MAGELLAN’S DISCOVERY.
BY REV. EDWARD E. HALE, D.D.
FERNANDO DA MAGALHAENS, or Magalhâes, whom the French and English call
Magellan, was a Portuguese gentleman of good family. He was educated,
as well as his time knew how to educate men, for the business which he
followed through his life,—that of a navigator and a discoverer. He was
a child when Columbus first came home successful from the West Indies;
and as a boy and young man he grew up, in the Court of King John the
Second of Portugal, among people all alive to the exciting novelties
of new adventure. As early as 1505 he went to the East Indies, where
he served the Portuguese Government several years. He was in the
expedition which first discovered the Spice Islands of Banda, Amboyna,
Ternate, and Tidor. Well acquainted with the geography of the East as
far as the Portuguese adventurers had gone, he returned to Portugal.
King Emmanuel was then upon the throne. Spain owes it to an unjust
slight which Magellan received at the Portuguese Court, that, under her
banner, this greatest of seamen sailed round the world and solved the
problem of ages in reaching the east by way of the west. Magellan was
in the service of the King in Morocco in a war which the Portuguese had
on hand there. He received a slight wound in his knee, which made him
lame for the rest of his life. Returning to Portugal, on some occasion
when he was pressing a claim for an allowance customary to men of his
rank, he was refused, and charged with pretending to an injury which
was really cured. Enraged at this insult, he abandoned his country. He
did this in the lordly style which seems in keeping with a Portuguese
grandee of his time. He published a formal act of renunciation of
Portugal. He went to Spain and took letters of naturalization there. In
the most formal way he announced that he was a subject of the King of
Spain, and should give service and life to that monarch, if he would
use them.
Magellan had a companion in his exile; this was Ruy Faleiro, a
gentleman of Lisbon, who had also fallen into disgrace at Court.
Faleiro,[1590] like Magellan, was a thorough geographer; and the two
had persuaded themselves that the shortest route to the Spice Islands
of the East was to be found in crossing the Western Ocean. We know
now, that in this conviction they were wrong. Any ordinary map of the
eastern hemisphere includes the Spice Islands or Moluccas, as well
as Portugal, because the distance in longitude east from Lisbon is
less than that of the longitude measured west. It has been proved,
also, that the continent of America extends farther south than that of
Africa. This, Magellan and Faleiro did not know; but they were willing
to take the risk of it. Spain has always held the Philippines,—the
prize which she won as the reward of Magellan’s great discovery,—under
the treaty of 1494, which gave to her half the world beyond the
meridian of three hundred and seventy leagues west from Ferro. She has
held it because Magellan sailed west, and so struck the Philippines;
but, in fact, those islands lie within the half of the world which the
same treaty gave to Portugal.
[Illustration: AUTOGRAPH OF MAGELLAN.]
By mistake or by design, the Philippines, when they were discovered,
were moved on the maps twenty-five degrees east of their true position
on the globe. The Spaniards made the maps. The islands were thus
brought within their half of the world; and this immense error was not
corrected till the voyages of Dampier.[1591]
Charles V. was no fool. He recognized at once the value of such men
as Magellan and Faleiro. He heard and accepted their plan for a
western voyage to the spice regions. On the 22d of March, 1518, he
bound himself to fit out an expedition at his own cost on their plans,
under Magellan’s orders, on condition that the principal part of
the profits should belong to the Throne. Through years of intrigue,
public and private, in which the Spanish jealousy of Sevillian
merchants and others tried to break up the expedition, Charles was,
for once, faithful to a promise. We must not attempt here to follow
the sad history of such intrigues. On the 10th of August, 1519, the
expedition sailed under Magellan. Poor Faleiro, alas! had gone crazy
in the mean time. What proved even a greater misfortune was that
Juan of Carthagena was put on board the “San Antonio” as a sort of
Japanese spy on Magellan. He was the marplot of the expedition, as the
history will show. He was called a _veedor_, or inspector. ——
[Illustration: MAGELLAN.
[Fac-simile of an engraving in Navarrete’s _Coleccion_, vol. iv. It is
also reproduced in Stanley’s _First Voyage round the World by Magellan_
(Hakluyt Society, 1874); in Cladera’s _Investigaciones históricas_; in
the _Relacion del ultimo viage al estrecho de Magellanes de la fragata
de S. M. Santa Maria de la Cabeza en los anos de 1785 y 1786_ (Madrid,
1788); in the _Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden_ (November, 1804),
p. 269; in August Bürck’s _Magellan oder die erste Reise um die erde_,
Leipsic, 1844; in Rüge’s _Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen_,
p. 402; and in the _Carter-Brown Catalogue_, i. 81.
There are two portraits in De Bry,—one a full length in the corner
of a map of America which accompanies the narrative of Benzoni in
part vi., and of Herrera in part xii.; and the other on a map of the
two hemispheres in part xi.; also repeated in Schouten’s _Journal_
(1618). There are similar pictures in Hulsius, parts vi. and xvi. Cf.
the _Catalogue_ (no. 135) of the Gallery of the New York Historical
Society.—ED.]
There is something pathetic in contrasting the magnificent fleet with
which Magellan sailed, under the patronage of an emperor, with the
poor little expedition of Columbus. With the new wealth of the Indies
at command, and with the resources now of a generation of successful
discovery, the Emperor directed the dockyards of Seville to meet all
Magellan’s wishes in the most thorough way. No man in the world,
perhaps, knew better than Magellan what he needed. The expedition,
therefore, sailed with as perfect a material equipment as the time
knew how to furnish. It consisted of five ships,—the “Trinidad” and
“San Antonio,” each of 120 Spanish _toneles_, the “Concepcion,” of
90, the “Victoria,” of 85,—long famous as the one vessel which made
the whole voyage,—and the “Santiago,” of 75. For the convenience of
the translators this Spanish word _toneles_ is generally rendered
by the French word _tonneaux_ and the English word _tons_. But in
point of fact the _tonele_ of Seville was one fifth larger than the
_tonelada_ of the north of Spain, which nearly corresponds to our ton;
and the vessels of Magellan and Columbus were, in fact, so much larger
than the size which is generally assigned to them in the popular
histories.[1592]
[Illustration: MAGELLAN.
Fac-simile of the engraving in Herrera, i. 293.]
[Illustration: MAGELLAN.
Fac-simile of the engraving in Ogilby’s _America_ (p. 79),—the same
used in Montanus’s _Nieuwe Wereldt_.]
On the 20th of September the fleet had cleared the River Guadalquivir,
and was fairly at sea. Six days afterward it touched at Teneriffe for
supplies; and here was the first quarrel between Magellan and his
watchman, Juan de Carthagena. Up to this point entire secrecy had
been maintained by Magellan as to the route to be pursued. Juan de
Carthagena claimed the right to be informed of all things regarding it.
Magellan refused, probably with considerable scorn. When off Sierra
Leone, a few days after, a similar quarrel broke out; Magellan arrested
Carthagena with his own hand, and put him in the stocks. Of course this
was an insult the most keen, and was meant to be. The other captains
begged Magellan to release the prisoner, and he did so; but still he
kept him under the arrest of one of their number.
From Sierra Leone they ran across to Brazil and anchored again for
supplies in the magnificent Bay of Rio de Janeiro. By their narrative,
indeed, on the return of the first vessel, was this great estuary
made widely known to the world. It is now known that Magellan was
not the first discoverer. Pero Lopez had explored the bay five years
before; and as early as 1511 a trader named John of Braga, probably a
Portuguese, was established on one of its fertile islands. Indeed, it
is said that the hardy seamen of Dieppe had been there as early as the
beginning of the century. Its first name was the Bay of Cabo-Frio.
The meridian of Alexander’s Bull had been meant to leave all the
American discoveries in the possession of the King of Spain. But,
unfortunately for him, Brazil runs so far out to the east that a
meridian three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Azores gives
Portugal a considerable part of it; and in point of fact the western
boundary of Brazil has been accommodated quite nearly to the imaginary
line of the Pope. To Magellan and his company it made no difference
whether they were on Portuguese or Spanish soil. They found the
Brazilians friendly. “Though they are not Christians, they are not
idolaters, for they adore nothing. Natural instinct is their only law.”
This is the phrase of Pigafetta, the young Italian gentleman to whose
_naïve_ book we owe our best and fullest account of the great voyage.
It is clear enough that all the crews enjoyed their stay in the Bay
of Santa Lucia, by which name they called our Bay of Rio de Janeiro.
It was in the heart of the Brazilian summer, for they arrived on the
13th of December. They had been nearly three months at sea, and were
well disposed to enjoy tropical luxuries; and here they stayed thirteen
days. Pigafetta describes the Brazilian hammocks;[1593] and from his
description Europe has taken that word. The same may perhaps be said of
the mysterious word “canoe,” which appears in his narrative under the
spelling “canots.”[1594]
It was Pigafetta’s first taste of the luxuries of the South American
fields and forests, and he delighted in their cheapness and variety.
“For a king of clubs I bought six chickens,” he writes; “and yet the
Brazilian thought he had made the best bargain,”—as, indeed, in the
condition of the fine arts at Santa Lucia, he had. A knife or a hook,
however, bought no more; yet the natives had no tools of metal. Their
large canoes, which would carry thirty or forty people, were painfully
dug out by knives of stone from the great trees of which they were
made. The Spaniards ate the pineapple for the first time. Pigafetta
does not seem to have known the sugar-cane before; and he describes the
sweet potato as a novelty. “It has almost the form of our turnip, and
its taste resembles that of chestnuts.” Here, also, he gives the name
“patata,” which has clung to this root, and has been transferred to the
white potato also. For a ribbon, or a hawk’s bell, the natives sold a
“basketful.” Their successors would doubtless do the same now.
[Illustration: INDIAN BEDS.
[This is Benzoni’s representation of the hammocks which are used by the
natives of the northern shores of South America (edition of 1572, p.
56). See also the second volume, p. 11.—ED.]]
The Spaniards found the Brazilians perfectly willing to trade. They
went wholly naked,—men and women. Their houses were long cabins.[1595]
The people told stories, which the navigators believed, of the very
great age of their old men, extending it even to one hundred and
forty years. They owned that they were cannibals on occasion; but
they seem to have eaten human flesh only as a symbol of triumph over
conquered enemies. They painted their bodies, and wore their hair
short. Pigafetta says it was woolly; but this must have been a mistake.
Although he says they go naked, he describes a sort of vest made of
paroquet’s feathers. Almost all the men had the lower lip pierced with
three holes, and wore in them little cylinders of stone two inches
long. They ate cassava bread, made in round white cakes from the root
of the manioc.[1596] The voyagers also observed the pecari[1597] and
those curious ducks “whose beak is like a spoon,” described by later
travellers.[1598]
[Illustration: PART OF SOUTH AMERICA IN THE PTOLEMY OF 1522.
[A part of the “Tabula Terra Nova” in the _Ptolemy_ of 1522, showing
the acts of cannibals. Similar representations appeared on various
other maps of South America. Cf. Münster’s map of 1540. Vespucius,
in his letter to Lorenzo de’ Medici, was the first to describe the
cannibalism of the Brazilians. Cf. Thevet, _Singularitez de la France
antarctique_, chap. xl., on their cannibalism.—ED.]]
After a pleasant stay of thirteen days in this bay, Magellan took
the squadron to the embouchure of the River La Plata, which had been
discovered four years before by Juan Diaz de Solis, who lost his
life there. The Spaniards believed the tribe of the Quérandis, before
whose terrible _bolas_ he had fallen, to be cannibals; and they were
probably right in this supposition. Continuing the voyage southward,
Magellan’s fleet observed the two islands now marked as the “Penguins”
and “Lions.” The historian of the voyage notes the penguins and
“sea-wolves” which were then observed there. Passing these islands,
they opened a harbor, since known as Port Desire, where they spent
the Southern winter. It is near the latitude of 50° south. Magellan
supposed it to be in 49° 18´. Hardly had they arrived in this harbor,
in itself sufficiently inhospitable, when the mutiny broke out which
had been brewing, probably, since Magellan’s first insult to John of
Carthagena. The announcement made by Magellan that they were to winter
here gave the signal for the revolt. On Palm Sunday, which fell on
the 1st of April that year, he invited the captains and pilots to
meet on his vessel to attend Mass and to dine with him. Two of the
captains, Mesquita and De Coca, accepted the invitation and came with
their staffs. Mendoza and Quesada did not come. Juan de Carthagena,
it will be remembered, was under arrest, and he, of course, was not
invited. The same night Quesada, with De Carthagena and thirty men,
crossed from the “Concepçion” to the “San Antonio,” and made an
effort to take Mesquita prisoner. At first they succeeded; but the
ship’s master, Eliorraga, defended him and his so bravely that, with
succor from Magellan, he retained the command. The purpose of the
conspirators seems to have been simply to return to Spain without
wintering in so bleak a home. The three rebels sent to Magellan to say
that they would recognize him as their commander, but they were sure
that the King did not propose such an undertaking as this to which he
was committing them. Of course, under the guise of respect, this was
to exact submission from him. Magellan bade them come on board the
flagship. They refused. Magellan kept the boat which they then sent
him, and despatched six men, under Espinosa, to the “Victoria” to
summon Mendoza. Mendoza answered with a sneer. Espinosa at once stabbed
him in the neck, and a sailor struck him down with a cutlass. Magellan
then sent another boat, with fifteen men, who took possession of the
“Victoria.” In every case the crews seem to have taken his side against
their own captains. The next day, the 3d of April, he obtained full
possession of the “Santiago” and “Concepçion.”
