It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all

respects, but particularly in supplying it with the best means of

dealing with the enemy's submarines.

[Sidenote: A great army must be raised.]

It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the United

States, already provided for by law in case of war, of at least 500,000

men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle of

universal liability to service, and also the authorization of subsequent

additional increments of equal force so soon as they may be needed and

can be handled in training.

[Sidenote: The Government will need adequate credits.]

It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to the

Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be sustained

by the present generation, by well-conceived taxation.

I say sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation, because it seems

to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits, which will now

be necessary, entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most

respectfully urge, to protect our people, so far as we may, against the

very serious hardships and evils which would be likely to arise out of

the inflation which would be produced by vast loans.

[Sidenote: Nations must obtain supplies from us.]

In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be

accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of interfering

as little as possible in our own preparation and in the equipment of our

own military forces with the duty--for it will be a very practical

duty--of supplying the nations already at war with Germany with the

materials which they can obtain only from us or by our assistance. They

are in the field, and we should help them in every way to be effective

there.

[Sidenote: Measure suggested to accomplish nation's ends.]

I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive

departments of the Government, for the consideration of your committees,

measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I have mentioned.

I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them as having been

framed after very careful thought by the branch of the Government upon

whom the responsibility of conducting the war and safeguarding the

nation will most directly fall.

[Sidenote: Concert of purpose and action among free peoples.]

While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be very

clear, and make very clear to all the world, what our motives and our

objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual and

normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and I do not

believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or clouded by

them. I have exactly the same things in mind now that I had in mind when

I addressed the Senate on the 22d of January last; the same that I had

in mind when I addressed the Congress on the 3d of February and on the

26th of February. Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the

principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against

selfish and autocratic power, and to set up among the really free and

self-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose and of

action as will henceforth insure the observance of those principles.

[Sidenote: Standards of conduct for nations.]

Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the

world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to that

peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments,

backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, not

by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality in such

circumstances. We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be

insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for

wrong done shall be observed among nations and their Governments that

are observed among the individual citizens of civilized States.

[Sidenote: A war determined upon by rulers.]

We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling toward

them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse

that their Government acted in entering this war. It was not with their

previous knowledge or approval. It was a war determined upon as wars

used to be determined upon in the old, unhappy days, when peoples were

nowhere consulted by their rulers and wars were provoked and waged in

the interest of dynasties or of little groups of ambitious men who were

accustomed to use their fellow-men as pawns and tools.

[Sidenote: Such aggression impossible where people rule.]

Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor States with spies or

set the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of

affairs which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest.

Such designs can be successfully worked out only under cover and where

no one has the right to ask questions. Cunningly contrived plans of

deception or aggression, carried, it may be, from generation to

generation, can be worked out and kept from the light only within the

privacy of courts or behind the carefully guarded confidences of a

narrow and privileged class. They are happily impossible where public

opinion commands and insists upon full information concerning all of the

nation's affairs.

[Sidenote: Only a partnership of democratic nations can maintain peace.]

A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a

partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic Government could be

trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be a

league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its vitals

away; the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they would and

render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its very heart.

Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor steady to a

common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any narrow interest of

their own.

[Sidenote: What is happening in Russia.]

Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope

for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening things

that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? Russia was

known by those who knew her best to have been always in fact democratic

at heart in all the vital habits of her thought, in all the intimate

relationships of her people that spoke their natural instinct, their

habitual attitude toward life. The autocracy that crowned the summit of

her political structure, long as it had stood and terrible as was the

reality of its power, was not in fact Russian in origin, character, or

purpose; and now it has been shaken off and the great, generous Russian

people have been added, in all their naive majesty and might, to the

forces that are fighting for freedom in the world, for justice, and for

peace. Here is a fit partner for a League of Honor.

[Sidenote: Prussia has filled America with spies.]

One of the things that have served to convince us that the Prussian

autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very

outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities,

and even our offices of government, with spies and set criminal

intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our

peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed, it is

now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it

is unhappily not a matter of conjecture, but a fact proved in our courts

of justice, that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously

near to disturbing the peace and dislocating the industries of the

country, have been carried on at the instigation, with the support, and

even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial

Government accredited to the Government of the United States.

[Sidenote: The United States has been generous.]

Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have

sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them

because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling or

purpose of the German people toward us, (who were, no doubt, as ignorant

of them as we ourselves were,) but only in the selfish designs of a

Government that did what it pleased and told its people nothing. But

they have played their part in serving to convince us at last that that

Government entertains no real friendship for us, and means to act

against our peace and security at its convenience. That it means to stir

up enemies against us at our very doors the intercepted note to the

German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent evidence.

[Sidenote: Why we accept the challenge.]

We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know that

in such a Government, following such methods, we can never have a

friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying in

wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no assured

security for the democratic Governments of the world. We are now about

to accept the gage of battle with this natural foe to liberty and shall,

if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation to check and nullify

its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now that we see the facts

with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the

ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the

German peoples included; for the rights of nations, great and small, and

the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of

obedience.

[Sidenote: America has no selfish ends to serve.]

