

connection of a few of the Party officials in connection with the

assassination of an official of the German Embassy in Paris on the 7th

of November.

The evidence relating to these pogroms has been thoroughly presented in

connection with the Prosecution’s evidence in other phases of the case,

particularly of the persecution of the Jews. I shall therefore limit

myself to two documents and will request the Tribunal to recall that in

the teletyped directive from SS Gruppenführer Heydrich, issued the 10th

of November 1938 to all police headquarters and SD districts, all chiefs

of the State Police were ordered to contact the political leaders in the

Gaue and the Kreise and to arrange with these high officials in the

Leadership Corps the organization of the so-called spontaneous

demonstrations against the Jews.

The evidence previously presented shows that pursuant to this directive

a large number of the Jewish shops and businesses were pillaged and

wrecked, synagogues set on fire, individual Jews beaten up, and large

numbers taken to concentration camps. This evidence forcibly illustrates

the employment and participation of all the Kreisleiter and Gauleiter in

illegal and inhuman measures designed to further the anti-Semitic

program which was an original and continuous objective of the Leadership

Corps of the Nazi Party. I simply refer again to Document 3051-PS,

Exhibit Number USA-240, and simply call Your Honors’ attention to the

different political leaders that were named in that document; and I will

not attempt to read nor refer to it again.

Diverting again from the text, I want to offer at this time in evidence

. . .

THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Storey, is it addressed to these various ranks in

the Leadership Corps?

COL. STOREY: Your Honor, I notice on the first page it is addressed—I

am not good in German—but to the State Police, to the SD, and to some

other SD officials.

THE PRESIDENT: What has that got to do with the Leadership Corps?

COL. STOREY: It has to do with directions to Party officials to take

part in these demonstrations. In other words, through certain officials

of the Leadership Corps this directive was dispatched and directed.

THE PRESIDENT: Are you sure the State Police and SD are any of these

ranks in the Leadership Corps?

COL. STOREY: If Your Honors will refer to this original chart, this big

one, you will notice that the SA, and SS, and several of the

organizations are listed on the left-hand part of that big chart. I

think it is in the folder there on Your Honors’ desk. In other words,

the close examination of that directive will show that they were to

contact different political leaders in connection with the carrying into

effect of this demonstration of the 9th and 10th of November. That is

the only purpose for which it is offered. It has been introduced in

evidence, but the reason I mention it at this time . . .

THE PRESIDENT: I can’t see that it shows it. It seems to me to be a

letter from the Chief of the Security Police to all headquarters and

stations of the State Police.

COL. STOREY: I don’t have the English translation before me at this

moment, Your Honor.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, go on.

COL. STOREY: I now offer in evidence Document 3063-PS, Exhibit USA-332.

This was a report from the Chief Party Judge Buch to the Defendant

Göring, dated the 13th of February 1939, concerning actions taken by the

Supreme Party Court for excesses in connection with the demonstrations

of 9 and 10 November 1938. I don’t believe this, if Your Honors please,

is in the document book—3063-PS.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, it is.

COL. STOREY: I beg your pardon. I had forgotten whether it is in here. I

quote just a brief portion of it:

“When all the synagogues burned down in one night it must have

been organized in some way and can only have been organized by

the Party.”

It is a long document, and that is the only portion I quote. I don’t

have the reference to it.

THE TRIBUNAL (Mr. Biddle): What page?

COL. STOREY: I am sorry, Sir, I don’t have the reference book.

THE PRESIDENT: On Page 1. As you say you don’t have the document before

you, there isn’t much use referring you to it.

COL. STOREY: I gave the German text over there, Sir.

“When all the synagogues burned down in one night it must have

been organized in some way, and can only have been organized by

the Party.”

The first paragraph, Page 7.

Now I turn to illustrate the crimes against the Allied airmen. The

members of the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party participated in and

shared the responsibility for the murder, beating, and ill-treatment of

Allied airmen who landed in German or German-controlled territory. Many

Allied airmen who bailed out of disabled planes over Germany were not

treated as prisoners of war but were beaten and murdered by German

civilians with the active condonation, indeed at the instigation, of

some of the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party. Such a course of conduct

by the Leadership Corps represented a flagrant and deliberate violation

by the German Government of its obligations under the Geneva Convention

to protect prisoners of war against acts of violence and ill-treatment.

As shown by Document 2473-PS—it is necessary to turn to that—which is

a list of the Reichsleiter of the Nazi Party appearing in the _National

Socialist Yearbook_ of 1943 and by Document 2903-PS, which is this large

chart, Heinrich Himmler was a Reichsleiter of the Nazi Party and thus a

top official in the Leadership Corps by virtue of his positions as

Reichsführer of the SS and Delegate for German Folkdom. I now offer in

evidence an original order signed by Himmler, Document R-110 as Exhibit

Number USA-333. It is dated 10 August 1943, and I quote:

“It is not the task of the police to interfere in clashes

between Germans and English and American terror fliers who have

bailed out.”

This order was transmitted in writing to all senior executive SS and

Police officers, and orally to their subordinate officers and to all

Gauleiter. As shown in Document 2473-PS and by the chart, Joseph

Goebbels . . .

THE PRESIDENT: I was only thinking that the police are not part of the

Leadership Corps, are they?

COL. STOREY: But Himmler, if Your Honor pleases, combined the offices

himself of the Reichsführer of the SS and head of the German police. He

was an officer of the State; he was an officer of the Party; and he

issued this to officials of the Leadership Corps.

THE TRIBUNAL (Mr. Biddle): And your point is, this order of Himmler’s

would be proof against the 600,000 members that you have spoken of?

COL. STOREY: Not against the members, but I said against the

organization as a criminal organization, because from the top it

disseminated orders of this type through the channels of the Leadership

Corps.

THE PRESIDENT: But that is what I was putting to you, that it was not

through the channels of the Leadership Corps, but through the channels

of the police.