On the 4th of that month he quartered the body of Mendoza and published
his sentence as a traitor. On the 7th he beheaded Quesada, whose own
servant, Molino, volunteered as executioner. When Drake arrived here,
fifty-eight years after, he supposed he found the bones of Mendoza or
Quesada under a gibbet which was still standing. Juan de Carthagena and
the priest Pedro Sanchez de la Reina were convicted as partners in the
mutiny, and sentenced to remain when the ships sailed. This sentence
was afterwards executed. Magellan doubtless felt that these examples
were sufficient, and he pardoned forty of the crew; but, as the reader
will see, the spirit which prompted the mutiny was not yet extinguished.
They had lived here two months without seeing any of the natives, when
one day, according to the narrative of Pigafetta, a giant appeared
to them when they least expected to see any one. “He was singing and
dancing on the sand, and throwing dust upon his head, almost naked.
The captain sent one of our sailors on shore, with orders to make the
same gestures as tokens of peace. This the man did; he was understood,
and the giant permitted himself to be led to a little island where
the captain had landed. I was there also, with many others. The giant
expressed much astonishment at seeing us. He pointed to heaven, and
undoubtedly meant to say that he thought we descended from heaven.
“This man,” continues Pigafetta, “was so tall that our heads hardly
came up to his belt. He was well formed; his face was broad and colored
with red, excepting that his eyes were surrounded with yellow, and he
had two heart-shaped spots upon his cheeks. He had but little hair, and
this was whitened with a sort of powder. His dress, or rather cloak,
was made of furs well sewed,—taken from an animal well known in this
region, as we afterwards found. He also wore shoes of the same skin.”
It seems desirable to copy this description in detail, because here
begins in literature the vexed question as to the existence of giants
in Patagonia. Whether there ever were any there is now doubted, though
the name “Patagonian” is the synonyme of giant in every European
language. While the narrative of Pigafetta is thus distinct in saying
that one giant only appeared at first, another authority, with equal
definiteness, says that six men appeared; and it afterwards appears
that two of these, at least, were larger than the Spaniards.
The comparison of the details of this last narrative in Herrera
with that of Pigafetta illustrates curiously the perplexity of all
historical inquiry; for we are here distinctly told that there were six
who appeared on the shore and seemed willing to come on board. A boat
was sent for them, and they embarked on the flagship without fear. Once
on deck, the Spaniards offered them a kettle full of biscuit,—which was
enough, as they supposed, for twenty men; but, with the appetite of
hungry Indians, the six devoured it all immediately. They wore mantles
of furs, and carried bows and arrows. The bows were about half a fathom
long; the arrows were barbed with sharp stones. All were shod with
large shoes, like the giant.
On another day two Indians brought on board a tapir, and it proved that
their dresses were made from the fur of this animal. Magellan gave them
in exchange two red dresses, with which they were well satisfied. It is
not till the next day that Herrera places the visit of the giant. That
author says that the Indian expressed a wish to become a Christian, and
that the Spaniards gave him the name of John. Seeing the crew throwing
some mice overboard, he asked that they might be given to him to eat.
For six days he took all the mice the ship could furnish, and was never
afterward seen.
More than twenty days later, four Indians of the first party returned
to the ships, and Magellan gave orders that two of them should be
seized to carry home. The men were so large that the Spaniards could
not make them prisoners without treachery. Loading the poor giants
with more gifts than they could well carry, they finally asked each
to accept an iron chain, fitted with manacles. The two Indians were
eager enough to accept the fatal present, and were easily persuaded
to have the chains fastened to their legs, that they might the more
easily carry them away. They found, alas! as so many other men have
found, that what they took for ornament was a cruel snare; but, thus
crippled, they were overpowered. Their screams of rage were heard by
their companions on shore. It was after this treachery that the natives
first attacked the Spaniards. Seeing fires at night, Magellan landed a
party for exploration. Seven Spaniards found the tracks of Indians and
followed them ineffectually. As they returned, however, nine Indians
followed, attacked them, and killed one Castilian. But for their
shields, all the Spaniards would have been killed. The Spaniards closed
upon them with their knives, and put them to flight, visited their
camp, and feasted from the store of meat they found there. The next day
Magellan sent a larger party on shore and buried the dead Castilian.
The reader is now in possession of all the statements from which we are
to decide the much-disputed question whether, in the time of Magellan,
Patagonia was a land of giants. He is to remember that Pigafetta, who
was the friend and fellow-voyager of the giant Paul, one of the two
captives, does not in other instances go out of his way to invent the
marvellous, though he often does repeat marvellous stories which have
been related by others. It is to be observed that none of the voyagers
pretend to have seen any large number of Patagonians. The largest
number seen at one time was nine; and even if these were different from
the six who came to the ship, fifteen is the largest number of the
native visitors to the squadron. Of these, according to one account, in
which three at least of the authorities agree, two are of extraordinary
height, so that the heads of the Spaniards reached only to their
girdles. It is also said that the feet or shoes of all were large, “but
not disproportionate to their stature.” For three hundred years, on
this testimony, it was perhaps generally believed that the Patagonians
were very large men. The statement was positively made that they were
nine feet high. But as other voyagers, especially in this century,
more and more often brought home accounts in which no such giants
appeared, there was an increasing distrust of the original Spanish
narrative.
Especially when navigators had to do with the wretched Kemenettes
and Karaikes of the Straits, who are a tribe of really insignificant
stature, was indignation liberally bestowed on the old traveller’s
story; and when, in 1837, the original narrative of the Genoese pilot
was brought to light by Navarrete,—a simple and unexaggerated story;
when it proved that he made no allusion whatever to any persons
of remarkable height,—the whole giant story was declared to be an
invention of Pigafetta, and the gigantic size of the Patagonians was
denounced as a mere traveller’s fable. Such criticism probably goes too
far.
The simple facts may be taken, and the hasty inference may be
disregarded. Every travelling showman will testify to the fact
that there occasionally appear men, even under the restrictions of
civilization, who are so tall that the Spaniards, not of a large race,
would only come to their girdles.[1599] If Pigafetta is to be believed,
two such men came to Magellan’s squadron. Tall men came to Cook’s
squadron at Honolulu, a hundred years ago, who were quite above the
average of his men.
[Illustration: GIANT’S SKELETON AT PORTO DESIRE.
[Fac-simile of a part of the cut of Porto Desire (no. 22) in Lemaire’s
_Speculum orientalis occidentalisque_, etc., 1599.—ED.]]
Magellan supposed that these were typical men, that they were specimens
of their race. Because he supposed so he captured them and tried to
carry them to Spain. Magellan was mistaken. They were not specimens of
their race; they were extraordinary exceptions to it. But the ready
tribe of geographers, eager to accept marvels from the New World, at
once formed the conclusion that because these two were so large, all
Patagonians would prove to be so.
Pigafetta drew no such inference, nor is there any evidence that the
Spaniards ever did. On the other hand, six Spaniards, with their
knives, closed fearlessly on nine of these men, and routed them in a
hand-to-hand fight. We may fairly conclude that the delusion which
modern criticism has dispelled was not intentionally called into being
by the navigators, but was rather the deduction drawn from too narrow
premises by credulous Europe.[1600]
The next voyagers who saw these people were Drake’s party. Fletcher,
writing in the _World Encompassed_, after fifty-eight years, says
distinctly in his narrative of Drake’s arrival at this same Port
Julian: “We had no sooner landed than _two young giants_ repaired to
them.” Again, speaking of the same interview, “he was visited by two of
the inhabitants, whom Magellan named Patagous, or rather Pentagours,
from their huge stature.” And afterward he resumes the matter in these
words: “Magellane was not altogether deceived in naming them giants,
for they generally differ from the common sort of men both in stature,
bigness, and strength of body, as also in the hideousness of their
voice. But yet they are nothing so monstrous or giant-like as they are
reported, there being some Englishmen as tall as the highest of any
we could see. But peradventure the Spaniards did not think that ever
any Englishman would come thither to reprove them, and thereupon might
presume the more boldly to lie,—the name Pentagones, five cubits, viz.
seven foot and half, describing the full height (if not somewhat more)
of the highest of them.”
[Illustration: QUONIAMBEC.
[Fac-simile of a copperplate engraving in the English version of
Thevet’s _Portraitures and Lives_ appended to North’s _Plutarch_
(Cambridge, England) p. 86. Thevet in his text says of this “giant-like
man,” “I have seen him and sufficiently observed him upon the River of
Janaira. He had a great body, proportionably gross, exceeding strong.
His portraiture I brought from that country, with two green stones in
his cheeks and one on his chin.”—ED.]]
This last sneer is in Fletcher’s worst vein. The etymology of
“Pentagones” is all his own. Magellan’s people say distinctly that they
named the Patagonians from their large feet,—taking the phrase “large
feet” from the large shoes which they wore to protect their feet from
cold. The language is distinct: “Their shoes go four inches above the
great toe, and the space is filled with straw to keep them from the
cold.” These shoes, of this same form, are figured by modern artists,
who have drawn for us the Tehuelches of to-day. It is quite possible
that the false etymology which made “Patagonian” mean “Five-cubit man”
was the real foundation for the general notion of the gigantic size of
the race.
From these winter quarters Magellan despatched the “Sant Iago” to
examine the coast. The vessel was unfortunately lost on the rocks,
but all the crew were saved. Two sailors returned to the rest of
the squadron with news of the disaster, and the commander sent back
supplies. They were near a hundred miles away from him, but he kept
them supplied with provisions; and they were able to rescue a part of
the stores and equipage of their vessel. At the end of two months, in
which they encamped upon the shore, they rejoined him. It is observed
that with them the winter was so cold that for water for their daily
use they were obliged to melt ice.
After taking possession of Patagonia in the name of the King of Spain,
by planting a standard on a hill which they called Monte Cristo,
Magellan sailed on the 24th of August from this inhospitable bay. He
now carried out the cruel sentence of the Court on Juan de Carthagena
and the priest Pedro Sanches. He landed them with a supply of biscuit
and wine, and left them to their fate.
Two days after, following the coast, he entered the River of Santa Cruz
and narrowly escaped shipwreck there. He was able to supply himself
with wood, water, and fish. On the 11th of October he observed an
eclipse of the sun.[1601]
Still keeping on, during the 21st of October, the day which the Church
consecrated to the “Eleven thousand Virgins,” they discovered a strait,
to which Magellan gave that name. It was the entry to the famous
channel, four hundred and forty miles long, according to his estimate,
which has for so many years borne his name. The depth of water near
the shore, which has since been observed, attracted the attention of
the Spaniards. The mountains which looked down upon it were high, and
covered with snow.
[Illustration: PIGAFETTA’S MAP.
[This fac-simile is made from the cut, p. 40 of the French edition of
Amoretti’s _Premier voyage autour du monde par Pigafetta_, Paris, l’an
ix (1801). The reader will observe that the north is at the bottom of
the map. There is a reversed sketch of it elsewhere.—ED.]]
The crew and the captains, even after the hard experience of the
mutineers, did not hesitate to express their unwillingness to enter the
blind and narrow channel before them. Magellan summoned the commanders
and made to them a formal declaration, of which the substance has been
preserved. He told them that their sovereign and his had sent them for
this very purpose, to discover this strait and to pass through it. If
they were faithless as to its issue, he declared that he had seen in
the archives of the King of Portugal a map, drawn by Martin Behaim, in
which the strait was indicated, and that it opened into the western
ocean. The squadron should not turn back, he said; and he gave his
order for the continuation of the voyage in this determination. If the
vessels separated, the commander of each was to keep on until he had
reached the latitude of 75° S. If then the strait had not been found,
any commander might turn eastward; yet he was not to seek Spain, but to
sail to the Moluccas, which were the objective of the voyage; and the
proper sailing directions were given for reaching those islands by the
route through the Indian Ocean.
The geographers have been at a loss to reconcile this statement,—that
Martin Behaim had already drawn the strait upon a map or globe,—with
Magellan’s claim to be its discoverer. But, as the reader knows,
there was no lack of straits or of continents on the various maps
before Magellan’s time which could be cited for any theory of any
cosmographer. We know the history of navigation well enough to
understand that, whatever drawings Magellan might have seen or cited,
nothing can shake his reputation as the far-sighted discoverer of the
channel to which, without any hesitation, the world has given his
name.[1602]
His firmness had so much effect that the captains went back to their
ships, pretending to accede to his wishes. With the “Trinidad” and
“Victoria,” Magellan waited at the entrance of the channel while he
despatched the “San Antonio” and “Concepçion” to complete the survey of
it westward. Hardly had the squadron divided, when a terrible tempest
broke upon both parts of it, lasting thirty-six hours. Magellan’s
ships lost their anchors, and were at the mercy of the wind in the
open bay. The other vessels seem to have run before the gale. At the
moment when their people thought themselves lost, they opened the first
“reach”—if it may so be called—of the strait; they pushed through it
till they came to the bay now known as “Bouçault Bay.” Crossing this,
with increasing confidence, they came into the second channel, which
opens into a second bay larger than the first. After this success they
returned to report their progress to their commander.