The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted

upon the tested foundations of political liberty. We have no selfish

ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. We seek no

indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the sacrifices

we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of the rights of

mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have been made as

secure as the faith and the freedom of nations can make them.

[Sidenote: America will observe principles of right.]

Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish object, seeking

nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with all free

peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations as

belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud punctilio

the principles of right and of fair play we profess to be fighting for.

[Sidenote: Germany only has actually made war on America.]

I have said nothing of the Governments allied with the Imperial

Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or

challenged us to defend our right and our honor. The Austro-Hungarian

Government has, indeed, avowed its unqualified indorsement and

acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine warfare, adopted now

without disguise by the Imperial German Government, and it has therefore

not been possible for this Government to receive Count Tarnowski, the

Ambassador recently accredited to this Government by the Imperial and

Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; but that Government has not

actually engaged in warfare against citizens of the United States on the

seas, and I take the liberty, for the present at least, of postponing a

discussion of our relations with the authorities at Vienna. We enter

this war only where we are clearly forced into it because there are no

other means of defending our rights.

[Sidenote: America fights the irresponsible Government of Germany.]

It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents in

a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, not

with enmity toward a people or with the desire to bring any injury or

disadvantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an irresponsible

Government which has thrown aside all considerations of humanity and of

right and is running amuck.

We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, and

shall desire nothing so much as the early re-establishment of intimate

relations of mutual advantage between us, however hard it may be for

them for the time being to believe that this is spoken from our hearts.

We have borne with their present Government through all these bitter

months because of that friendship, exercising a patience and forbearance

which would otherwise have been impossible.

[Sidenote: Most Americans of German birth are loyal to the United

States.]

We shall happily still have an opportunity to prove that friendship in

our daily attitude and actions toward the millions of men and women of

German birth and native sympathy who live among us and share our life,

and we shall be proud to prove it toward all who are in fact loyal to

their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. They are most

of them as true and loyal Americans as if they had never known any other

fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to stand with us in rebuking

and restraining the few who may be of a different mind and purpose. If

there should be disloyalty, it will be dealt with with a firm hand of

stern repression; but, if it lifts its head at all, it will lift it only

here and there and without countenance except from a lawless and

malignant few.

[Sidenote: Trial and sacrifice ahead.]

It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress,

which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be,

many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful

thing to lead this great, peaceful people into war, into the most

terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be

in the balance.

[Sidenote: America will fight for democracy.]

But the right is more precious than peace, and we shall fight for the

things which we have always carried nearest our hearts--for democracy,

for the right of those who submit to authority to have a voice in their

own Governments, for the rights and liberties of small nations, for a

universal dominion of right by such a concert of free peoples as shall

bring peace and safety to all nations and make the world itself at last

free.

To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything

that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who

know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood

and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and

the peace which she has treasured.

God helping her, she can do no other.

DECLARATION OF WAR

[Sidenote: Germany has made war on the United States.]

_Whereas_, The Imperial German Government has committed repeated acts of

war against the Government and the people of the United States of

America; therefore, be it

[Sidenote: War is formally declared.]

_Resolved_, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United

States of America in Congress assembled. That the state of war between

the United States and the Imperial German Government, which has thus

been thrust upon the United States, is hereby formally declared; and

[Sidenote: The President is given full authority.]

That the President be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to

employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the

resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial German

Government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all

the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the

United States.

PROCLAMATION TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE

BY PRESIDENT WILSON

[Sidenote: Congress has declared war.]

_Whereas_, The Congress of the United States, in the exercise of the

constitutional authority vested in them, have resolved by joint

resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives, bearing date this

day, "that a state of war between the United States and the Imperial

German Government which has been thrust upon the United States is hereby

formally declared";

_Whereas_, It is provided by Section 4,067 of the Revised Statutes as

follows:

[Sidenote: Proclamation regarding alien enemies.]

"Whenever there is declared a war between the United States and any

foreign nation or Government or any invasion or predatory incursion is

perpetrated, attempted, or threatened against the territory of the

United States by any foreign nation or Government, and the President

makes public proclamation of the event, all native citizens, denizens,

or subjects of a hostile nation or Government being male of the age of

14 years and upward, who shall be within the United States and not

actually naturalized, shall be liable to be apprehended, restrained,

secured, and removed as alien enemies. The President is authorized in

any such event by his proclamation thereof, or other public acts, to

direct the conduct to be observed on the part of the United States

toward the aliens who become so liable; the manner and degree of the

restraint to which they shall be subject and in what cases and upon what

security their residence shall be permitted, and to provide for the

removal of those who, not being permitted to reside within the United

States, refuse or neglect to depart therefrom; and to establish any such

regulations which are found necessary in the premises and for the public

safety."

_Whereas_, By Sections 4,068, 4,069, and 4,070 of the Revised Statutes,

further provision is made relative to alien enemies;

[Sidenote: All officers of the United States are warned to be vigilant.]