COL. STOREY: But the police, if Your Honor pleases, were connected with

the Leadership Corps; and Himmler stood at the top of both. It does not

show on that chart; but it is shown on the other big chart, if Your

Honors please, with reference to Goebbels, who was a top-flight official

in the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party, by virtue of his position as

Propaganda Leader of the Party. In the issue of the _Völkischer

Beobachter_ of 29 May 1944 there appeared an article written by

Goebbels, the Reichsleiter for Party Propaganda, in which he openly

invited the German civilian population to punish Allied fliers shot down

over Germany. I refer to Document 1676-PS, Exhibit USA-334, which is the

issue of the _Völkischer Beobachter_ containing this article inciting

the people to the commission of War Crimes. I now quote:

“It is only possible with the aid of arms to secure the lives of

enemy pilots who were shot down during such attacks, for they

would otherwise be killed by the sorely tried population. Who is

right here? The murderers who, after their cowardly misdeeds,

await a humane treatment on the part of their victims, or the

victims who wish to defend themselves according to the

principle: ‘An eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth’? This

question is not hard to answer.”

Reichsleiter Goebbels then proceeds to answer this question in the

following language, and still quoting:

“It seems to us hardly possible and tolerable to use German

police and soldiers against the German people when it treats

murderers of children as they deserve.”

On the 30th of May 1944 the Defendant Bormann, Reichsleiter and Chief of

the Party Chancellery, issued a circular letter on the subject which

furnishes indisputable proof that British and American fliers, who were

shot down, were lynched by the German population. I offer this circular

letter of the Defendant Bormann into evidence—Document 057-PS; it is up

towards the top.

THE PRESIDENT: Have you got the original book?

COL. STOREY: Just a moment, Your Honor.

After alleging that in recent weeks English and American fliers had

repeatedly shot children, women, peasants, and vehicles on the highways,

Bormann then states as follows in the second paragraph of the English

translation; I quote:

“Several instances have occurred where members of the crews of

such aircraft, who have bailed out or who have made forced

landings, were lynched on the spot immediately after capture by

the populace, which was incensed to the highest degree. No

police measures or criminal proceedings were invoked against the

German civilians who participated in these incidents.”

The attention of the Tribunal is particularly invited to the fact that

this letter of the Defendant Bormann is distributed through the chain of

command of the Nazi Party, expressly mentioning on the distribution list

Reichsleiter, Gauleiter, Kreisleiter, and leaders of the incorporated

and affiliated organizations of the Party. The Defendant Bormann

requested, in the first paragraph of the second page which is found in

the English translation, that the local group leaders

(Ortsgruppenleiter) be informed of the contents of his circular letter

orally—only by oral means.

The effect of Reichsleiter Bormann’s circular letter may be seen in an

order dated 25 February 1945 which I now offer in evidence; it is

Document L-154, Exhibit Number USA-335. It is an order from Albert

Hoffmann, an important member of the Leadership Corps by virtue of his

position as Gauleiter and National Defense Commissioner of the Gau

Westfalen-Sud. It is addressed to all county councillors, mayors, police

officials, and to county leaders and county chiefs of the Volkssturm.

“Fighter-bomber pilots who are shot down are in principle not to

be protected against the fury of the people. I expect from all

police officers that they will refuse to lend their protection

to these gangster types. Authorities acting in contradiction to

the popular sentiment will have to account to me. All police and

gendarmerie officials are to be informed immediately of this, my

attitude.”

The obligations . . .

THE PRESIDENT: Who is Hoffmann?

COL. STOREY: Albert Hoffmann was a member of the Leadership Corps by

virtue of his position as Gauleiter and National Defense Commissar of

the Gau Westfalen-Sud. In this connection, if Your Honor pleases, I

quote the provisions of the Geneva Convention, 27 July 1929, Article 2,

which provides—and I simply ask the Court to take judicial knowledge:

“Prisoners of war are in the power of the hostile power, but not

of the individuals or corps who have captured them. They must at

all times be humanely treated and protected, particularly

against acts of violence, insults, and public curiosity.

Measures of reprisal against them are prohibited.”

THE PRESIDENT: Is that the 1907 . . .

COL. STOREY: 1929, the Geneva Convention dated 27 July 1929—Article

2—and it was also ratified by Germany and the United States. It is

clear from the foregoing quoted provisions that the Geneva

prisoners-of-war convention imposes upon its signatories the strictest

obligations to protect its prisoners of war from violence. The evidence

just presented shows that the German State violated this provision. The

evidence also proves that members of the Leadership Corps of the Nazi

Party participated in the conspiracy to incite the German civilian

population to take part in these atrocities.

Now I next turn to some illustrative crimes against foreign labor.

On 13 September 1936 Reichsleiter of the Party Organization, Dr. Robert

Ley, addressed 20,000 people attending a session of the Party Congress.

The official account of the Party rally states that the Führer was

received with “enthusiastic shouts of exaltation” when he strode through

the hall with his deputy, his constant retinue, and several Reichsleiter

and Gauleiter. I am referring to Document 2283-PS, and it is the

_Völkischer Beobachter_ of 14 September 1936, Page 11, which we offer as

Exhibit Number USA-337. In his speech Reichsleiter Robert Ley states

that he had been mystified when the Führer ordered him in “mid-April

1933 to take over the trade unions . . . since I could not see any

connection between my task as organizational leader of the Party and my

new task.” Ley continues by stating that very soon it became clear to

him why his responsibilities as Reichsleiter of the Party Organization

and Leader of the German Labor Front made logical his selection by the

Führer as the man to direct the smashing and dissolution of the free

trade unions; and I quote from that document:

“Very soon your decision, my Führer, became clear to me and I

recognized that the organizational measures of the Party could

only come to full fruition when supplemented by the organization

of the people, that is to say by the mobilization of the

energies of the people and by their concentration and

alignment. . . . My tasks as Reichsleiter of the Party

Organization and as Leader of the German Labor Front were a

completely homogeneous task; in other words, in everything I

did, I acted as Reichsleiter of the Party Organization. The

German Labor Front was an institution of the Party and was led

by it. The German Labor Front had to be organized regionally and

technically—according to the same principles as the Party. That

is why trade union and employee associations had to be smashed

unrelentingly, and the basis of construction was formed, as in

the Party, by the cell and the local section.”

On 17 October 1944 Reichsleiter Rosenberg sent a letter to Reichsleiter

Bormann which I introduce as Document 327-PS, Exhibit Number USA-338, in

which he informed the latter that he had sent a telegram to the

Gauleiter urging them not to interfere in the liquidation of certain

listed companies and banks under his supervision. Rosenberg emphasizes

to Bormann that any “delay of liquidation or independent confiscation of

the property by the Gauleiter would impair or destroy an organized plan”

for the liquidation of a vast amount of property.