He and his officers, meanwhile, had begun to fear that their companions
had been lost in the tempest. A column of smoke on shore was supposed
to be a signal of the spot where they had taken refuge. But in the
midst of such uncertainty their vessels reappeared, and soon fired
shots from their guns in token of joy. They were as joyfully welcomed;
and, as soon as they could tell their news, the reunited squadron
gladly proceeded through the two channels which they had opened. When
they arrived in the bay which had been the farthest discovery of
the pioneer vessels, they found two channels opening from it. At the
southeast is that marked “Supposé” on Bougainville’s map; and to this
channel Magellan directed Mesquita in the “San Antonio,” and Juan
Serrano in the “Concepçion.”
Unfortunately the sailing-master of the “San Antonio” was Stephen
Gomez, who hated Magellan with a long-cherished hatred. When Magellan
first arrived in Spain, Gomez was, or thought he was, on the eve of
starting on an expedition of discovery under the patronage of the
Crown. Magellan’s grand plan had broken up this lesser expedition;
and instead of commanding it, Gomez had found himself placed in a
subordinate post under his rival’s command. He now took his chance
to revenge himself as soon as he was directed to survey the new
channel. Before night fell he had escaped from the surveillance of the
“Concepçion.” At night he caballed with the Spaniards of his own crew;
they rose upon their captain Mesquita, a Portuguese, the loyal cousin
of Magellan, and put him in irons. Without delay they then escaped from
the squadron; and returning, through the channels they had traced, to
the Atlantic, they sailed for home. Touching at the forlorn harbor
where they had wintered, they picked up the two mutineers who had been
left there. Indeed, it is fair to suppose that their whole plot dated
back for its origin to the unsuccessful enterprise of the winter.[1603]
Magellan, on his part, waited for the “San Antonio,” which had been
directed to return in three days. Though the channel which she was to
explore passed between mountains covered with snow, we are told that
the strait where Magellan awaited them lay between regions which were
“the most beautiful in the world.” On the southern side they had, once
and again, observed fires in the night, and they gave to that land the
name of “Tierra del Fuego,” “the Land of Fire,” which it has ever since
preserved. They did not see any of the natives on either coast. The
sailors caught so many fish which resembled the sardines of their home,
that the name of “River of Sardines” was given to a stream which makes
its outlet there. Finding that the “San Antonio” had left him, and
probably suspecting her treachery, Magellan went forward through the
southwestern channel with the “Victoria” and the “Trinidad.”
It is at this point that we are to place a formal correspondence which
has been preserved by a Portuguese historian[1604] as passing between
Magellan and one of his captains on the question of advancing. These
letters are dated the 22d of November, 1520. Martin Mendoza, in his
reply to Magellan’s letter, agrees that until the 1st of January they
should persevere while the days are long, but urges that the vessels
should lie by in the darkness. He is as resolute in expressing the
conviction that they should be out of the strait before the month of
January is over,—that is, that they should turn about, if necessary,
on January 1, if they had not then reached the Pacific, so as to be
well in the Atlantic again by the first of February; that then they
should give up the original object of the voyage and sail to Cadiz.
The document seems genuine; but, as the reader will see, there was no
occasion for using its counsels. Before the 1st of January they were
free of the strait forever.
While his squadron loitered in hope of the “San Antonio’s” return,
Magellan sent forward a boat to explore the channel. On the third day
she returned to him with the joyful news that they had opened the
western mouth of the strait.
The Pacific was found! The chroniclers say that the crews wept for
joy; and they may well have done so. They gave to the Cape—which made
the western end of Tierra del Fuego, on this channel—the name of the
“Desired Cape,” “Cabo Deseado,” which it still retains.
The squadron did not at once follow. Magellan put back for the other
vessels, and met the “Concepçion” alone. He sent back the “Victoria”
this time to search for his faithless consort. If she were not found,
his orders were that a standard should be planted on high ground,
at the foot of which should be buried a letter, with an account of
the destination of the squadron. Two similar signals were left,—one
on the shore of the first bay, and one on the Isle of Lions, in the
channel. But the “Victoria,” as the reader knows, did not find the “San
Antonio;” she was far away. And with three vessels of his squadron
only, Magellan passed out from the strait which had detained him so
long, into the ocean. They fairly entered upon it on the 28th of
November.
Pigafetta, in his joy at leaving this strait, which had been the
scene of so much anxiety, describes its natural advantages in glowing
colors. “In fine, I do not believe there is a better strait than this
in the world,” he says. They gave to it the name of “Strait of the
Patagonians;” but the world has long since known it by the name of its
discoverer. “There may be found at any half-league a good harbor,”—such
is the Italian historian’s statement,—“with excellent water,
cedar-wood, sardine-fish, and an abundance of shellfish. There are
also herbs on shore, some of which are bitter, but others are good to
eat,—especially a sort of celery,[1605] which grows near the springs,
of which we made excellent food.” Cook found celery of the same kind
two centuries and a half later, as well as abundance of _Cochlearia_.
So great are the advantages of such supplies for the health of crews
in danger of scurvy, that he thought the passage into the Pacific by
the Straits of Magellan preferable to that by Cape Horn.[1606] In later
days his advice has always been followed by vessels having the aid of
steam.
Thus ended the only glimpse which Spaniards had of Patagonia for many
years. Magellan’s act of possession held, however; for the country
has no attractions to make it a stake for wars or other controversy.
Magellan looked his last upon it as his squadron gladly steered
northward; and after leaving his Cape Victory,—for he gave that name to
the southwestern point of America,—neither he nor his landed again on
this continent.
The poor giants who had been so cruelly enslaved never reached Spain.
One was on the “San Antonio” with Serrano, who deserted his commander
in the strait. This one died before they had crossed the Atlantic.
The other was on board the “Trinidad,” the flagship, with Magellan
and Pigafetta, the historian of the expedition. He became fond of
Pigafetta; and when he saw him produce his writing tablet and paper,
he knew what was expected of him, and of his own accord began to give
the names of different objects in the Patagonian language.[1607] One
day when he saw Pigafetta kiss the cross, he told him by signs that
_Setebos_ would enter him and make him a coward. But when he was
himself dying—of scurvy, most likely, which was decimating the crew—he
asked for the cross himself, kissed it, and begged to be baptized. His
captors baptized him, gave him the name of Paul, and he died.
It would have been natural for Magellan, now that he had attained the
South Sea, to sail by a direct route to the Moluccas, of which he was
in search. Till a very late period the geographers have supposed that
he did; and his track will be found on most of the large globes, to a
period comparatively recent, laid down on a course a little west of
northwest,—as, indeed, Pigafetta says they ran.
It was not observed by these globe-makers, and in fact to many of them
it was not known, that, if Magellan had taken such a course, he would
have run directly into the teeth of those northwest winds which blow
with great regularity in that part of the Pacific, and he would have
met a steady current in the same direction. In such computations, also,
it was forgotten that Magellan supposed the Pacific to be much narrower
than it is, and that when he left the straits he did not anticipate so
long a voyage as he had. But the fortunate discovery of the log-book
of one of the “pilots” now gives us the declination of the sun and
the computed latitude for every day of the Pacific voyage. It appears
that Magellan held well to the north, not far from the coast of South
America, till he had passed, on the west, the islands of Juan Fernandez
and Masafuera without seeing them, and only then struck to the
northwest, and afterwards to the west.[1608] He thus came out at the
equator at a point which, by their mistaken computation of longitude,
was 152° W. of the meridian of Ferro, 159° 46’ west of our first
meridian of Greenwich.
The Pacific is now known to us as an ocean studded with islands, the
inhabitants of which are well provided with food from their own land,
and water.[1609]
[Illustration]
It was, however, the remarkable fortune of Magellan in this voyage to
sail more than ten thousand miles and see but two of these islands,
both of which were barren and uninhabited. He found no bottom close
to the shore. At the second of the two islands he stopped to fish for
sharks, and gave it the name “Shark’s Island,” or “Tiburones.” The
crew were so impressed by their dismal welcome that they called the
two “Desventuradas,” the “Unfortunate Islands.” These two islands, the
first-born to Europe of the multitudes of the Pacific Ocean, cannot now
be identified.[1610]
[Illustration: THE LADRONES.
[This fac-simile is made from the Paris edition of Amoretti’s
_Pigafetta_, p. 62, and shows the catamaran of the natives.—ED.]]
On the 6th of March the voyagers at last saw two more small islands.
Soon a number of small sails appeared, the islanders coming out to
meet the ships. Their little boats had large triangular-shaped sails
of matting, and they seemed to fly over the water. The Spanish seamen
saw for the first time the curious catamarans of the natives of these
waters.
Magellan was tempted to land at a third and larger island. This was
either the one since known as Guahan, or that known as Rota; Magellan
called it Ivagana. So many of the natives swarmed upon his ship, and
they were so rapacious in stealing whatever they could lay their hands
on, that he found himself almost at their mercy. They begged him to
land, but stole the boat attached to the stern of his ship. At last
Magellan did land, in a rage. He burned some of their huts, several of
their boats, got back his own, and killed seven men.
The squadron, after this encounter, continued its westward course,
followed by a hundred canoes. The savages now showed fish, as if they
wished to trade; but the women wept and tore their hair, probably
“because we had killed their husbands.”
To this group the Spaniards gave the name of “Ladrones, the robbers,”
which it has ever since retained. After three hundred leagues more
of westward sailing, the tired navigators, half starved and dying of
scurvy, made the discovery of Zamal, now called Samar, the first of the
group since known as the Philippines,—a name they took from Philip the
Second. Magellan called them the Archipelago of St. Lazarus, because
he first found how large a group it was on St. Lazarus’ day, the fifth
Sunday in Lent.
In these islands the navigators were, at first, most cordially
received. By means of a Malayan interpreter they were able to
communicate with the natives. Before six weeks were over, with rapidity
which may well have seemed miraculous, they had converted the king and
many of the princes and people to what they deemed Christianity. But,
alas! the six weeks ended in the defeat of the Spanish men-at-arms in a
battle with a rival prince, in the death of Magellan and the murder of
Serrano, who had been chosen as one of those who should take his place.
The surviving Spaniards withdrew as well as they could from their
exasperated allies.
They were obliged to destroy one of their ships, which was leaking,
and thus were left with only two. One of these, the “Trinidad,” they
despatched eastward to the American coast; but she failed in this
voyage, and returned to the Philippines. In the other vessel, the
“Victoria,” Sebastian del Cano and his crew, after spending the rest of
that year in the East Indies, sailed for Europe. They left the Island
of Timor on the 11th of February. Though they had nothing but rice
and water for their supplies, they dared not touch at the Portuguese
establishment at Mozambique. After they doubled the Cape of Good Hope,
on the 6th of May, they lost twenty-one men in two months. Their
provisions had failed entirely when, on the 9th of July, they touched
at Santa Argo, in the Cape de Verde Islands.
Even now they did not dare tell the Portuguese at that island who they
were. They pretended they came from the coast of America. When they
found that the day was Thursday, they were greatly astonished, for by
their own journals it was Wednesday. Twice they sent their boat ashore
for a load of rice, and it returned. The third time they saw that it
was seized. One of the sailors had revealed their secret, and the
jealous Portuguese would no longer befriend them.
The poor “Victoria,” with such supplies as she had received, was
obliged to run direct for Spain. On the 6th of September she entered
the bay of San Lucar again. By their own computation they had sailed
14,460 leagues. Of sixty men who sailed in her from the Moluccas there
were but eighteen survivors of these almost all were sick. Of the other
forty-two, some had deserted at Timor, some had been condemned to
death for their crimes, and the others had died. This was all that was
returned of two hundred and thirty-seven persons who had sailed three
years before on this magnificent expedition.
Del Cano was received at Court with the greatest courtesy. The Emperor
gave him a pension of five hundred ducats, and for armorial bearings a
globe with the device—
“PRIMUS CIRCUMDEDISTI ME.”
The “Victoria” was richly stored with cloves and other spices. Of these
the sale was carefully managed, and the proceeds were enormous. The
foresight of Magellan was completely justified, and the profits of the
expedition alone immediately tempted the Emperor to fit out another.
The “Victoria” afterward made two voyages to the West Indies, but
never returned to Spain from the second, and her fate is not known. An
ancient representation of her (from Hulsius) is the distinguishing sign
on the cover of the volumes issued in our day by the Hakluyt Society.
[Illustration]
CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
BY EDWARD E. HALE AND THE EDITOR.
