Chapter 12

THE INVESTIGATION—GOLITSYN SENIOR—GOLITSYN JUNIOR—GENERAL

STAAL—SOKOLOVSKY—SENTENCE

But with all this what of our case, what of the investigation and the

trial?

They were no more successful in the new committee than in the old. The

police had been on our track for a long time, but in their zeal and

impatience could not wait to find anything adequate, and did something

silly. They had sent a retired officer called Skaryatka to lead us on

and catch us; he made acquaintance with almost all of our circle, but we

very soon guessed what he was and held aloof from him. Other young men,

for the most part students, had not been so cautious, but these others

had no serious connection with us.

One student, on completing his studies, gave a supper to his friends on

24th June 1834. Not one of us was at the festivity, indeed not one of us

had been invited. The young men drank too much, played the fool, danced

the mazurka, and among other things sang Sokolovsky’s well-known song on

the accession of Nicholas:

‘The Emperor of Russia

Has gone to realms above,

The operating surgeon

Slit his belly open.

‘The Government is weeping

And all the people weep;

There’s coming to rule over us

Constantine the freak.

‘But to the King of Heaven,

Almighty God above,

Our Tsar of blessed memory

Has handed a petition.

‘When He read the paper,

Moved to pity, God

Gave us Nicholas instead,

The blackguard, the....’[127]

In the evening Skaryatka suddenly remembered that it was his name-day,

told a tale of how advantageously he had sold a horse, and invited the

students to his quarters, promising them a dozen of champagne. They all

went, the champagne appeared, and the host, staggering, proposed that

they should once more sing Sokolovsky’s song. In the middle of the

singing the door opened and Tsinsky with the police walked in. All this

was crude, stupid, clumsy, and at the same time unsuccessful.

The police wanted to catch us; they were looking for external evidence

to involve in the case some five or six men whom they had already

marked, and only succeeded in catching twenty innocent persons.

It is not easy, however, to disconcert the Russian police. Within a

fortnight they arrested us as implicated in the supper case. In

Sokolovsky’s possession they found letters from S——, in S——’s possession

letters from Ogaryov, and in Ogaryov’s possession my letters.

Nevertheless, nothing was discovered. The first investigation failed. To

ensure the success of the second, the Tsar sent from Petersburg the

choicest of the inquisitors, A. F. Golitsyn.

This kind of person is rare in Russia. It is represented among us by

Mordvinov, the famous head of the Third Section, Pelikan, the rector of

Vilna, and a few accommodating Letts and degraded Poles.[128] But

unluckily for the inquisition, Staal, the Commandant of Moscow, was

appointed the first member. Staal, a straightforward military man, a

gallant old general, went into the case and found that it consisted of

two circumstances that had no connection with each other: the affair of

the supper party, for which the police ought to be punished, and the

arrest for no apparent reason of persons whose only guilt, so far as

could be seen, lay in certain half-expressed opinions, for which it

would be both difficult and absurd to try them.

Staal’s opinion did not please Golitsyn junior. The dispute between them

took a bitter character; the old warrior flared up, wrathfully struck

the floor with his sabre and said: ‘Instead of ruining people, you had

better draw up a report on the advisability of closing all the schools

and universities; that would warn other unfortunate youths; however, you

can do what you like, but you must do it without me. I won’t set foot in

the committee again.’ With these words the old man hurriedly left the

room.

The Tsar was informed of this the same day.

In the morning when the commandant appeared with his report, the Tsar

asked him why he would not attend the committee; Staal told him why.

‘What nonsense!’ replied the Tsar, ‘to quarrel with Golitsyn, for shame!

I trust you will attend the committee as before.’

‘Sire,’ answered Staal, ‘spare my grey hairs. I have lived to reach them

without the slightest stain on my honour. My zeal is known to your

Majesty, my blood, the remnant of my days are yours, but this is a

question of my honour—my conscience revolts against what is being done

in the committee.’

The Tsar frowned. Staal bowed himself out, and was not once in the

committee afterwards.

This anecdote, the accuracy of which is not open to the slightest doubt,

throws great light on the character of Nicholas. How was it that it did

not enter his head that if a man whom he could not but respect, a brave

warrior, an old man who had won his position, so obstinately besought

him to spare his honour, the case could not be quite clean? He could not

have done less than insist on Staal’s explaining the matter in the

presence of Golitsyn. He did not do this, but gave orders that we should

be confined more strictly.

When he had gone there were only enemies of the accused in the

committee, presided over by a simple-hearted old man, Prince S. M.

Golitsyn, who knew as little about the case nine months after it had

begun as he did nine months before it began. He preserved a dignified

silence, very rarely put in a word, and at the end of an examination

invariably asked: ‘May we let him go?’ ‘We may,’ Golitsyn junior would

answer, and the senior would say with dignity to the prisoner, ‘You may

go.’

My first examination lasted four hours.

The questions were of two kinds. The object of the first was to discover

a manner of thinking, ‘in opposition to the spirit of government,

revolutionary opinions, imbued with the pernicious doctrines of Saint

Simon,’ as Golitsyn junior and the auditor Oransky expressed it.