On 7 November 1943 the Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces

delivered a lecture at Munich to the Reichsleiter and the Gauleiter. I

now refer to Document L-172, previously introduced in evidence as

Exhibit Number USA-34. The Chief of Staff stated that his object was to

give a review of the strategic position at the outset of the fifth year

of war; and he stated that he realized that the political leaders in the

Reich and Gau areas, in view of their burdensome tasks in supporting the

German war effort, were in need of information he could give. He stated,

in part, as follows:

“Reichsleiter Bormann has requested me to give you a review

today of the strategic position in the beginning of the fifth

year of war. . . . No one—the Führer has ordered—may know more

or be told more than he needs for his immediate task; but I have

no doubt at all in my mind, gentlemen, that you need a great

deal in order to be able to cope with your tasks. It is in your

Gaue, after all . . . that all the enemy propaganda, and the

demoralization through malicious rumors that try to find

themselves a place among our people concentrate . . . . Against

this wave of enemy propaganda and cowardice . . . you need to

know the true situation; and for this reason, I believe that I

am justified in giving you a perfectly open and uncovered

account of the state of affairs.”

Reichsleiter Bormann distributed to all Reichsleiter, Gauleiter, and

leaders of Party-affiliated organizations an undated letter, which is

Document 656-PS, Exhibit Number USA-339, on the National Socialist Party

stationery, signed by Bormann, an order of the Supreme Command of the

Wehrmacht relating to self-defense by German guard personnel and German

contractors and workers against prisoners of war. The order of the

Wehrmacht referred to states that the question of treatment of prisoners

of war is continually being discussed by the Wehrmacht and Party

bureaus. The order states that should prisoners of war refuse to obey

orders to work, the guard has “in the case of the most pressing need and

danger the right to force obedience with the weapon if he has no other

means. He can use the weapon as much as is necessary to attain his

goal.”

On 18 April 1944 Reich Commissar Lohse, Reich Minister for the Occupied

Eastern Territories, in a letter to Reich Youth Leader Axmann—I now

offer in evidence Document 347-PS, Exhibit Number USA-340—proposed that

the Hitler Youth participate in and supervise the military education of

the Estonian and Latvian youth. Lohse states in the above letter that:

“In the military education camps the young Latvians are trained

under Latvian leaders in the Latvian language, not because this

is our ideal but because absolute military necessity demands

this.”

Lohse further stated in the above letter, and I quote:

“. . . in contrast to the Germanic peoples of the West, military

education is no longer to be carried out through voluntary,

enlistments but through legal conscription. The camps in Estonia

and Latvia will have to be under German leadership; and as

military education camps of the Hitler Youth, they must be a

symbol of our educational mission beyond Germany’s borders. I

consider the execution of the military education of the Estonian

and Latvian youth not only a military necessity but also a war

mission of the Hitler Youth, especially. I would be thankful to

you, Party Member Axmann, if the Hitler Youth would put itself

at our disposal with the same readiness with which they have so

far supported our work in the Baltic area.”

An order of the Reich Minister of the Interior, Frick, dated 22 October

1938, is Document 1438-PS, of which I ask the Court to take judicial

notice, and I quote:

“The Reichsführer SS and the Chief of the German Police . . .

can take the administrative measures necessary for the

maintenance of security and order even beyond the legal limits

otherwise set on such measures.”

The above order related to the administration of the Sudeten-German

territory.

In a letter dated 15 April 1943, our Document Number 407-PS, already in

evidence as Exhibit Number USA-209, Gauleiter and Plenipotentiary for

the direction of labor Fritz Sauckel wrote to Hitler advising him of the

success of the forced-labor program as of that date and stating

that—and I quote:

“You can be assured that the District of Thuringia and I will

serve you and our dear people with the employment of all our

strength.”

I now offer in evidence Document 630-PS, Exhibit Number USA-342. If Your

Honor pleases, I would like to call to your attention that this is on

the personal stationery of Adolf Hitler, dated 1 September 1939. It is

addressed to Reichsleiter Bouhler and Doctor of Medicine Brandt, and it

is signed personally by Adolf Hitler. I want to quote all of that

document; it is short:

“Reichsleiter Bouhler and Dr. Brandt are charged with the

responsibility of enlarging the authority of certain physicians

to be designated by name in such a manner that persons who,

according to human judgment, are incurable can, upon a most

careful diagnosis of their condition of sickness, be accorded a

mercy death. Signed, A. Hitler.”

A handwritten note on the face of the document states: “Given to me by

Bouhler on 27 August 1940. Signed, Dr. Gürtner.”

In a memorandum recording an agreement between himself and Himmler, the

Minister of Justice Thierack stated that on the suggestion of

Reichsleiter Bormann an agreement had been reached between Himmler and

himself with respect to “special treatment at the hands of the police in

cases where judicial sentences were not severe enough.”

I will offer Document 654-PS, Exhibit Number USA-218, which was

previously introduced, and I want to quote one portion:

“The Reich Minister of Justice will decide whether and when

special treatment at the hands of the police is to be applied.

The Reich Führer SS will send the reports, which he sent

hitherto to Reichsleiter Bormann, to the Reich Minister of

Justice.”

If the views of the Reich Führer SS and the Reich Minister of Justice

disagreed, “the opinion of Reichsleiter Bormann will be brought to bear

upon the case, and he will possibly inform the Führer.”

In the above note it is further stated:

“The delivery of asocial elements from execution of their

sentence to the Reich Führer of SS to be worked to death:

Persons under preventative arrest, Jews, Gypsies, Russians and

Ukrainians, Poles with more than 3-year sentences, Czechs and

Germans with more than 8-year sentences, according to the

decision of the Reich Minister of Justice. First of all the

worst asocial elements amongst those just mentioned are to be

handed over. I shall inform the Führer of this through

Reichsleiter Bormann.”

With respect to the “administration of justice by the people,” he

continues:

“This is to be carried out step by step . . . as soon as

possible. . . . I shall rouse the Party particularly to

co-operate in this scheme by an article in the ‘Hoheitsträger.’”

And Your Honors have already seen copies of that publication. I now skip

Paragraphs 16 and 17.