PIGAFETTA, who was born in Vicenza not long after 1490, was
accordingly from twenty-five to thirty years old when he accompanied
Magellan.[1611] He kept a diary of the voyage, a copy of which he gave
to the Emperor; and later, in Italy, he wrote out a more extended
account, copies of which he gave to distinguished persons. Of this
ampler narrative four separate texts, in as many manuscripts, are
preserved to us.
No. 1 is in French, _Navigation et descouvrement de la Indie superieure
faicte par moi Antoine Pigafete, Vincentin_; on paper, in the National
Library at Paris. It gives the full vocabulary of the Giants’ language,
which is also reprinted in Amoretti. Students engaged in the study of
the geography of the East Indies should not be satisfied with the few
copies given by Amoretti of the maps and representations of the islands
there. In this copy, which is divided throughout into short chapters,
there are many more of these maps than have been engraved. It is
impossible to look at them without believing that they give some idea
of the size and even the shape of the islands visited. Charton calls
this paper manuscript the oldest of those in France. No one can decide
such a question. The illustrations in the vellum manuscript certainly
seem to be nearer the originals than those in this coarser paper one.
No. 2 is a richly illuminated vellum document, with a text somewhat
softened in the coarse parts. This may have been the copy known to have
been given to Louise of Savoy by Pigafetta. This manuscript is also
in the Paris library. The writing is elegant, and the maps are very
prettily done in body color. They are much more elegant than the maps
in the paper manuscript, which are in rough water-color by some one of
no great artistic skill. The representations given by Amoretti of a
few of the designs are sufficiently good for all practical purposes.
But the picture of the boat with outriggers, illustrating the customs
of the Ladrone Islands, is much more artistic in the vellum manuscript
than it is in Amoretti’s engraving.
No. 3, the most complete, was owned by M. Beaupré, at Nancy, in 1841,
when Thomassy described it; was sold in the Potier sale in 1851 (no.
506), and passed into the Solar Collection, and in 1861 (Solar sale,
no. 3,238) it was bought by a London dealer, and reached finally the
collection of Sir Thomas Phillipps, who bought it at the Libri sale
(no. 1,139) in 1862. It is a question with critics whether Pigafetta
composed his work in French or in Italian; for there is also a
manuscript (no. 4) in the later language, poorly conceived, however,
and mixed with Spanish, preserved in the Ambrosian Library at Milan.
This was the manuscript published by the Abbé C. Amoretti; it is
written in the character known as _cancelleresco_, on paper folios,
of which the handwriting is of the time of Pigafetta; and it was once
owned by the Cardinal Frederic Borroméo. Raymond Thomassy[1612] gives
several reasons for believing that the French text is the original, but
we have not been satisfied that it was so.[1613]
In the earliest edition of Pigafetta which we have,—one without date,
and in French, edited by Antoine Fabre,—the text is represented as
being a translation from the Italian. It is possible that, being an
abridgment, it might have followed some abstract which had been made
in that language, possibly an account which in 1524 Pigafetta asked
permission to print,[1614] of the Doge and Council of Venice. This
original French edition is called _Le Voyage et Navigation faict par
les Espaignolz es isles de Mollucques_; and is usually thought to
have been printed in 1525. It is in Gothic type, except the last
four leaves, which are in Roman, as are all the notes.[1615] Harrisse
cites[1616] an Italian edition of Pigafetta with the letter of
Maximilian, as published at Venice in 1534;[1617] but there is little
reason to believe such an edition to exist.
The earliest undoubted Italian edition was printed, however, in 1536,
and it was professedly a translation from Fabre’s French text, and
there is reason to believe that Ramusio may have been instrumental
in its publication.[1618] It has the name neither of author nor of
printer, but is supposed to have been issued at Venice. It is called
_Il Viaggio fatto da gli Spagnivoli a torno a’l mondo_.[1619]
Amoretti published the Ambrosian manuscript (no. 4, above) in
1800, at Milan, under the title of _Primo viaggio intorno al globo
terracqueo ossia ragguaglio della navigazione alle Indie orientali d[i]
Magaglianes, 1519-1522_. _Pubblicato per la prima volta da un codice
manuscritto della Biblioteca Ambrosiana di Milano, e corredato di note
da C. Amoretti con un transunto del Trattato di navigazione dello
stesso autore. Milano, 1800._[1620]
About a month after the return of Del Cano in the “Victoria,”
Maximilian Transylvanus (a son-in-law of Cristóbal de Haro, who had
been a chief advocate of the voyage at the Spanish Court) wrote to
the Cardinal Archbishop of Salzburg a brief account of the voyage,
in a letter dated at Valladolid, Oct. 24, 1522;[1621] and when it
was printed at Cologne in January, 1523, as _De Moluccis insulis_,
and in the following November and again in February, 1524, at Rome,
as _De Hispanorum in orientem navigatione_, its text constituted the
earliest narrative of the voyage which was given in print.[1622] It
was afterward printed in connection with the earliest Italian edition
of Pigafetta; and the English reader will find it in the volume on
Magellan published by the Hakluyt Society.
Ramusio also tells us that Peter Martyr wrote an account of Magellan’s
voyage, gathered from the lips of the survivors, which he sent to Rome
to be printed, but that in the sack of that city by the Constable de
Bourbon it disappeared. We have but one point of this Martyr narrative
preserved to us, and that is the loss of one day which the “Victory”
had experienced in her westering voyage,—when arriving in Seville
on the 6th of September, 1522, as her crew supposed, they found the
Sevillians calling it the 7th.[1623]
There are two modern gatherings of the most important documentary
illustrations of this famous voyage,—the one made by Navarrete, and
the other published by the Hakluyt Society. The former constitutes
the fourth volume of Navarrete’s well-known _Coleccion_; and among
the variety of its papers printed or cited largely from the public
archives, illustrating the fitting out of the fleet, its voyage,
and the reception of Del Cano on his return, a few of the more
important may be mentioned. Such is a manuscript from the library of
San Isadro el Real de Madrid, purporting to be by Magellan himself;
but Navarrete does not admit this. He prints for the first time an
original manuscript account in the Seville archives, usually cited
as the Seville manuscript, which bears the title of _Extracto de la
habilitacion_, etc. It gives an enumeration of the company which
composed the force on the fleet. The Navarrete volume also contains
the log-book of Francisco Albo, or Alvaro, printed, it is claimed by
Stanley (who also includes it in the Hakluyt Society volume), from
a copy in the British Museum, which was made from the original at
Simancas. It follows the fortunes of the fleet after they sighted Cape
St. Augustine. Muñoz had found in the Archives of Torre de Tombo a
letter of Antonio Brito to the King of Portugal, and Navarrete gives
this also.[1624] A letter of Jean Sebastian del Cano to Charles V.,
dated Sept. 5, 1527, describes the voyage, and is also to be found
here.[1625]
The Hakluyt Society volume borrows largely from the lesser sources
as given in Navarrete, and among other papers it contains the
brief narrative which is found in Ramusio as that of an “anonymous
Portuguese.” It also gives an English version of what is known as the
account of the Genoese pilot, one Joan Bautista probably. This story
exists in three Portuguese manuscripts: one belongs to the library of
the monks of S. Bento da Sande; another is in the National Library at
Paris; and from these two a text was formed which was printed in 1826
in the _Noticias Ultramarinhas_ (vol. iv.) of the Lisbon Academy of
History, as “Roteiro da viagem de Fernam de Magalhâes” (1519). A third
manuscript is in the library of the Academy of History at Madrid. As
edited by Luigi Hugues, it is printed in the fifteenth volume of the
_Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria_.
The narrative in the preceding text has shown that the precise
statements of latitude made by the Genoese pilot have wholly destroyed
the value of all speculations as to the route of Magellan from the
Straits to the Ladrones which were published before this “Roteiro”
became known. The track laid down on the older globes is invariably
wrong, and Magellan’s course was in reality that along which the
currents would easily have propelled him, being that of the Antarctic
stream of the Pacific, which Humboldt has explained.[1626] Stanley
also points out that the narrative given in Gaspar Correa’s _Lendas da
India_ is the only authority we have for the warning given to Magellan
at Teneriffe by Barbosa; and for the incident of a Portuguese ship
speaking the “Victoria” as the latter was passing the Cape of Good Hope.
One Pedro Mexia had seen the fleet of Magellan sail, and had likewise
witnessed the return of Del Cano. A collection of miscellanies,
which he printed as early as 1526, under the title of _Silva_, and
which passed through many editions, affords another contemporary
reference.[1627] It is hardly worth while to enumerate the whole
list of more general historical treatises of the sixteenth and even
seventeenth centuries,[1628] which bring this famous voyage within
their scope. It seems clear, however, that Oviedo had some sources
which are not recognizable now, and some have contended that he had
access to Magellan’s own papers. Herrera in the ninth book of his
eleventh Decade in the same way apparently had information the sources
of which are now lost to us. The story of Magellan necessarily made
part of such books as Osorius’s _De Rebus Emmanuelis gestis_, published
at Cologne in 1581, again in 1597, and in Dutch at Rotterdam in
1661-1663. Burton in his _Hans Stade_ (p. lxxxvi) calls the _Relacion y
derrotero del Viaje y descubrimiento del estrecho de la Madre de Dios,
antes llamado de Magallanes por Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa_, published
in 1580, an unworthy attempt to rob Magellan of his fame.
The modern studies of Magellan and his career have been in good hands.
Navarrete when he made his most important contribution of material,
accompanied it with a very careful _Noticia biográfica_ of Magellan, in
which he makes exact references to his sources.[1629]
A critical life of Magellan was prefixed by Lord Stanley to his Hakluyt
Society volume in 1874. R. H. Major in his _Prince Henry the Navigator_
included an admirable critical account, which was repeated in its
results in his later volume, _Discoveries of Prince Henry_.
A paper on the search of Magellan and of Gomez for a western passage
was read by Buckingham Smith before the New York Historical Society,
a brief report of which is in the _Historical Magazine_, x. (1866)
229; and one may compare with it the essay by Langeron in the _Revue
Géographique_ in 1877.
A number of more distinctive monographs have also been printed,
beginning with the _Magellan, oder die Erste Reise um die Erde nach
dem vorhanderen Quellen dargestellt_ of August Bürck, which was
published in Leipsic in 1844.[1630] Dr. Kohl, who had given the subject
much study, particularly in relation to the history of the straits
which Magellan passed, published the results of his researches in
the _Zeitschrift der Gesellschaft für Erdkunde in Berlin_ in 1877,—a
treatise which was immediately republished separately as _Geschichte
der Entdeckungsreisen und Schiffahrten zur Magellan’s Strasse_. In 1881
Dr. Franz Wieser, a professor in the University at Innspruck, examined
especially the question of any anterior exploration in this direction,
in his _Magalhâes-strasse und Austral Continent auf den globen des
Johannes Schöner_, which was published in that year at Innspruck.[1631]
About the same time (1881) the Royal Academy at Lisbon printed a _Vida
e Viagens de Fernão de Magalhães, com um appendice original_, which, as
the work of Diego de Barros Arana, had already appeared in Spanish.
The bibliography of Magellan and his voyage is prepared with some care
by Charton in his _Voyageurs_, p. 353; and scantily in St. Martin’s
_Histoire de la Géographie_, p. 370.
* * * * *
EDITORIAL NOTE.—A section on the “Historical Chorography of South
America,” tracing the cartographical history of that continent,
together with a note on the “Bibliography of Brazil,” is reserved for
Vol. VIII.
INDEX.
[Reference is commonly made but once to a book if repeatedly mentioned
in the text; but other references are made when additional information
about the book is conveyed.]
AA, VANDER, his collection, 68;
map of the Pacific coast, 467.
_See_ Vander Aa.
Abancay River, 544.
Abarca, P., _Reyes de Aragon_, 68.
Abayoa, 233.
Abert, J. W., _Report on New Mexico_, 487, 501.
Ablyn, _Nieuwe Weerelt_, 410.
Abreu de Galineo, 36.
Acadia (Larcadia), 451, 453.
Acapulco, 392, 441;
view of, 394;
commerce with Philippines, 454.
Acklin Island, 92.
Acla, 198, 199, 509.
Acoma, 485, 487, 504.
Aconcaqua, 524, 528.
Acosta, Col. J., _Hist. N. Granada_, 582.
Acosta, José de, in Peru, 552;
used Duran’s manuscript, 420;
account of him, 420;
_De Natura Novi Orbis_, 420;
on the conversion of the Indians, 420;
on the natives of Peru and Mexico, 420;
_Hist. nat. y moral de las Indias_, 420;
_Beschreibung der America_, 420;
_New Welt_, 420;
_America oder West India_, 420;
_East and West Indies_, 420.
Actahachi, 248.
_Actes de la Société d’Ethnologie_, 50.
Acuco, 487, 490.
Acuña, bishop of Caracas, 560;
_Rio de las Amazons_, 589;
translated by Gomberville, 584.
Acus, 477, 480.
Adda, G. d’, 47.
Adlard, Geo. _Amye Robsart_, 466.
Admiral’s map, 112.
Adrian VI., 235.
Adrian, Cardinal, 307.
Æneas Sylvius, 30;
his _Historia_, 31;
annotated by Columbus (cut), 32.
