The following Report is published at the request of numerous persons who
are of opinion that all which is known of the operation of the Fugitive
Slave Bill, should be spread before the public. To the legal profession
it will be of interest, as developing new points in the construction and
application of a Statute, destined to be of great political importance
now, and in future history. They will be able to judge of the
constructions upon the Statute, and of the law of evidence, as laid down
and applied by the Commissioner, and contended for by the representative
of the Government. Not the profession alone, but the public, can judge
of the temper, and manner, as to parties and witnesses, in which the
prosecution was pressed, and the judicial duties performed.
It will be well for every reader to bear in mind that this is the
tribunal to which the late Act of Congress gives final jurisdiction in
deciding whether a man found a free inhabitant of a free state, shall be
exiled, and sent into endless slavery.
The Commissioner tries an issue, on the result of which, all the hopes
of a fellow man for the life that is, and that which is to come, are
suspended; and his judgment is "conclusive on all other tribunals."[A]
[A: See the Opinion of Attorney General Crittenden.]
It will be well for us, as citizens, to remember, that the attempt is
making to establish this act, passed by the vote of less than half of
the Representatives of the people, as the unalterable law of the
country; to treat as treason and disaffection to government, all
attempts to rouse the public to efforts for its repeal; and, by
unprecedented coalitions, that might almost be called conspiracies, of
public men, to destroy the character and means of influence of all who
lend their aid in these efforts. Even a public discussion of the
subject, is cause for suspicion and inquiry.
We would ask every reader, on rising from the examination of this trial,
taken in connexion with the President's Proclamation and Message, the
late debate in the Senate, and the recent letters and speeches of
leading men of both parties, to say, for himself, whether these are not
times, not only of danger to the liberty of colored men, but of serious
apprehension for our independence and dignity as men, and our rights as
citizens.