A letter from RSHA (which is the Reich Security Main Office) to police

chiefs, dated 5 November 1942, which is Document L-316, Exhibit Number

USA-346—this was addressed to all police chiefs—recites an agreement

between the Reich Führer SS and the Reich Minister of Justice, approved

by Hitler—I call the attention of Your Honors to the red border around

this original, and then having the Party seal on it—provides that the

ordinary criminal procedure was no longer to be applied to Poles and

members of the Eastern populations. The agreement provided that such

people, including Jews and Gypsies, should henceforth be turned over to

the police. The principles applicable to a determination of the

punishment of German offenders, including appraisal of the motives of

the offender, were not to be applied to foreign offenders. I quote from

Page 2 of the document:

“The offense committed by a person of foreign extraction is not

to be regarded from the view of legal retribution by way of

justice but from the point of view of preventing dangers through

police action.

“From this it follows that the criminal procedure against

persons of foreign extraction must be transferred from justice

to the police.

“The preceding statements serve for personal information. There

are no objections if the Gauleiter are informed in the proper

form, should the need arise.”

I now skip Paragraphs 19 and 20 of the text. I next refer to Document

1058-PS, previously introduced in evidence as Exhibit Number USA-147.

In a speech to a gathering of persons intimately concerned with the

Eastern problem, on 20 June 1941, Reichsleiter Rosenberg stated that the

southern Russian territories and the northern Caucasus would have to

provide food for the German people. I quote Rosenberg’s words:

“We see absolutely no obligation on our part to feed the Russian

people, also, with the products of that surplus territory. We

know that this is a harsh necessity, bare of any feelings.”

THE PRESIDENT: We have already had that read to us twice.

COL. STOREY: I am sorry, Sir. I did not hear it. Strike it from the

record.

I now refer to Document R-114. I believe it is the last one in the book,

Exhibit Number USA-314.

Gauleiter Wagner, of the German-occupied areas of Alsace, prepared plans

and took measures leading to the expulsion and deportation of certain

groups within the Alsatian civilian population. His plans called for the

forcible expulsion of certain categories of so-called undesirable

persons as a means of punishment and compulsory Germanization. The

Gauleiter supervised deportation measures in Alsace from July to

December 1940 in the course of which 105,000 persons were either

expelled or prevented from returning. A memorandum, dated 4 August 1942,

of a meeting of high SS and police officials convened to receive the

reports and plans of the Gauleiter relating to the Alsatian evacuations,

states that the persons deported were mainly “Jews, Gypsies, and other

foreign racial elements, criminals, asocial and incurably insane

persons, as well as Frenchmen and Francophiles.” The memorandum further

states the Gauleiter stated that the Führer had given him permission “to

cleanse Alsace of all foreign, sick, or unreliable elements”; and that

the Gauleiter emphasized the political necessity of further

deportations. The memorandum further records that the SS and police

officials present at the conference approve the Gauleiter’s proposals

for further evacuation.

I now skip over to the next paragraph, 24.

A memorandum by Reichsleiter Bormann of a conference called by Hitler at

his headquarters, 16 July 1941, which is Document L-221, Exhibit Number

USA-317. I’m sorry, I believe that one was quoted this morning. The only

purpose in referring to it is in connection with the Reichsleiter. I

believe Captain Harris quoted from that document this morning, and I’ll

not read the quotation.

I call attention to the fact, however, that this conference was attended

by Reichsleiter Rosenberg, Reich Minister Lammers, Field Marshal Keitel,

the Reich Marshal, and Bormann and lasted about 20 hours. The memorandum

states that discussion occurred with respect to the annexation by

Germany of various parts of conquered Europe. The memorandum also states

that a long discussion took place with respect to the qualifications of

Gauleiter Lohse, who was proposed by Rosenberg at this conference, as

Governor of the Baltic States.

Discussion also occurred, according to the memo, with respect to the

qualifications of other Gauleiter and commissioners for the

administration of various areas of Occupied Russia. Göring stated,

according to the memorandum, that he intended to appoint Gauleiter

Terboven for “exploitation of the Kola Peninsula; the Führer agrees.”

I believe the next portion has been quoted, too. I now pass to the

participation of the Leadership Corps in the suppression of the

Christian Church and persecution of the clergy and cite some

illustrative crimes.

The evidence relating to the systematic effort of the defendants and

co-conspirators to eliminate the Christian churches in Germany has been

previously introduced in U.S.A. Exhibit Book H by Major Wallis with

respect to the Nazi efforts to eliminate the Christian Church. The

evidence now to be presented is limited to proving and pointing out the

responsibility of the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party and the members

thereof for illegal activities against the Christian Church and clergy.

The Defendant Bormann issued a secret decree to all Gauleiter entitled,

“Relationship of National Socialism and Christianity.” And that is

Document D-75—it is up toward the top, I believe, Your Honor—Exhibit

Number USA-348. In this decree Reichsleiter Bormann flatly declares that

National Socialism and Christianity are incompatible and that the

influence of the churches in Germany must be eliminated. I quote from

pertinent portions of this decree beginning with the first paragraph

thereof, top of Page 3, which reads as follows:

“National Socialist and Christian concepts are

irreconcilable. . . .

“Our National Socialist ideology is far loftier than the

concepts of Christianity which, in their essential points, have

been taken over from Jewry. For this reason, also, we do not

need Christianity. . . . If, therefore, in the future our youth

learn nothing more of this Christianity whose doctrines are far

below ours, Christianity will disappear by itself. . . . It

follows from the irreconcilability of National Socialist and

Christian concepts that a strengthening of existing confessions

and every assistance to originating Christian confessions is to

be rejected by us. A differentiation between the various

Christian confessions is not to be made here. For this reason,

also, the thought of an erection of an Evangelical National

Church by merger of the various Evangelical churches has been

definitely given up, because the Evangelical Church is just as

inimical to us as the Catholic Church. Any strengthening of the

Evangelical Church would merely react against us. . . .

“For the first time in German history, the Führer consciously

and completely has the leadership of the people in his own hand.

With the Party, its components, and attached units, the Führer

has created for himself and thereby the German Reich Leadership,

an instrument which makes him independent of the Church. All

influences which might impair or damage the leadership of the

people, exercised by the Führer with the help of the NSDAP, must

be eliminated. More and more the people must be separated from

the churches and their organs, the pastors. Of course, the

churches must and will, seen from their viewpoint, defend

themselves against this loss of power. But never again must an

influence on leadership of the people be yielded to the

churches. This influence must be broken completely and finally.