Africa, geography of, 39;
circumnavigated by the ancients, 40;
sketch-map of explorations (cut), 40;
map of (1490), 41;
supposed to be connected with America, 127;
coast of, by Ptolemy, 165;
map of (1509), 172;
in Pomponius Mela’s map, 180.
Agathodæmon maps, 28.
Agile, 246.
Agnese, Baptista, portolano of Charles V., 222;
map of the Moluccas, 440;
map (1539), 445;
map (1554), 448.
Agricola, Rudolphus, 182;
his tract _Ad Vadianum_, 182.
Aguado, Juan, 17.
Aguilar, 463.
Aguilar, Conde de, 390.
Aguilar, Francisco de, 260.
Aguilar, Marcos de, 386.
Aguilar, Martin, his voyage, 461.
Aguirre, F. de, 528.
Aguirre, Lope de, his revolt from Ursua, 582;
killed, 582;
account of, 582.
Ahumada, Pedro de, 254.
Ailly, Pierre d’ (Petrus de Aliacus), 28;
_Ymago Mundi_, 28;
notes on, by Columbus, 29;
fac-simile of them, 31.
_See_ D’Ailly.
Alabama River, 295.
Alaman, Lúcas, translates Prescott, 427;
_Historia de la República Méjicana_, ii, 428;
_Historia de Méjico_, 428;
_Disertaciones_, 256, 365.
Alaminos, Anton de, pilot, 201, 203, 233, 234, 236, 283.
Alarcon, Hernando, sent to support by sea Coronado’s expedition, 443,
481;
on the Colorado, 481;
his buried message found, 486.
Alaska, first fairly mapped, 464;
(Alaschka), 469.
Albertini, Francesco, _Opusculum de Romæ_, 154;
_De Roma prisca_, 154.
Albertus Magnus, 28;
his portrait (cut), 29;
_De natura locorum_, 64;
edited by Tanstetter, 173.
Albo (Alvaro), Francisco, log-book, 615.
Alcabala, 561.
Alcalde, duties of, 348.
Alcaforado, Francisco, 38.
Alcantara, Francisco Martin de, 512.
Alcantara, Martin de, 534.
Alcarraz, Diego d’, 486, 491, 496.
Alcazar, _Campañía de Jesus_, 279.
Alcon, Pedro, 511.
Aldana, 239.
Aldana, Lorenzo de, 239, 540, 541, 545, 556, 569.
Alderete, J. de, 528.
Aleutian Islands, first fairly mapped, 464.
Aleque, F. X., 399.
Alexander VI., Pope, 13;
his Bull, 13, 45;
bust of, 44;
addressed by Columbus, 46.
_See_ Bull; Demarcation.
Alfinger, Ambrosio de, his expedition, 579.
Alguazil, 553.
Alibamo (Alimamu, Limamu), 250.
Allard, Carolus, his _Atlas_, 466.
Allefonsce, rough sketch-map of the Antilles, 227.
Allegania, name proposed for the United States, 178.
Allegretti, Allegri, his _Ephemerides_, 1.
Allen, J. A., _Bibliography of Cetacea_, 420.
_Allgemeine geographische Ephemeriden_, 140, 593.
Almagro, Diego, 196, 505;
proclaimed governor of Peru, 534;
his career, 506;
follows Pizarro, 507;
made governor of Tumbez, 512;
breaks with Pizarro, 512;
brings re-enforcements, 517;
likeness, 518;
asks for a province, 518;
agreement with Pizarro, 522;
goes to conquer Chili, 523;
enters and claims Cusco, 525;
conference with Pizarro, 526;
defeated and put in chains, 527;
his son Diego, 527;
killed, 527, 536.
Almanacs, early, 102.
Almendral (Almendras), Martin de, 577.
Alonzo V. (Portugal), 3.
Altamaha, 246.
Altamirano, D. G., 545.
Alva, Duke of, 88.
Alvarado, Alonzo de, 534, 541;
advances on Cusco, 526;
defeated, 526;
escapes from Cusco, 526;
likeness, 544;
defeated by Giron, 545.
Alvarado, Garcia de, 535.
Alvarado, Gomez de, 527.
Alvarado, Gonzalo, his manuscript on the conquest of Guatemala, 419.
Alvarado, Hernando de, 503.
Alvarado, Pedro de, 351;
his portrait, 366, 398;
autog., 367;
with Grijalva, 203;
in Mexico, 367;
at the second siege, 376;
receives Tapia, 380;
in Guatemala, 383;
accounts of his trial, 398, 419;
in Peru, 520;
his report to Cortés, 411;
his despatches from Guatemala, 419;
returns to Guatemala, 522;
new grant to, 522.
Alvarez, 537, 538.
Alvaro. _See_ Albo.
Alviles, Diego, 506.
Alzate, 375.
Amador de los Rios, José, edits Oviedo, 346.
Amaguayo, 233.
Amandus, _Chronica_, 417.
Amat di San Filippo, Pietro, _Biog. dei viaggiatori Italiani_, 155;
_mappamondi, etc._, 155;
_Studi biog. e bibliog._, 93.
Amat, _Dic. de los escritores Catalanes_, 45.
Amatepeque, 503.
Amati, _Ricerche_, 51.
Amazon, 519;
discovered, 528;
history of the, 579;
(Paricura, Marañon, Orellana), 188;
sketch-map, 581.
Amazons (female warriors), 584, 585;
(in New Mexico), 474.
Amboyna, 591.
Amelia Island, 282.
_America, La_, 47.
America, in Schöner’s globe (1535), 118;
name on the Tross gores, 120;
on the Da Vinci sketch, 126;
paper on the naming of, by Justin Winsor, 153;
name proposed in _Cosmog. introd._, with fac-similes, 146, 168;
earliest use of name on maps, 171, 172;
should be called Columba, 174;
a part of Asia, 176;
the name first applied to the entire continent (1541), 178;
name of, in editions of Ptolemy, 184.
_See_ North America, South America.
American Ethnological Society, _Transactions_, 501.
_American Journal of Numismatics_, 470.
American Philosophical Society’s _Transactions_, 35.
_American Review_, 501.
Amichel, 284;
named by Garay, 237.
Amigos del Pais, _Informe_, etc., 82.
Amoretti, Charles, on Maldonado, 456;
publishes Pigafetta, 614.
Amuca, 589.
Amunátegui, M. L., _Descub. i conq. de Chile_, 573;
_La sorpresa de Curalava_, 573.
Anahuac plateau, 358, 359.
Anaica, 246.
_Analectic Magazine_, 50.
_Anales de Aragon_, 68, 421.
Anaquito, 538.
Añasco, Juan de, 245, 246.
Ancients, their references to western lands, 25.
Ancona, _Yucatan_, 429, 558.
Ancoras, 449.
Ancuparius, Thos., 173.
Andagoya, Pascual de, 196, 199, 212, 505, 541, 564;
his _Relation_, 212, 214, 564;
edited by Markham, 212, 564;
inspector-general, 506;
his life, 564;
in Biru, 506;
founds Buenaventura, 536.
Andahuaylas, 519.
Andalusian bibliophiles, 66.
Anderson, _America not discovered by Columbus_, 33.
Andes, 514. _See_ Cordilleras.
Andrade, J. M., 422;
his library, 399;
its sale, 430.
Anghiera. _See_ Martyr.
Anian, early use of the name, 445;
on the Asiatic coast, 445.
Anian, Gulf of, 454.
Anian Regnum, 452, 454, 459, 472.
Anian, Straits of, origin of the name, 445;
first on maps, 449;
mentioned, 445, 451, 453, 454, 455, 459, 461, 463, 464, 465, 466,
467;
Goldson on, 456.
Anson, _Voyages_, 467.
Antarctic continent, 119, 433, 454, 457;
(Terra Australis), 459.
Antichthones, 180.
Antigua, 197;
abandoned, 199.
_See_ Santa Maria.
Antilhas, 108.
Antilles (Antiglie), 220;
(Entillas), 226;
first named, 38.
Antillia, 105, 115;
(Antiglie), 121;
(island), 36, 38.
Antischia, 584.
Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hisp. nova_, 575.
Antonio de la Ascension, 460.
Antwerp, _Bull. de la Soc. geog._, 59.
Anza, 468.
Apalche, 281.
Apalache Bay, 243, 283, 288.
Apalaches, 295.
Apianus, Petrus (Bienewitz), _Cosmog. liber_, 173, 174, 182;
_Declaratio typi cosmographici_, 176, 182;
account of him, 182;
annotated by G. Frisius, 183;
later editions, 184, 185, 186;
his likeness, from Reusner, 179;
another likeness, 185;
bibliography of, 180, etc.;
his map (1520), 122, 173, 182;
fac-simile of it, 183.
Apollonius, Levinus, _De Peruviæ regionis_, 576.
Apurimac, 520.
Arabs, their marine charts, 94.
Aragon, archives of, ii.; chronicles of, 68.
Arana, Diego de, 10;
_Bibliog. de obras anón._, 66, 289.
Araucanians, 524, 548;
wars of, 561, 573;
poem on, by Ercilla, 571.
Araucaria, 562.
Arauco, 524.
Arbadaos, 244.
Arbolancha, Pedro de, 196, 211.
Archæological Institute of America, _Reports_, 502.
Arche, 491.
_Archivo dos Açores_, 40.
_Archivo Mexicano_, 398.
Arciniega, Sancho de, 278.
Arctic Ocean (mare septentrionale incognito), 451.
Ardoino, Ant. defence of C. de Vaca, 286;
_Exámen_, 286.
Arellano, C. d’, 258.
Arellano, Tristan d’, 213, 482, 486, 489, 504;
attacked, 495.
Arenas (Cape), 281.
Arequipa, 519, 558, 559;
founded, 523.
Argensola, _Anales de Aragon_, 91;
_Conq. de las islas Malucas_, 616.
Arguello, Hernando de, 213.
Arias, Gomez, 503;
seeks De Soto, 253.
Aribau, B. C., 584.
Arica, 519.
Aristotle, 24;
_De mundo_, 26.
Arizona, 477.
Arkansas Indians, 294.
Armas, J. L. de, _Las Cenizas de Colon_, 82.
Armendariz, 581, 582.
Armor of Columbus’ time (cut), 4;
of Cortés’ time, 360;
Spanish, 539, 544, 550.
Arms of Spanish towns and provinces, 409.
Arnim, T., _Das alte Mexico_, 362, 428.
Arrowsmith, his maps show Lake Parima, 589.
Arthus, Gothard, 420;
_India orientalis_, 616.
Arx Carolina, 269.
Ascension Bay in Yucatan, 203.
Asensio, J. M., _Los restos de Colon_, 82.
Asia, in Pomponius Mela’s map, 180.
Asian theory, 42. _See_ America.
Aspa, Ant. de, 89.
Asseline, David, _Antiquitéz de Dieppe_, 34.
Astaburriaga, F. S., 573.
Astete, Miguel, his narrative, 566.
Astrolabe, 96;
picture of, 96.
Astronomers, important on early voyages, 148.
Atabillos, Marquis of, 522.
Atacama, 559;
desert, 524.
Atacames, 508.
Atahualpa, 514;
portraits of, 515, 516;
made prisoner, 516;
offers ransom, 517, 566;
murdered, 517.
Atienza, Blas de, 520;
with Balbóa, 520.
Atienza, Blas de (son), _Relacion_, 520.
Atlantic Ocean, names of, 36;
called “Mare del Nort”, 451.
Atlantis, 37.
Atrato (river), 198, 509.
_Atti della Soc. Ligure di Storia Patria_, 106, 616.
Attwood’s Bay, 56.
Aubin manuscripts, 418.
Audiencia, 348;
of New Spain, 387;
of San Domingo, 382.
Augustinian friars, 399.
_Ausland_, _das_, 9, 66, 103.
Aute (harbor), 243.
Auto da fé in Peru, 557.
Autun, d’, 28.
Avavares (Indians), 244.
Avendaño, Diego de, 343.
Avila, Alonso de, 351, 429, 520.
Avila, Pedro Arias d’, 505;
governor of Nicaragua, 508.
_See_ Pedrárias.
Avila. _See_ Davila, Gil Gonzales.
Axacan, 260, 282.
Ayala, Pedro de, 518.
Ayays, 253.
Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, of St. Domingo, 238;
on the Florida coast, 240;
land of, 221;
in Virginia, 241;
dies, 241;
authorities on, 285;
map of his explorations, 285.
Ayora, 197.
Azevedo (Jesuit), 278.
Azores, 105, 115, 451; in 1541, 177;
_Archivo dos Açores_, 40;
rediscovered, 38.
Aztec civilization, described by Prescott, 425;
doubted by Wilson, 427.
Aztec literature, 417.
Aztecs before the Conquest, as described by Sahagun, 416;
driven from Mexico, 445.
BABUECA, 127.
Baccalaos, 128, 432, 434, 436;
(Bacalaos), 223, 228, 446;
(Bacalar), 126;
(Baccallaos), 435;
(Bacallaos), 435;
(Bacaalear), 432;
(Baccalearum regio), 177, 433;
(Bacalhos), 446;
(Baccalos), 451;
(Baqualan), 450;
map of, 435.