_Now, therefore_, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States of

America, do hereby proclaim, to all whom it may concern, that a state of

war exists between the United States and the Imperial German Government,

and I do specially direct all officers, civil or military, of the United

States that they exercise vigilance and zeal in the discharge of the

duties incident to such a state of war, and I do, moreover, earnestly

appeal to all American citizens that they, in loyal devotion to their

country, dedicated from its foundation to the principles of liberty and

justice, uphold the laws of the land, and give undivided and willing

support to those measures which may be adopted by the constitutional

authorities in prosecuting the war to a successful issue and in

obtaining a secure and just peace;

And, acting under and by virtue of the authority vested in me by the

Constitution of the United States and the said sections of the Revised

Statutes,

[Sidenote: Conduct to be observed toward alien enemies.]

I do hereby further proclaim and direct that the conduct to be observed

on the part of the United States toward all natives, citizens, denizens,

or subjects of Germany, being male of the age of 14 years and upward,

who shall be within the United States and not actually naturalized, who

for the purpose of this proclamation and under such sections of the

Revised Statutes are termed alien enemies, shall be as follows:

[Sidenote: Alien enemies must preserve the peace.]

All alien enemies are enjoined to preserve the peace toward the United

States and to refrain from crime against the public safety and from

violating the laws of the United States and of the States and

Territories thereof, and to refrain from actual hostility or giving

information, aid, or comfort to the enemies of the United States and to

comply strictly with the regulations which are hereby, or which may be

from time to time promulgated by the President, and so long as they

shall conduct themselves in accordance with law they shall be

undisturbed in the peaceful pursuit of their lives and occupations, and

be accorded the consideration due to all peaceful and law-abiding

persons, except so far as restrictions may be necessary for their own

protection and for the safety of the United States, and toward such

alien enemies as conduct themselves in accordance with law all citizens

of the United States are enjoined to preserve the peace and to treat

them with all such friendliness as may be compatible with loyalty and

allegiance to the United States.

[Sidenote: Penalties added to those prescribed by law.]

And all alien enemies who fail to conduct themselves as so enjoined, in

addition to all other penalties prescribed by law, shall be liable to

restraint or to give security or to remove and depart from the United

States, in the manner prescribed by Sections 4,069 and 4,070 of the

Revised Statutes and as prescribed in the regulations duly promulgated

by the President.

[Sidenote: The necessary regulations.]

And pursuant to the authority vested in me, I hereby declare and

establish the following regulations, which I find necessary in the

premises and for the public safety:

[Sidenote: Cannot possess weapons.]

1. An alien enemy shall not have in his possession at any time or place

any firearms, weapons, or implements of war, or component parts thereof,

ammunition, Maxim or other silencer, arms, or explosives or material

used in the manufacture of explosives;

[Sidenote: No signaling devices or cipher codes.]

2. An alien enemy shall not have in his possession at any time or place,

or use or operate, any aircraft or wireless apparatus, or any form of

signaling device or any form of cipher code or any paper, document, or

book written or printed in cipher or in which there may be invisible

writing;

[Sidenote: Property may be seized.]

3. All property found in the possession of an alien enemy in violation

of the foregoing regulations shall be subject to seizure by the United

States;

[Sidenote: Must not approach forts or munition works.]

4. An alien enemy shall not approach or be found within one-half of a

mile of any Federal or State fort, camp, arsenal, aircraft station,

Government or naval vessel, navy yard, factory, or workshop for the

manufacture of munitions of war or of any products for the use of the

army or navy;

[Sidenote: Must not speak or write against the United States.]

5. An alien enemy shall not write, print, or publish any attack or

threat against the Government or Congress of the United States, or

either branch thereof, or against the measures or policy of the United

States, or against the persons or property of any person in the

military, naval, or civil service of the United States, or of the States

or Territories, or of the District of Columbia, or of the municipal

governments therein;

[Sidenote: Must not commit any hostile act.]

6. An alien enemy shall not commit or abet any hostile acts against the

United States or give information, aid, or comfort to its enemies;

[Sidenote: Must not enter prohibited areas.]

7. An alien enemy shall not reside in or continue to reside in, to

remain in, or enter any locality which the President may from time to

time designate by an Executive order as a prohibitive area, in which

residence by an alien enemy shall be found by him to constitute a danger

to the public peace and safety of the United States, except by permit

from the President and except under such limitations or restrictions as

the President may prescribe;

[Sidenote: May be made to remove by executive order.]

8. An alien enemy whom the President shall have reasonable cause to

believe to be aiding or about to aid the enemy or to be at large to the

danger of the public peace or safety of the United States, or to have

violated or to be about to violate any of these regulations, shall

remove to any location designated by the President by Executive order,

and shall not remove therefrom without permit, or shall depart from the

United States if so required by the President;

[Sidenote: Cannot leave country without permission.]

9. No alien enemy shall depart from the United States until he shall

have received such permit as the President shall prescribe, or except

under order of a court, Judge, or Justice, under Sections 4,069 and

4,070 of the Revised Statutes;

[Sidenote: Entering United States regulated.]

10. No alien enemy shall land in or enter the United States except under

such restrictions and at such places as the President may prescribe;

[Sidenote: May be obliged to register.]

11. If necessary to prevent violation of the regulations, all alien

enemies will be obliged to register;

[Sidenote: Alien enemies who violate rules to be arrested.]

World's War Events, Vol. II · 第 17 / 29 段