“Only the Reich leadership and, by its direction, the Party, its

components and attached units have a right to leadership of the

people. Just as the deleterious influences of astrologers,

seers, and other fakirs are eliminated and suppressed by the

state, so must the possibility of Church influence also be

totally removed. Not until this has happened does the state

leadership have influence on the individual citizens. Not until

then are people and Reich secure in their existence for all the

future.”

I next offer in evidence Document 070-PS, towards the beginning, Exhibit

Number USA-349, which is a copy of a letter issued from Bormann’s

office, dated 25 April 1941, to the Defendant Rosenberg in his capacity

as the Führer’s representative for the supervision of the entire mental

and ideological training and education of the NSDAP. In this letter

Bormann’s office states that the measures have been taken leading to the

progressive cancellation of morning prayers and other religious services

and their substitution by Nazi mottoes and slogans. I quote from the

first paragraph of Document 070-PS:

“We are inducing schools more and more to reduce and abolish

morning religious services. Similarly the confessional and

general prayers in several parts of the Reich have already been

replaced by National Socialist mottoes. I would be grateful to

know your opinion on a future National Socialist morning service

instead of the present confessional morning services which are

usually conducted once per week.”

In a letter from Reichsleiter Bormann to Reichsleiter Rosenberg dated 22

February 1940, Document 098-PS, Exhibit Number USA-350, which I offer in

evidence, Bormann declares to Rosenberg that the Christian religion and

National Socialism are incompatible. Bormann cites, as examples of

hostile . . .

THE PRESIDENT: Would you take care to give us the number of the

document.

COL. STOREY: I beg pardon, Sir.

THE PRESIDENT: This is 098-PS.

COL. STOREY: Document 098-PS.

THE PRESIDENT: The one before you referred to was 070-PS.

COL. STOREY: Yes—070-PS.

THE PRESIDENT: Before that, D-75?

COL. STOREY: That’s correct. With Your Honor’s permission, rather than

to quote the whole document I have summarized it here. Bormann’s letter

cites as examples the hostile divergence between Nazism and the

churches, the attitude of the latter on the racial question, celibacy of

the priests, monasteries and nunneries. Bormann further declares that

the churches could not be subjugated through compromise but only through

a new philosophy of life as prophesied in Rosenberg’s writings. Bormann

proposes the creation of a National Socialist catechism in order to give

that part of the German youth which declines to practice confessional

religion a moral foundation and to lay a moral basis for National

Socialist doctrines, which are gradually to supplant the Christian

religions. Bormann suggests that some of the Ten Commandments could be

merged with the National Socialist catechism and states that a few new

commandments should be added, such as: “Thou shalt be courageous; Thou

shalt not be cowardly; Thou shalt believe in God’s presence in the

living nature, animals, and plants; Thou shalt keep thy blood pure;” _et

cetera_. He concludes that he considers the problem so important that it

should be discussed with the members of the Reich directorate as soon as

possible.

And now one quotation from the fifth paragraph on the first page of that

translation. I would like to quote Paragraph 5 of the first page:

“Christianity and National Socialism are phenomena which

originated from entirely different basic causes. Both differ

fundamentally so strongly that it will not be possible to

construct a Christian teaching which would be completely

compatible with the point of view of the National Socialist

ideology; just as the communities of Christian faith would never

be able to stand by the ideology of National Socialism in its

entirety. . . .”

And then I quote from the last paragraph on Page 5 of that document:

“The Führer’s deputy finds it necessary that all these questions

should be thoroughly discussed in the near future in the

presence of the Reich leaders”—Reichsleiter—“who are

especially affected by them. . . .”

I next offer in evidence Document 107-PS.

THE PRESIDENT: Do you suggest that the Blockleiter would have to be

present at that discussion?

COL. STOREY: Your Honor, in connection with the policy directives, the

Führerprinzip goes from the top to the bottom; and if that policy is

adopted, they may, by directive, send it as far as the Blockleiter. He

says to discuss it in connection with the Reichsleiter, who are the

Party directors; and I assume that, if the Party directors establish it

as a policy, then they were to issue appropriate directives to the other

subordinate members. Mr. Lambert has suggested also that it would not be

possible to discuss this matter with all the Leadership Corps and

therefore they discussed it with the Party directors.

THE TRIBUNAL (Mr. Biddle): Does that show they did discuss it with the

directors?

COL. STOREY: No, Sir, that doesn’t follow; but it shows that it was a

subject of discussion for the board of directors of the Nazi Party.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, but the question is, who are the directors?

COL. STOREY: Five or six of them sit here; a total of 16.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes, but I thought that you were asking us to declare the

whole of the organization down to the Blockleiter as criminal.

COL. STOREY: That is true, Your Honor, but this is one evidence, one

instance of the criminality of the organization and we cannot prove at

each stage that all of them knew about it. We are trying to select

different offenses and different crimes that were committed within the

Party.

Document 107-PS, Exhibit USA-351, which we now offer in evidence, is a

circular letter, dated 17 June 1938, addressed by the Defendant Bormann

as Reichsleiter and Deputy of the Führer to all Reichsleiter and

Gauleiter. Bormann’s letter encloses a copy of rules, prepared by

Reichsleiter Hierl, setting forth certain restrictive regulations with

respect to participation of the Reich Labor Service in religious

celebrations. I quote pertinent portions of the directions issued by

Reichsleiter Hierl, beginning with the first paragraph in the list of

directions in Document 107-PS, on Page 1 of the English translation:

“The Reich Labor Service is a training school in which the

German youth should be educated to national unity in the spirit

of National Socialism. . . .

“What religious beliefs a person has is not a decisive factor,

but it is decisive that he first of all feels himself a German.

“All confessional discussions are forbidden in the Reich Labor

Service because it disturbs the comrade-like harmony of all the

Labor Service men and the Labor Service women.

“This is also the reason why all participation of the Reich

Labor Service in revivals and other meetings and festivals of

religious character are impossible.”