Bachiler, _Apuntes para la hist. de Cuba_, 230.
Backer, _La compagnie de Jésus_, 420.
Backstaff, 98, 100.
_See_ Cross-staff.
Bacon, Fr., _Life of Henry VII._, 3.
Bacon, Roger, 28;
_Opus Majus_, 28.
Badajos, Gonzalo de, 198.
Badajos, Congress of, 439.
Baerle, K. van, edits Herrera, 461.
Baez, 282.
Baguet, “Ces restes de Colomb”, 82.
Bahamas (Banama), 217;
discovered, 233;
number of, 53;
map, 55;
slaves taken at, 236.
Bahia de Cavallos, 243.
Bahia de la Cruz (Apalache), 243, 288.
Balbóa, M. C., _Histoire du Peru_, 576.
Balbóa, Vasco Nuñez de, 193;
hears of the Southern Sea, 194;
discovers it, 176, 195, 211, 217, 436, 439, 505;
his trial, 197;
executed, 199, 212, 213;
authorities on, 210;
portrait, 195.
Balbuena, _El Bernardo_, 430.
Baldelli, _Milione di Marco Polo_, 156.
Baldi, _C. Colombo_, 69.
Baldwin, C. C., 457;
_Prehistoric Nations_, 25.
Ballenar, 524.
Balsas, Rio, 198.
Bamba, river, 521.
Banchero, G., iv.; ed. of _Codice_, 72.
Bancroft, Geo., on Prescott, 427.
Bancroft, H. H., his manuscripts, viii;
on Herrera, 67;
his _Early American Chroniclers_, 207;
his authorities on Mexican history, 399;
criticism of Prescott, 425;
his lists of books on Mexico, 430;
his _Native Races_, 502;
_History of Pacific States_, 502;
_North Mexican States_, 502;
_Central America_, 207, 502, 578;
_Mexico_, 428, 429, 502;
_California_, 502;
_Northwest Coast_, 502;
_New Mexico and Arizona_, 502.
Banda, 591.
Bandelier, A. F., on Chimalpain, 412;
bibliography of Yucatan, 215, 429, 430;
_Historical Introduction to Studies among the Sedentary Indians_,
477, 502;
and the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, 418;
_Ruins in the Valley of Pecos_, 488.
Bandini, A. M., _Vita di Vespucci_, 131, 154.
Banks, Sir Joseph, 226.
Baranda, vii.
Barbosa, Duarte, _Sommario_, 613.
Barburata, 581.
Barcelona, archives at, ii.
Barcia, Andres Gonzales, _Ensayo cronológico_, 283;
_Historiadores primitivos_, 401;
edits Herrera, 67;
edits G. de la Vega’s _Florida_, 290;
edits Torquemada, 422.
Barco, Pedro del, 517.
Barentz, 460.
Barlæus, _Novus Orbis_, 67.
Barlow, S. L. M., prints Harrisse’s _Notes on Columbus_, viii.;
his library, 48.
Baronius, _Annales_, 592.
Barreiros, _De Ophira regione_, 154.
Barrio-Nuevo, F. de, 212, 495.
Barros, Arana Diego de, _Collection d’ouvrages inédits ou rares sur
l’Amérique_, 573;
_Proceso de Valdivia_, 569;
_Coleccion de historiadores de Chile_, 572;
book on Magellan, 617.
Barros, João de, _Asia_, 90.
Barrow, _Chronological History of Voyages_, 33, 455.
Barry, J. J., on Columbus, 69.
Bartlett, J. R., on C. de Vaca’s route, 287;
on early printing in Mexico, 400.
Bartolozzi, F., _Ricerche circa scoperte di Vespucci_, 162;
_Relazione_, 162.
Basanier, 293, 298.
Basle, treaty of, 80.
Basos, 449.
Bassin de Sandacourt, 145, 164.
Bastidas, Rodrigo, 109, 189, 581;
authorities on his voyage, 206, 207;
his voyage, 22, 204.
Bauçault bay, 606.
Baudoin, J., 575.
Bautista, Joan, pilot, 616.
Bayuera, C., _Copia de la lettera per Colombo_, 62.
Bazan, Pedro de, 241.
Bazares, Guido de, 257.
Beaupré, 614.
Becerra, Diego, 198, 441.
Becher, _Landfall of Columbus_, 54.
Bede, 28.
Behaim, Martin, his career, 104;
his claim to early discoveries, 34;
his map of Magellan’s straits, 35, 604;
improves the astrolabe, 97;
on the African coast, 41;
portrait, 104;
his globe, 25, 104;
section of, 105;
described, 105.
Behring on the Asiatic coast, 464;
his straits, 468.
Béjar, duque de, 390.
Belen, river, 22.
Belgrano, L. T., _Ossa di Colombo_, 83.
Belknap, Dr. Jeremy, on Columbus, 68;
his _American Biography_, 68.
Bellegarde, Abbé de, 341.
Bellegarde, _Histoire universelle_, 410.
Bellero, Juan, 186;
his map, 227, 412.
Bellin, Nic., his map of California, 468.
Belloro, G. T., on Columbus’ birthplace, 84;
_Notizie_, 84.
Belloy, Marquis de, _Colomb_, 69.
Benaduci, Lorenzo Boturini, 2;
his manuscripts, 397, 418;
_Idea de una nueva historia_, etc., 418, 429;
_Catalogo_, 429.
Benalcazar, Seb., 196, 538, 580.
Beneventanus, Marcus, 121, 154.
Benincasa, Andreas, portolano, 38.
Benzoni, Girolamo, 346;
_Historia del mondo nuovo_, 346, 347;
its bibliography, 347;
his portrait, 347;
_Nuovamente ristampata_, etc., 347;
on Columbus, 67;
_Novæ novi orbis historiæ libri_, 297, 347;
in De Bry, 347;
_Der newenn Weldt_, 347;
German versions, 347;
Dutch versions, 347;
English versions, 347.
Berardi, Juanoto, 131, 142.
Berckman, A., 184.
Berendt, C. H., 402.
Bergenroth, G. A., edits Rolls Series, i.;
_Calendar of Letters_, etc., i.;
finds a Columbus letter, 47;
_Calendar of State Papers_, 47;
on Isabella, 5.
Bergomas, _Supplementum supplementi_, 64.
_See_ Foresti.
Beristain, _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americano_, 429.
Berlin, Catalogue of manuscripts in the library at, 449;
Gesellschaft für Erdkunde, 93;
_Berliner Zeitschrift für allgemeine Erdkunde_, 579.
Bermuda, 224, 451, 453;
(1511), 110;
(1529), 221;
(1544), 227;
(1556), 228;
first seen, 155;
(Belmudo), 229;
in the early maps, 225.
Bernaldez, Andrés, _Historia de los reyes católicos_, 47, 83.
Bernalillo, 488.
Bernard, A. J., _Geofroy Tory_, 181.
Berreo, Ant. de, 586.
Berrio, 236.
Berthoud, E. L., 467.
Bertrand in _Journal des Savants_, 471.
Berwick, Duke of, 88.
Betanzos, Juan de, 546.
Beteta, Father Gregory de, 255.
Bianco, Andrea, his sea-chart, 38, 94.
_Bibliophile Belge_, 50.
_Biblioteca de los Americanistas_, 398, 419.
Biblioteca Colombina, 65.
Biblioteca Cosatenense, 159.
_Biblioteca histórica de la Iberia_, 408, 411.
_Biblioteca nacional y extranjera_, 428.
_Biblioteca Valenciana_, iii.
_Bibliotheca Thottiana_, 171.
_Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart_, 579.
_Bibliothèque Elzévirienne_, 293.
Biedma, Luys Hernandez de, _Relacion_, 289, 290;
autog., 290.
Bienewitz. _See_ Apianus.
Bigotes, 487, 488, 491.
Bimini, 110, 217, 231, 283;
fountain at, 232;
name transferred to Mexico, 447.
Biobio river, 532.
Biondelli, 415.
Biondo, _De ventis et navigatione_, 421.
Birú, 198, 199, 505, 509;
visited by Andagoya, 506.
_See_ Peru.
Bison, 477;
the range of, 244.
_See_ Buffalo.
Blaeu, _Atlas_, 587;
his maps of California, 467.
Blanco, Cape, 40, 280, 461;
(Blamquo), 448.
Blome, _Description_ (1670), 466.
Bobadilla, 20, 21, 189.
Bobadilla, Friar Fr. de, 526.
Bobadilla, Isabel del, 197.
Boca del Drago, 187.
Boca de Términos, 203.
Bocchi, Francesco, _Libri elogiorum_, 154.
Bœmus, Johannes, _Omnium gentium mores_, 615.
Boesnier, _Le Mexique conquis_, 430.
Bogotá, 581;
Federmann and others at, 579.
Bohan, 531.
Boissard, _Icones_, 67;
_Bibliotheca_, etc., 67, 73.
Bojador, Cape, 40.
Bollaert, Wm., 582.
Bonhomme, M., 186.
Boni, G., _Biblioteca Estense_, 107.
Bonnefoux, Baron de, _Vie de Colomb_, 69.
Bontier, 36.
_Bookworm_, 48.
Borde, P. G. L., _L’île de Trinidad_, 587.
Borja, J. H. de, 562.
Borroméo, Fred., Cardinal, 57, 614.
Bory de Saint-Vincent, _Les Isles Fortunées_, 36.
Bos, Van den, _Leven en Daden_, 68.
Bosschaert, 162.
Bossi, L., _Vita di Colombo_, 68.
Boston, a ship from, alleged to be met by De Fonte, 462.
Botero, _Relaciones_, 461.
Boturini. _See_ Benaduci.
Bouguer, 590.
Boulenger, Louis, 120.
Bourke, J. G., on Coronado, 503.
Bourne, _Regiment of the Sea_, 98.
Bowen, his map, 468.
Braba, 495.
Bracamoras, 527.
Bradford Club publications, 290.
Braga, John of, 596.
Branco river, 587.
Brant, Seb., portrait, 59;
_Narrenschiff_, 58.
Brantôme, _Grands capitaines_, 298.
Brasilie, 118, 119.
_See_ Brazil.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Popul-Vuh_, 25;
on Spanish cruelty, 343;
his authority, 418;
_Nations civilisées_, 418, 428;
on the manuscript of Bernal Diaz, 428;
edits Bishop Landa’s _Relation_, 429;
his library, 418, 430;
_Codex Chimalpopoca_, 418.
Braun and Hogenberg, _Civitates_, 378;
_Cités du Monde_, 378.
Bravo, Melchor, 542, 545, 551.
Brazil, 228, 435, 436, 437, 446;
bibliography of, 617;
cut off by line of demarcation, 596;
first visited, 150;
in the Lenox globe, 123, 170;
map of coast (1522), 598;
natives of, 597;
cannibals, 597;
called _Terra Sanctæ Crucis_, 169, 219;
(Prisilia), 121;
(Bresilia), 459.
_See_ Prisilia, Brasilie, Bresilia.
Breckenridge, H. M., _Early Discoveries in New Mexico_, 502.
Bresil (island), 36, 451, 453.
Bresilia, 433.
_See_ Brazil.
Breusing, _Gerhard Kremer_, 471.
Breusing, A., _Zur Geschichte der Kartographie_, 55.
Brevoort, J. C., on Spanish-American documents, i, vii;
on Muñoz, iii;
_Remains of Columbus_, 82;
on the arms of Columbus, 88;
on the bibliography of Cortés, 411;
on the bibliography of Gomara, 414;
on Viscaino, 461.
Breydenbach, B. de, his _Peregrinationes_, 8, 10.
Briceño, Alonzo, 510.
Briggs, Master, his map in Purchas, 462, 466.
Brinton, D. G., 279, 282;
_Aboriginal American Literature_, 419;
_Floridian Peninsula_, 283.
British Museum, Spanish documents in, vii;
_Index to Manuscripts_, vii;
_Catalogue of Spanish Manuscripts_, vii.
Brito, Ant., 616.
Brovius, 592.
Brown, Rawdon, _Calendar of State Papers_, 1;
and the Venetian archives, viii;
discovery of letters respecting Vespucius, 152.
Bruzen, la Martinière, _Introduction à l’histoire_, 468.
Buache, 468;
_Considérations géographiques_, 461;
_Découvertes de l’Amiral de Fonte_, 463;
and Kino’s map, 467;
on Maldonado, 455.
Buell, Bernardus, 58.
Buena Ventura, 509, 536.
Buffalo, early pictures (1542), of, 477, 488, 489;
first Spanish knowledge of, 487.
_See_ Bison.
Buga, 509.
Buil (or Boil), 16.
Bull of demarcation, 592;
the line moved, 592, 596.
_See_ Alexander VI.: Demarcation.
Bullart, Isaac, 73.
_Bulletin de la Société d’Anvers_, 82.
Bunbury, _History of Ancient Geography_, 95.
Bürck, August, _Magellan_, 593, 617.