The Tribunal will appreciate that the position of the Defendant Bormann,

as Deputy of the Führer of the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party and

Chief of the Nazi Party Chancellery, and the position of the Defendant

Rosenberg, as the Führer’s representative for the whole spiritual and

philosophical education of the Nazi Party, give to the views of these

defendants on religion and religious policy the highest official

backing. The anti-Christian utterances and policies of these two

defendants reveal a community of mind and intention amongst the most

powerful leaders of the Party which was amply confirmed, as the evidence

will show, by the actual treatment of the churches since 1933 and

throughout the course of the conspiracy. I now offer in evidence

Document 2349-PS, Exhibit Number USA-352, which is an excerpt from the

book _The Myth of the 20th Century_, written by the Defendant Rosenberg.

I quote from that document:

“The idea of honor—national honor—is for us the beginning and

the end of our entire thinking and doing. It does not admit of

any equal-valued center of force alongside of it, no matter of

what kind, neither Christian love, nor the Free-Masonic

humanity, nor the Roman philosophy.”

I now offer in evidence Document 848-PS, Exhibit Number USA-353, which

is a Gestapo telegram, dated 24 July 1938, dispatched from Berlin to

Nuremberg, dealing with demonstrations and acts of violence against

Bishop Sproll in Rottenburg. The Gestapo office in Berlin wired its

Nuremberg office a teletype account received from its Stuttgart office

of disorderly conduct and vandalism carried out by Nazi Party members

against Bishop Sproll. I quote from the fourth paragraph of Page 1 of

the English translation of Document 848-PS, which reads as follows:

“The Party, on 23 July 1938, from 2100 on, carried out the third

demonstration against Bishop Sproll. Participants, about

2,500-3,000, were brought from outside by bus, _et cetera_. The

Rottenburg populace again did not participate in the

demonstration. This town took a rather hostile attitude toward

the demonstrations. The action got completely out of hand of the

Party member responsible for it. The demonstrators stormed the

palace, beat in the gates and doors. About 150 to 200 people

forced their way into the palace, searched through the rooms,

threw files out of the windows, and rummaged through the beds in

the rooms of the palace. One bed was ignited. . . . The Bishop

was with Archbishop Gröber of Freiburg and the ladies and

gentlemen of his menage in the chapel at prayer. About 25 to 30

people pressed into this chapel and molested those present.

Bishop Gröber was taken for Bishop Sproll. He was grabbed by the

robe and dragged back and forth.”

The Gestapo official in Stuttgart added that Bishop Gröber desired “to

appeal to the Führer and to Reich Minister of the Interior Dr. Frick,”

and the Gestapo official added that he had rendered a detailed report of

the demonstration after suppressing counter mass meetings.

On 23 July 1938 the Reich Minister for Church Affairs, Kerrl, sent a

letter to the Minister of State and Chief of the Präsidium Chancellery,

Berlin, stating that Bishop Sproll had angered the population by

abstaining from the plebiscite of 10 April. I now offer in evidence

Document 849-PS, Exhibit Number USA-354. In this letter Kerrl stated

that the Gauleiter and Governor of Württemberg had decided that in the

interest of preserving the State’s authority and in the interest of

quiet and order, Bishop Sproll could no longer remain in office. I quote

from the third paragraph of the first page of the Document 849-PS:

“The Reich Governor had explained to the Ecclesiastical

Authority that he would no longer regard Bishop Sproll as head

of the Diocese of Rottenburg on account of his refraining from

the election in the office and that he desired Bishop Sproll to

leave the Gau Württemberg-Hohenzollern because he could assume

no guarantee for his personal safety; that in the case of the

return of the Bishop of Rottenburg he would see to it that all

personal and official intercourse with him on the part of State

offices as well as the Party offices and the Armed Forces would

be denied.”

Kerrl further states in the above letter that his deputy had moved the

Foreign Office, through the German Embassy at the Vatican, to urge the

Holy See to persuade Bishop Sproll to resign his Bishopric. Kerrl

concludes by stating that should the effort to procure the Bishop’s

resignation prove unsuccessful, “the Bishop would have to be exiled from

the land or there would have to be a complete boycott of the Bishop by

the authorities.”

On 14 July 1939 the Defendant Bormann in his capacity as Deputy of the

Führer issued a Party regulation which provided that Party members

entering the clergy or undertaking the study of theology would have to

leave the Party. I now offer in evidence Document 840-PS, Exhibit Number

USA-355; and this is a copy of a regulation by Bormann, relating to the

admission of the clergy and students of theology into the Party. I quote

from the last paragraph of the English translation, which reads—I

quote. “I decree that in the future Party members who enter the clergy

or who turn to the study of theology have to leave the Party.”

In this directive Bormann also refers to an earlier decree, dated 9

February 1939, in which he had ruled that the admission of members of

the clergy into the Party was to be avoided. In this decree, also,

Bormann refers with approval to a regulation of the Reich Treasurer of

the Party, dated 10 May 1939, providing that “clergymen as well as other

fellow Germans who are also closely connected with the Church cannot be

admitted into the Party.”

I now offer in evidence Document 3268-PS, Exhibit Number USA-356, which

contains excerpts from the Allocution of His Holiness Pope Pius XII to

the Sacred College, June 2d, 1945. In this address His Holiness, after

declaring that he had acquired an appreciation of the great qualities of

the German people in the course of 12 years of residence in their midst,

expressed the hope that Germany could “rise to new dignity and a new

life once it has laid the satanic specter raised by National Socialism

and the guilty have expiated the crimes they have committed.” After

referring to repeated violations by the German Government of the

Concordat concluded in 1933, His Holiness declared; and I quote from the

last paragraph of Page 1 of the English translation of Document 3268-PS:

“The struggle against the Church did, in fact, become ever more

bitter; there was the dissolution of Catholic organizations; the

gradual suppression of the flourishing Catholic schools, both

public and private; the enforced weaning of youth from family

and Church; the pressure brought to bear on the conscience of

citizens, and especially of civil servants; the systematic

defamation, by means of a clever, closely-organized propaganda,

of the Church, the clergy, the faithful, the Church’s

institutions, teachings, and history; the closing, dissolution,

confiscation of religious houses and other ecclesiastical

institutions; the complete suppression of the Catholic press and

publishing houses . . . .

“In the meantime the Holy See itself multiplied its

representations and protests to governing authorities in

Germany, reminding them, in clear and energetic language, of

their duty to respect and fulfill the obligations of the natural

law itself that were confirmed by the Concordat. In these

critical years, joining the alert vigilance of a pastor to the

long-suffering patience of a father, our great predecessor, Pius

XI, fulfilled his mission as Supreme Pontiff with intrepid

courage.