Buriel opposes Delisle’s views on De Fonte, 463.
Burke, Edmund, _European Settlements in America_, 424.
Burney, _South Sea Voyages_, 461.
Burton, _Hans Stade_, 616.
Bustamante, Carlos Maria de, 398;
edits Cavo’s _Tres Siglos_, 428;
publishes Chimalpain, 412.
Butler, J. D., on the naming of America, 178;
on portraits of Columbus, 71.
Büttner, 221.
Byington, _Choctaw Definer_, 258.
Bynneman, Henry, 414.
CABALLERO, Diego, 239.
Caballero, oration on Columbus, 81.
Cabeza de Vaca, 503;
at Culiacan, 474;
_Relacion_, 499.
_See_ Vaca.
Cabezudo, J. R., 90.
Cabo. _See_ Cape.
Cabo, Deseado, 608.
Cabo Frio, 596.
_See_ Frio.
Cabot, Sebastian, compared with Columbus, 99;
his records of longitude, 100;
his map, 113, 227, 243;
on Vespucius, 154;
was he on the Florida coast, 231;
apparently ignorantof Gomez’ voyage, 242;
testifies in the Columbus lawsuit, 242;
at La Plata, 440;
an Italian, 2;
with his father discovers North America, 135;
thought it different from Asia, 136.
Cabral discovers Brazil, 24, 156, 169, 205.
Cabrera, Bueno, his _Navegacion_, 453.
Cabrera, Cristóbal, _Manual de adultos_, 400.
Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez, on the California coast, 444, 481.
Cabusto, 250.
Cacama, 364.
Cadamosto, 40.
Cadodaguios, 294.
Cadoret, E., _Vie de Colomb_, 65, 69.
Caicedo, 194, 209, 210.
Caicos, 233.
Cakchiquels, 383.
Calancha, Ant. de la, _Coronica_, 570.
Caldera, 524.
Calderon de la Barca, 427.
Calderon de la Barca, Juan, in Chili, 531.
Calendars, published by English Government, i.
Cali, 509.
Calicut, 42.
California, coast of, in maps, 447, etc.;
map by Dudley, 465;
discovered by Cortés, 393;
origin of name, 443;
history by Clavigero, 425.
California (gulf), map of, by Cortés, 442;
called Gulf of Cortés, 443;
Red Sea, 443;
(Mer Vermiglio), 228;
map of, by Castillo, 443;
by Cabot, 447;
by Freire, 448;
(Mar Vermeio), 449;
map by Wytfliet, 458.
California (peninsula), Kino’s explorations, 467;
early thought to be an island, 442;
then held to be a peninsula, 445;
so shown on various maps, 445, etc.;
omitted on others, 446;
represented very broad, 228;
distorted in shape, 452;
by Wytfliet, 458;
later reputed to be an island, 461;
maps showing it as peninsula, 461;
earliest insularizing of it, 461;
early suspicions of its insularity, 461;
in Briggs’s map, 462;
an island on a captured Spanish chart, 462;
a peninsula in De Laet, 462;
an island, 466;
varied views, 467.
Caliquen, 246.
Callao, 519.
Callender, _Voyages to Terra Australis_, 162.
Caluça, 251.
Calvet de Estella, “De rebus gestis Cortesii”, 397.
Calveton. _See_ Chauveton.
Cam, Diego, 41;
on the African coast, 35.
Camargo, Diego de, at Pánuco, 238;
Muñoz, account of, 418;
his History of Tlaxcala, 418;
his expedition, 284;
names of his followers, 415.
Camaron, Josef, 261.
Cambiasi, Count, his sale, iv.
Camercane (islands), 177.
Camers, John, edits Mela, 182;
edits Solinus, 173.
Campanius, on California, 466.
Campe, Friedrich, _Zum Andenken Pirkheimers_, 102.
Campeche, 201, 203.
Campi, _Historia ecclesiastica di Piacenza_, 84.
Canada, 451, 453.
_Canadian Monthly_, 97.
Canaries (islands), 8, 105, 177, 451;
as first meridian, 95;
bibliography of, 36;
settled by Béthencourt, 36.
_See_ Fortunate Islands.
Canasagua, 247.
Cañate (town), founded, 547.
Cañate. _See_ Mendoza.
Cañaveral, 277.
Cañaveral, Cape, 263, 264, 295.
Cancelada, Counts of, 569.
Cancellieri, F. G., _Diss. sopro Colombo_, viii, 65, 73, 84.
Cancer de Barbastro, Luis, and the Indians, 254;
in Florida, 255;
killed, 255.
Cancheto, 187.
Cancio, 233.
Candia, P. de, 510, 512, 528, 536.
Canico. _See_ Cancio.
Canizares, _El Pleyto de Cortés_, 430.
Cannibals, 175, 220, 303, 329;
of Brazil, 597;
picture of, 19, 598.
Cannon, of Cortés’ time, 352;
cast in Mexico, 380.
Cano, Francisco, 504.
Cano, Melchior, 315.
Canoe, Indian (cut), 17;
described by Pigafetta, 596.
Canovai, S., _Elogio di Vespucci_, 155;
various publications on Vespucius, 155.
Cantino, Alberto, his map, 43, 107, 231;
sketch, 108;
illustrates Vespucius’ voyage, 156;
type of, 122.
Cantipratensis, _De rerum natura_, 28.
Canto, Ernesto do, _Archivo dos Açores_, 38;
_Os Corte-Reaes_, 107.
Cantù, _Storia universale_, 83.
Canzio, M., 78.
Cape. _See_ Arenas, Blanco, Bojador, Cañaveral, Corrientes, Good Hope,
Gracias a Dios, Hatteras, Mendocino, Mesurado, Non, Passado, Race,
Roman, Roxo, Rostro, St. Augustin, St. Helena, St. Roman, San
Francisco, Santa Maria, Stormy, Tiburon, Trafalgar.
_See also_ Cabo.
Cape Breton (Berton), 451, 453.
Cape De Verde Islands, 39, 105, 115.
Cape Gracias á Dios, 353.
Cape Race (Ras), 453.
Cape St. Lucas (de Balena), 458.
Cape St. Vincent, fight at, 1, 2.
Capiapa, 559.
“Capitana”, ship, 20.
Capponi. _See_ Gino.
Capriolo, _Ritratti_, 72.
Caravantes, F. L. de, 566.
Caravels, 7, 48.
Carbajal, F. de, joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 537;
leads Vaca de Castro’s army, 536;
executed, 542.
Carbajal, _Mexico_, 73.
Carballido y Zuniga. _See_ Barcia.
Cardenas, 496.
Cardenas y Cano, _Florida_, 575.
_See_ Barcia.
Cárdenas, F. de, his _Coleccion_, vii.
Cardenas, Garcia Lopez de, 484, 488.
Cárdenas, Luis de, 397.
Carderera, V., _Retratos de Colon_, 70.
Cardona, Nicolas de, 461.
Careta, 195.
Caribana (punta), 189.
Caribbee Islands, 16.
Carillo, Luis, 198.
Carleton, J. H., _Excursion to the Ruins of Abo_, etc., 494.
Carlos (Indian chief), 279, 282.
Carlos. _See_ Charles.
Carlyle, Thomas, on Prescott’s letters, 427.
Carmona, Alonzo de, 290.
Caroline. _See_ Fort Caroline.
Carpenter, his _Geography_, 462.
Carrion, A. de, 511.
Cartagena, 190, 191, 209, 581;
view of, 192;
taken by Lago, 584;
plundered, 262.
_Cartas de Indias_, viii, 567;
map in, 222.
Carthagena, Juan de, 592, 599, 604, 607.
Carthagena. _See_ Cartagena.
Cartier, watched by Spanish spies, 254.
Carvajal, A. S. de, factor of Columbus, iv.
Carvajal, B. de, 57.
Carver, the traveller, 469;
his _Travels_, 469.
Casa de la Contratacion, 57, 348.
Casa Grande, 482, 502.
Casas, pursues Olid, 384.
Caseneuve, 1;
(admiral), 86.
Casoni, _Annali di Genova_, 83, 90.
Casqui, 251.
Cass, Lewis, on Aztec civilization, 427.
Cassanare River, 586.
Cassano Serra, Duke de, 450.
Cassaquiari Canal, 581, 582.
Cassava bread, 598.
Castañeda, Gabriel, on the Conquest of the Chichimecs, 419.
Castañeda, Pédro de, _Relation_, 500.
Castaño de Sosa, Gaspar, 504.
Castellani, 342;
_Catalogo_, 435.
Castellanos, Juan de, his portrait, 583;
_Elegias_, 78, 583.
Castilla del Oro, 88, 169, 221, 459, 505;
map of, 190, 191.
Castilla Nueva, 212.
_See_ New Castile.
Castillo, 244;
fac-simile of his map of California, 444.
Castro, Lope Garcia de, governor of Peru, 551;
his life, 570.
Castro, Vaca de, his letters, 567;
his life by Herrera, 567.
Cat Island, 55.
Catalan mappemonde, 38, 94.
Catalutla, 392.
Catamaran, 611.
Cataneo on Columbus, 64.
Catesby, _Carolina_, 53.
Cathay, 41, 105.
Catoche, 384;
(punta), 201, 236.
Caulin, Ant., _Hist. Nueva Andalucia_, 587.
Caupolican, 548, 549.
Cavendish, 464;
on Pacific coast, 456;
captures Viscaino, 460.
Cavo, Andrés, _Tres siglos de México_, 428.
Caxamalca, 558.
Caxamarca, 514, 516, 519.
Cayas, 251.
Centeno, Diego, 538, 541.
Cenú, expedition to, 208;
(river), 189.
Cepeda, 537, 538, 540, 541.
Cepeda and Carillo, _Ciudad de México_, 375.
Cermeñon, 453.
Ceron, George, 259.
Cerpa, Diego Fernando de, 586.
Cervantes, Ant. de, 240.
Cespedes, A. G. de, _Reg. de Navigation_, 45, 461.
Chachapoyas, 519, 528;
founded, 523.
Chaco, Rio, 502.
Chac-xulub-chen, chronicle of, 419.
Chaix, Paul, _Bassin du Mississipi_, 287.
Chalco, 369.
Challcuchima, 520.
Challeux, Nicolas le (Challus), at Fort Caroline, 296;
_Discours_, 296;
_Histoire mémorable_, 296;
_True and Perfect Description_, 296;
edited by Gravier, 296;
_De Gallorum Expeditione_, 297.
Champlain, his astrolabe, 97.
Champoton, 203.
Chamuscado, F. S., 504.
Chanaral, 524.
Chanca, Dr., 57;
on Columbus’ second voyage, 89.
Channing, Edw., “Companions of Columbus”, 187.
Chapultepec, 374.
Charcas, 523, 525.
Charles III. (Spain), his care of documents, ii.
Charles V. (Spain), forms archives of Simancas, i.
Charles V. (Emperor), 88;
autog., 289, 372;
gives a map to Philip II., 222, 445, 446;
portrait in Jovius, 371;
in Herrera, 373;
portrait in title of a Latin _Cortés_, 409.
Charlesfort (Port Royal), 260, 274;
abandoned, 262.
Charlevoix on Columbus’ birth, 83;
_Isle Espagnole_, 88.
Charlotte Islands, 463.
Charton, his list of sources of Mexican history, 399;
_Voyageurs_, 10, 71.
Chaumette des Fossé, _Catalogue_, 576.
Chauveton, Urbain, 297;
translates Benzoni, 347.
Chavanne, Dr. J., 222.
Chaves, Diego de, 518.
Chaves, F. de, 518, 520, 527;
murdered, 534.
Chaves, Hieronymus, his map, 281;
description of the Atlantic coast, 292.
Chelaque, 247.
Cherokees, 247.
Chesapeake Bay visited by Spaniards, 240, 260, 282.
Chevalier, M., _Mexique ancien et moderne_, 428.
Chia, 491.
Chiaha, 247.
Chiametla, 442, 482.
Chibchas, 581.
Chicaça, 250.
Chicama, 519.
Chichilticalli, 482, 487.
Chilaga, 459.
Chilca, 558.
Childe, E. V., translates Santarem’s _Vespuce_, 178.
Chili, 228, 436, 459;
_Anales de in Universedad_, 56;
coast, 460;
“Conquest and Settlement of”, by Markham, 505;
its earlier history, 524;
sketch-map of the Conquest, 524;
wars with Araucanians, 547;
Valdivia defeated, 549;
Villagra, governor, 549;
G. H. de Mendoza, governor, 549;
Villagra, governor, 551;
Quiroga, governor, 551;
audiencia of, 551;
Wytfliet’s map, 559;
Sotomayor, governor, 561;
Loyola, governor, 561;
sources of information, 571;
_Varias relaciones del Peru y Chile_, 576.
_See_ Almagro, Valdivia.
Chillan, 524.
Chiloe, archipelago, 549.
Chimalhuacan, 369.
Chimalpain, _Cronica Mexicana_, 418;
translates Gomara, 412;
Bustamante supposes it a native text, 412;
Bandelier deceived, 412.