“But when, after he had tried all means of persuasion in vain,

he saw himself clearly faced with deliberate violations of a

solemn pact, with a religious persecution masked or open but

always rigorously organized, he proclaimed to the world on

Passion Sunday 1937 in his Encyclical, _Mit brennender Sorge_,

that National Socialism really was: the arrogant apostasy from

Jesus Christ, the denial of His doctrine and of His work of

redemption, the cult of violence, the idolatry of race and

blood, the overthrow of human liberty and dignity . . . .

“From the prisons, concentration camps, and fortresses are now

pouring out, together with the political prisoners, also the

crowds of those, whether clergy or laymen, whose only crime was

their fidelity to Christ and to the faith of their fathers or

the dauntless fulfillment of their duties as priests.

“In the forefront, for the number and harshness of the treatment

meted out to them, are the Polish priests. From 1940 to 1945,

2,800 Polish ecclesiastics and religious were imprisoned in that

camp; among them was the Auxiliary Bishop of Wloclawek, who died

there of typhus. In April last there were left only 816, all the

others being dead except for two or three transferred to another

camp. In the summer of 1942, 480 German-speaking ministers of

religion were known to be gathered there; of these, 45 were

Protestants, all the others Catholic priests. In spite of the

continuous inflow of new internees, especially from dioceses of

Bavaria, Rhenania and Westphalia, their number, as a result of

the high rate of mortality, at the beginning of this year did

not surpass 350. Nor should we pass over in silence those

belonging to occupied territories, Holland, Belgium, France

(among whom the Bishop of Clermont), Luxembourg, Slovenia,

Italy. Many of those priests and laymen endured indescribable

sufferings for their faith and for their vocation. In one case

the hatred of the impious against Christ reached the point of

parodying on the person of an interned priest, with barbed wire,

the scourging and the crowning with thorns of our Redeemer.”

THE PRESIDENT: I think perhaps it would be time now to adjourn.

[_The Tribunal adjourned until 18 December 1945 at 1000 hours._]

TWENTY-SECOND DAY

Tuesday, 18 December 1945

_Morning Session_

COL. STOREY: If the Tribunal please, before adjourning yesterday

afternoon, Your Honors properly asked a question or two about Documents

3051-PS and 3063-PS, to which I think I have an answer that will help

the Tribunal. Your Honors will recall, with reference to Document

3051-PS—I believe it might be of assistance to turn to that document.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

COL. STOREY: Your Honors asked yesterday afternoon, since this had to do

with the SD and the SS, how the Party was involved. And I should like to

quote Paragraph Number 1 on Page 2 of the English translation, which

answers this question, and I am quoting:

“The Chiefs of the State Police or their deputies, upon receipt

of this teletype, must get in contact by telephone with the

political administration (Gauleitung or Kreisleitung) having

jurisdiction over their districts and must arrange a joint

meeting with the appropriate inspector or commander of the Order

Police to discuss the organization of the demonstration. At

these discussions the political leaders are to be informed that

the German Police have received from the Reichsführer SS and

Chief of the German Police the following instructions, in

accordance with which the political leaders should adapt their

measures.”

That had to do with the preparation for the general anti-Jewish

uprisings.

Now, with reference to Document 3063-PS, which follows just below that

one, if Your Honor pleases.

THE PRESIDENT: Very well.

COL. STOREY: That, if you recall, Your Honor, was a report from the

Supreme Party Court Justice Buch to the Defendant Göring concerning

punishment for the uprisings that followed the 9th and 10th of November

demonstration. I should like to quote the portion signed by the

Defendant Göring. It is, I believe, the second page of the English

translation. It is dated “Berlin, 22 February 1939”:

“Dear Party Member Buch:

“I thank you for forwarding the report of your special court on

the proceedings concluded up to now concerning the excesses on

the occasion of the anti-Jewish incidents of 9 and 10 November

1938, of which I have taken cognizance. Heil Hitler! Yours,

signed, Göring.”

And then, passing, Your Honor, to Page Number 1, immediately following,

of the English translation, I think the next two paragraphs will answer

Your Honor’s question. I quote:

“On the evening of 9 November 1938 the Reich Propaganda

Director, Party Member Dr. Goebbels told the Party leaders

assembled at a reunion in the old town hall in Munich that in

the districts”—Gaue—“of Kurhessen and Magdeburg-Anhalt

anti-Jewish demonstrations had taken place, during which Jewish

shops were demolished and synagogues were set on fire. The

Führer, at Goebbels’ suggestion, had decided that such

demonstrations were not to be prepared or organized by the

Party; but so far as they originated spontaneously, they were

not to be interfered with either. Besides that, Party Member Dr.

Goebbels interpreted the sense of the contents of the teletype

of the Reich Propaganda Administration of 10 November

1938. . . .”

THE PRESIDENT: What does “12:30 to 1 o’clock” mean there?

COL. STOREY: That is the time of the teletype message, I assume, Your

Honor.

THE PRESIDENT: Yes.

COL. STOREY: “It was probably understood by all the Party

leaders present, from the oral instructions of the Reich

Propaganda Director, that the Party should not appear outwardly

as the originator of the demonstrations but in reality should

organize and execute them. Instructions in this sense were

telephoned immediately—thus a considerable time before

transmission of the first teletype—to the headquarters of their

districts”—Gaue—“by a large part of the Party members

present.”

Now Your Honors properly asked yesterday afternoon how the Blockleiter

would be affected. Your Honors will recall that, in the instructions to

the Blockleiter defining his offices, it was stated that his

instructions would be received orally and they would be transmitted

orally and never to use writing except in extreme cases. Therefore I say

that these quoted portions clearly indicate that the Party was in fact

used in connection with these famous 9 and 10 November 1938, anti-Jewish

demonstrations.

Now, reverting back to the text where I left off yesterday afternoon:

The Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party participated in the confiscation

of church and religious property.

I offer in evidence Document 072-PS, which is Exhibit Number USA-357, a

letter dated 19 April 1941 from Reichsleiter Bormann to Reichsleiter

Rosenberg. This letter exposes the participation of the Gauleiter in

measures relating to the confiscation of religious property.