Chimborazo, 509.
Chinan. _See_ Golfo.
Chincha, 228, 519, 526, 558.
Chiquito (Colorado), 483.
Chira River, 515, 519.
Chirino, Pedro, _Islas Filipinas_, 616.
Chisca, 248, 251.
Choco Bay, 509.
Choctaco Bluff, 291.
_Choix de documents géog. à la bibl. nat._, 38.
Cholula, 358, 362.
Chronometer, 101.
Chuchama, 506, 507, 509.
Chucuito, 538.
Chupas, 536;
battle of, 567.
Chuquinga, 519;
battle at, 545.
Cia, 491.
Cianca, Andres de, 542.
Cibola, 477, 478, 480, 528;
identified, 483;
the district of, 483;
map of, 485;
expedition to, 503;
seven cities, 458;
various identifications of, 501, 502, 503.
Ciboletta, 501.
Cicuyé, 487, 488.
Cieza de Leon, Pedro de, 541;
career, 568;
fate of his manuscripts, 568;
_La guerra de Quito_, 568;
bibliography of, 573;
_Parte primera de la chronica del Peru_, 573;
various translations, 574;
Parts II., III., and IV., 574;
copy of manuscript in Lenox Library, 574;
_Tercero libro_, 574.
Cignatao, 224.
Ciguatan, 449, 473, 474, 499.
Cimarrones, 582.
Cimber et Danjon, _Archives curieuses_, 296.
Cinnamon, Land of, 528, 581.
Cipango, 8, 24, 25, 105, 116;
described by Marco Polo, 29;
(Cimpangi), 128;
(Zipangri), 118, 119, 121;
(Zipagri), 120;
(Zipancri), 123;
(Zipugna), 124.
_See_ Japan.
Circourt, A. de, 66.
Cisneros, Diego, _Ciudad de Mexico_, 378.
Citri, Bon André de, 424.
Citri de la Guette, 289.
Civezza, Marcellino da, _Missions Franciscaines_, 3.
_Civiltà cattolica_, 69.
Cladera, C., _Investigaciones históricas_, 35, 78, 83, 105.
Clarke, _Progress of Maritime Discovery_, 40.
Clavigero, F. S., account of, 425;
his _Messico_, 425;
_California_, 425;
_Hist. antigua de Méjico_, 425;
_Gesch. von Mexico_, 425;
_History of Mexico_, translated by Cullen, 425;
portrait, 425;
his list of books on Mexico, 430.
Clavus, Claudius, 28.
Clemencin on the value of ancient Spanish money, 517.
Clement, _Bibliog. curieuse_, 182.
Clement VII., portrait, 407.
Clemente, C., _Tablas_, 9.
Clerigo. _See_ Las Casas.
Climatic lines, 95.
Clinton, De Witt, on the Spaniards at Onondaga, 283.
Club, Indian (cut), 16.
Cnoyen, 95.
Cobo, Bernabé, _Fundacion de Lima_, 567.
Coça, 248, 258.
Coça River, 528.
Cochiti, 491.
Cocleius, Johannes, 182.
Coco, 487.
_Codex Ramirez_, 375.
Codine, Jules, _Découverte de la côte d’Afrique_, 40;
_La mer des Indes_, 40, 94.
Coelho, Gonzalo, his voyage, 151, 162.
Cofitachiqui, 251.
Cogolludo, D. L., _Yucathan_, 214, 429.
Coiba, 509.
_Coin-Collectors’ Journal_, 470.
Cole, Humphrey, invented the log, 98.
_Coleccion de doc. inéd. para la historia España_, vii.
_Coleccion de doc. inédit. (Españolas en América)_, edited by Pacheco,
etc., vii, 498.
_Coleccion de libras raros ó curiosos_, 577.
Coles, Juan, 290.
Coligny, lives of, 298.
Coligua, 251.
Colin, edition of Herrera, 67; _Nieuwe Werelt_, 67.
Collao, 519, 524, 528, 558.
Colo-colo, 548.
Cologne, _Coronica van Coellen_, 59.
Colmeiro, M., _Los restos de Colon_, 82.
Colmenares, Rodrigo Enriquez, 193, 210.
Colombo. _See_ Columbus; Colon.
Colombo family, genealogical table, 87;
lawsuit, 88;
Harrisse on, 89.
Colombo, F. G., 72.
Colombo, Luigi, _Patria del Ammireglio_, 84.
Colon. _See_ Columbus, Colombo.
_Colon en Quisqueya_, 65, 82.
Colon, Luis, 65, 66;
renounces his rights, 88.
Colon, Pedro, 65.
Colorado (river), 468, 469, 485, 486;
ascended by Alarcon, 443.
Columbia proposed as name for the United States, 178.
Columbia River, 469, 470.
Columbus. _See_ Colon; Colombo.
Columbus, Bartholomew, 88;
on the African coast, 41;
takes a map to England, 102;
arrives in Hispaniola, 17;
on the Honduras coast, 22;
in Lisbon, 1;
in England, 3;
portrait, 86;
memoir, 86.
Columbus, Christopher, birth, 1;
date of birth, 83, 89;
place of birth, 83, 89;
his father, 89;
of humble origin, 84, 89;
genealogy of his family, 87;
signification of his name, 135;
his piratical career, 1;
sells maps, 3;
his marriage, 2, 90;
his geographical theories, 3, 24;
as to size of globe, 24;
as to shape of globe, 99;
his notes on D’Ailly, 29;
on Æneas Sylvius, 32;
his argument from trees drifted ashore, 35;
his alleged intercourse with Spanish pilot, 33;
proposes to Ferdinand and Isabella, 3;
made high admiral, 5;
would rescue the Holy Sepulchre, 5;
his voyages (collectively), 109;
map of the four voyages, 60, 61, 67;
his first voyage, 8, 46, 131;
his ships, 7;
number of his men, 10;
money raised, 91;
his track (map), 9;
his attempt to ascertain longitude by the needle’s declination, 100;
landfall, 9, 52, 92;
his prayer, 9;
supposed he had reached Asia, 136;
usual ascription of his discovery, 183, 598;
builds fort in Hayti, 10;
return voyage, 11;
his reception, 12;
news of the discovery carried to Italy, 48;
effect in Europe, 56;
his second voyage, 15, 131;
observes eclipse of the moon, 98;
returns to Spain, 18;
authorities on second voyage, 57;
his third voyage, 19, 133, 142;
gets information of the Pacific, 211;
Roldan’s revolt, 20;
Bobadilla arrives, 20;
put in chains, 20;
returns to Spain, 20;
authorities on third voyage, 58;
his fourth voyage, 20, 191;
loses an anchor, 59;
authorities on fourth voyage, 59;
his associations with places (Barcelona), 56,
(Costa Rica), 21,
(Cuba), 10,
(Genoa), 2, 90,
(Hayti), 10,
(Honduras), 21,
(Ireland), 2, 33,
(Jamaica), 22, 201,
(Palos), 90,
(Pavia), 90,
(Portugal), 2, 90,
(Rabida), 3, 90,
(Salamanca), 4, 91,
(Santa Fé), 5,
(Segovia), 23;
dies obscurely, 23, 78, 167;
house where he died, 23;
burial, 78;
remains removed to St. Domingo, 80;
supposed reinterment at Havana, 81;
his will, 65;
the lawsuit of his heirs, 10, 204;
his connection with Beatrix Enriquez, 4, 64;
his characteristics, 23, 24;
inexactness, 91;
makes slaves of the natives, 303;
imagined himself inspired, 24;
compared with Cabot, 99;
personal relations and reciprocal influence with Cabot, 136;
with Toscanelli, 2, 90;
with Vespucius, 131, 142, 149, 178;
his companions, 187;
his fame, 65;
early references to, 57, 62, 64;
poems and dramas on, 68;
efforts to canonize him, 69;
Roselly de Lorgues’ efforts, 69;
his name suggested for the New World, 169, 174;
authorities on his career, 24;
documents, i, vii, viii;
his letters-patent, iii;
his privileges, 86;
the “admiral’s map”, 113;
other maps connected with him, 94, 104, 113, 144;
his manuscripts, 65, 89;
at Genoa, iv, 77;
his manuscript on Portuguese discoveries, 35;
his drawing of his triumph, 12;
his letters, 46, 89;
first letter, early editions, 48;
fac-similes of pages, 49-54;
Ambrosian text, 92;
other texts, 50;
turned into rhyme, 51;
in later shapes, 51;
letters lost, ii,
photographed, iv;
his Journal abridged by Las Casas, 91:
his printed writings, 89;
_Cartas y testamento_, 52;
_Copia de la lettera_, 62;
_Lettera rarissima_, 62;
his Journal, 46, 89, 91;
_Libro de las proficias_, 24, 89;
_Epistola C. Colom_ or _De insulis inventis_, 48;
_Eyn Schon hübsch_, etc. 51;
letters in _Cartas de Indias_, viii;
his writings, edited by Torre, 46;
lives and notices of, 62:
(Castellanos), 584,
(Dodge), iv,
(Ferdinand Columbus), 64, 65,
(Giustiniani), 62,
(Harrisse), 88,
(Irving) vi,
(Navarrete), v,
(Robertson), ii,
(Winsor), 1;
descriptions of his person, 69;
likenesses, painted, engraved, and carved,—namely (Berwick-Alba),
76,
(Borgoña), 76,
(Capriolo), 72, 73,
(Cardenas), 78,
(Cogletto), 73,
(Cuccaro), 72,
(D’Ambras), 73,
(De Bry), 73, 74, 75,
(De Pas), 72,
(Edwards), 78,
(Florence), 72, 73, 74,
(Fuchsius), 76,
(Genoa), 78,
(Havana), 76, 77,
(Jomard), 74, 78,
(Jovius), 70,
(La Cosa), 71,
(Lima), 78,
(Madrid), 78,
(Maella), 76,
(Malpila), 72,
(Mercuri), 73,
(Montanus), 77, 79,
(More), 76,
(Mosaic), 73,
(Opmeer), 72,
(Parmigiano), 76,
(Peschiera), 76,
(Philoponus), 77,
(New Providence), 78,
(Rome), 78,
(Seville), 76, 78,
(Washington), 78;
his coat-armor, 15, 88, 89, 105;
his armor, 4;
his autog., 12;
his handwriting, 14;
his motto, 78.
Columbus, Diego (brother of Christopher, the Admiral), 2, 16, 87, 88,
191;
sent to Spain, 17;
returns, 18
to Cuba, 349;
his house, 88;
his will, ii.
Columbus, Diego (son of the Admiral), 2, 86;
a royal page, 5;
lawsuit of, 144, 174;
memorial on converting the Indians, 337;
his remains, 80, 81.
Columbus, Ferdinand, 87, 88;
career of, 65;
his mother, 64;
accompanies his father, 21;
relations with Vespucius, 170, 174;
his alleged map, 43, 206;
his _Historie_, 64;
discredited by Harrisse, 66, 89;
defended by Stevens and D’Avezac, 66;
his library, 65;
his income, 65;
his tomb, 65.
Columbus, Luis (grandson of the Admiral), his remains, 80, 81.
Coma, G., 58.
Comité d’Archéologie Américaine, 50.
Comogre, 505, 509.
Compass, 94;
picture of, 94.
_See_ Magnet; Needle.
_Compendio historiæ_, etc., 68.
Compostella, 474, 480, 481.
Cona, 493.
Conception (Chili), 524;
founded, 548.
“Concepcion” (ship), 594.
Concepcion Bay, 548.
Conches, Feuillet de, 12.
Conches, Guillaume de, his _Philosophia minor_, 28.
Conchucos settled, 527.
Conibas (island), 463.
Conibas (lake), 457.
Connasauga River, 247.
_Conquista del nuevo mondo_, 575;
_del Peru_, 563.
Consag, his map, 468.
Contarini, Gasparo, 617.
Conti, Natale, _Universæ historiæ libri_, 154.
Conti, V., on Montferrat, 84.
Cook, Captain James, 469.
Cooley, W. D., _Maritime Discovery_, 34.
Coosa River, 248.
Coosas, 258.
Coosawattie, 247.
Copala, 504.
_Copia delle lettere del prefetto della India_, 575.
Copiapo, 524, 528, 559.
Coppée, Henry, “Conquest of Mexico”, 375.
Coppo, his map sketched, 127;
_Portolano_, 128.
Coquibacoa, 187, 189.
Coquimbo, 524, 525, 559.
Corazones, 482, 486, 496.
Cordiform projection of maps, 123.
Cordeiro, Luciano, “Les Portugais dans la découverte de l’Amérique”,
33.
Cordeyro, _Historia insulana_, 33.
Cordilleras of the Andes, 514.
Cordova, Bishop, 305.
Cordova (Cordoba), Francisco Hernandez de, 200, 201, 402;
voyage to the Bahamas, 236;
to Yucatan, 214;
dies, 237.
Cordova, Pedro de, 310.
Cordova y Figuera, Hist. of Chili, 573.
Cordova y Salinas, 570.
Cordova (town), 3.
Corner, Francesco, 152.
Coro, 579, 581.