I now quote from the last paragraph of Page 1 of the English translation

of Document 072-PS, which reads:

“The libraries and art objects of the monasteries confiscated in

the Reich were to remain for the time being in these monasteries

insofar as the Gauleiter had not directed otherwise. . . .”

On 21 February 1940 the Chief of the Security Police and SD, Heydrich,

wrote a letter to Reichsführer SS Himmler, proposing that certain listed

churches and monasteries be confiscated for the accommodation of

so-called “racial Germans.”

The Tribunal, of course, will recall Himmler’s position.

After pointing out that on political grounds outright expropriation of

religious property would not be feasible at the time, Heydrich suggested

certain specious interim actions with respect to the church properties

in question, to be followed progressively by outright confiscation.

I now offer in evidence R-101(a)—it is right towards the end of Your

Honor’s Exhibit—as Exhibit USA-358.

If Your Honors please, there are several of those documents under R-101,

and at the bottom you will notice they are labeled “a,” “b,” and “c.”

The first one is R-101(a), and I quote the first five paragraphs on Page

2 of the English translation:

“Enclosed is a list of church possessions which might be

available for the accommodation of racial Germans. The list,

which I beg you to return, is supplemented by correspondence and

illustrated material pertinent to the subject.

“For political reasons, expropriation without indemnity of the

entire property of the churches and religious orders will hardly

be possible at this time.

“Expropriation with indemnity or in return for assignment of

other lands and grounds will be even less possible.

“It is therefore suggested that the respective authorities of

the orders be instructed that they make available the

monasteries concerned for the accommodation of racial Germans

and remove their own members to other less populous

monasteries.”

There is a marginal note opposite this paragraph that, translated, means

“very good.”

“The final expropriation of these properties thus placed at our

disposal can then be carried out step by step in the course of

time.”

On 5 April 1940 the Security Police and Security Service SS sent a

letter to the Reich Commissar for the consolidation of Germandom,

enclosing a copy of the foregoing letter from Heydrich to Himmler of 21

February 1940, proposing the confiscation of Church properties. The

letter of 5 April 1940 is included in the Document R-101(a), just

introduced in evidence; and I quote from the second sentence of the

first paragraph thereof, on Page 1 of the English translation of

Document R-101(a):

“The Reich Leader SS has agreed to the proposals made in the

enclosed letter and has ordered the matter to be dealt with by

collaboration between the Chief of the Security Police and

Security Service and your office.”

I now offer in evidence Document R-101(c), Exhibit USA-358. This is a

letter dated July 30, 1941, written by an SS Standartenführer whose

signature is illegible, to the Reich Leader of the SS. The letter

supplies further evidence of the participation of the Gauleiter in the

seizure of church property. I quote from the first three paragraphs of

the English translation of Document R-101(c), at the bottom of the page:

“With reference to the report of 30 May 1941, this office

considers it its duty to call the Reich Leader’s attention to

the development which is taking place in the incorporated

Eastern countries with regard to seizure and confiscation of

church property.

“As soon as the Reich laws on expropriation became effective,

the Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter in the Reichsgau Wartheland

adopted the practice of expropriating church real estate for use

as dwellings and paying the appraised value into blocked

accounts.

“Moreover, the East German Agricultural Administration, Limited,

reports that in the Warthegau all church-owned real estate is

being claimed by the local Gau administration.”

I next offer in evidence Document R-101(d), which immediately follows

Exhibit Number USA-358 already in evidence. This is a letter from the

Chief of Staff of the Main Office to Himmler, dated 30 March 1942,

dealing with the confiscation of church property. The letter evidences

the active participation of the Party Chancellery in the confiscation of

religious property.

In this letter the Chief of Staff, Main Office, reports to Himmler

concerning the policy of the SS in suspending all payment of rent to

monasteries and other church institutions whose property had been

expropriated. The letter discusses a proposal made by the Reich Minister

of the Interior, in which the Party Chancellery prominently

participated, to the effect that the church institutions should be paid

amounts corresponding to current mortgage charges on the premises

without realizing any profit. The writer further suggests that such

payments should never be made directly to the ecclesiastical

institutions but rather should be made to the creditors of the

institutions.

I now quote from the fourth sentence on Page 3 of that document, the

English translation, whereby such an arrangement would be in line with

“the basic idea of the settlement originally worked out between the

Party Chancellery and the Reich Minister of the Interior.”

I understand the Reich Minister of Interior for 1933-1944 was the

Defendant Frick.

The Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party participated in the suppression

of religious publications and interfered with free religious education.

In a letter dated 27 September 1940 Reichsleiter and Deputy of the

Führer Bormann transmitted to the Defendant Rosenberg a photostatic copy

of a letter from Gauleiter Florian dated 23 September 1940, which

expresses the Gauleiter’s intense disapproval, on Nazi ideological

grounds, of a religious pamphlet entitled, _The Spirit and Soul of the

Soldier_, written by a Major General Von Rabenau.

I now offer in evidence Document 064-PS, Exhibit Number USA-359. It is

an original letter signed by Rosenberg attaching the copy of that

matter. It contains Defendant Bormann’s letter to Rosenberg, dated 27

September 1940, transmitting the Gauleiter’s letter of 23 September 1940

to the Defendant Hess, in which the Gauleiter urges that the religious

writings of General Von Rabenau be suppressed. In his letter to the

Defendant Hess, Gauleiter Florian discusses a conversation he had with

General Von Rabenau at the close of a lecture delivered by the General

to a group of younger Army officers at Aachen. This conversation

illumines the hostile attitude of the Leadership Corps of the Nazi Party

towards the Christian Churches. I quote from the second sentence of the

second paragraph of the second page of the Gauleiter’s letter to the

Defendant Hess, which appears on Page 2 of the English translation—the

second paragraph—and I quote:

“After he had affirmed the necessity of the churches, Rabenau

said, with emphasized self-assurance, something like the

following:

“‘Dear Gauleiter, the Party is making mistake after mistake in

the treatment of the churches. Obtain for me the necessary

powers from the Führer and I guarantee that I shall succeed in a

few months in establishing peace with the churches for all

time.’

“After this catastrophic ignorance, I gave up the

conversation. . . .

Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal, Nuremburg, 14 November 1945-1 October 1946, Volume 04 · 第 3 / 17 章