These questions were easy, but they were hardly questions. In the papers

and letters that had been seized, the opinions were fairly simply

expressed; the questions could in reality only relate to the substantial

fact of whether a man had or had not written the words in question. The

committee thought it necessary to add to every written phrase, ‘How do

you explain the following passage in your letter?’

Of course it was useless to explain; I wrote evasive and empty phrases

in reply. In one letter the auditor discovered the phrase: ‘All

constitutional parties lead to nothing, they are contracts between a

master and his slaves; the problem is not to make things better for the

slaves, but to put an end to their being slaves.’ When I had to explain

this phrase I observed that I saw no obligation to defend constitutional

government, and that, if I had defended it, it would have been charged

against me.

‘A constitutional form of government may be attacked from two sides,’

Golitsyn junior observed in his nervous hissing voice; ‘you do not

attack it from the point of view of monarchy, or you would not talk

about slaves.’

‘In that I err in company with the Empress Catherine II., who ordered

that her subjects should not be called slaves.’

Golitsyn, breathless with anger at this ironical reply, said: ‘You seem

to imagine that we are assembled here to conduct scholastic arguments,

that you are defending a thesis in the university.’

‘With what object, then, do you ask for explanations?’

‘You appear not to understand what is wanted of you.’

‘I don’t understand.’

‘What obstinacy there is in all of them,’ Golitsyn senior, the

president, added, shrugging his shoulders and glancing at Shubensky, the

colonel of gendarmes. I smiled. ‘Just like Ogaryov,’ the simple-hearted

president observed.

A pause followed, the committee was assembled in Golitsyn senior’s

library; I turned to the bookshelves and began examining the books.

Among other things there was an edition in many volumes of the works of

Saint Simon. ‘Here,’ I said, turning to the president, ‘is it not

unjust? I am being tried on account of Saint-Simonism, while you,

prince, have twenty volumes of his works.’

As the good-natured old man had never read anything in his life, he

could not think what to answer. But Golitsyn junior looked at me with

the eyes of a viper and asked: ‘Don’t you see that those are the memoirs

of the Duc de Saint Simon of the time of Louis XIV.?’

The president with a smile gave me a nod that signified, ‘Well, my boy,

you put your foot in it, didn’t you?’ and said, ‘You can go.’

While I was in the doorway the president asked: ‘Is he the one who wrote

about Peter the Great, that thing you were showing me?’

‘Yes,’ answered Shubensky.

I stopped.

‘_Il a des moyens_,’ observed the president.

‘So much the worse. Poison in clever hands is all the more dangerous,’

added the inquisitor; ‘a very pernicious and quite incorrigible young

man.’

My sentence lay in those words.

Apropos of Saint Simon. When the police-master seized Ogaryov’s books

and papers, he laid aside a volume of Thiers’ _History of the French

Revolution_, then found a second volume, a third, up to an eighth. At

last he could bear it no longer, and said: ‘Good Lord, what a number of

revolutionary books ... and here is another,’ he added, giving the

policeman Cuvier’s _Discours sur les Révolutions du Globe Terrestre_.’

The second kind of question was more complicated. In them all sorts of

police traps and inquisitional tricks were made use of to confuse,

entangle, and involve one in contradictions. Hints of evidence given by

others and all sorts of moral tests were employed. It is not worth while

to repeat them, it is enough to say that all their devices did not draw

any of the four of us into conflicting statements.

After I had received my last question, I was sitting alone in the little

room in which we wrote. All at once the door opened and Golitsyn junior

walked in with a gloomy and anxious face. ‘I have come,’ he said, ‘to

have a few words with you before your evidence is completed. My late

father’s long connection with yours makes me take a special interest in

you. You are young and may still make a career; to do so you must clear

yourself of this affair ... and fortunately it depends on yourself. Your

father has taken your arrest deeply to heart and is living now in the

hope that you will be released: Prince Sergey Mihailovitch and I have

just been speaking about it and we are genuinely ready to do all we can;

give us the means of assisting you.’

I saw the drift of his words, the blood rushed to my head, I gnawed my

pen with vexation. He went on: ‘You are going straight under the white

strap, or to the fortress, on the way you will kill your father; he will

not survive the day when he sees you in the grey overcoat of a soldier.’

I tried to say something but he interrupted me:

‘I know what you want to say. Have a little patience! That you had

designs against the government is evident. To merit the mercy of the

Most High you must give proofs of your penitence. You are obstinate, you

give evasive answers and from a false sense of honour you spare men of

whom we know more than you do and _who have not been so discreet as

you_[129]; you will not help them, and they will drag you down with them

to ruin. Write a letter to the committee, simply, frankly, say that you

feel your guilt, that you were led away by your youth, name the

unfortunate, misguided men who have led you astray.... Are you willing

at this easy price to purchase your future and your father’s life?’

‘I know nothing and have not a word to add to my evidence,’ I replied.

Golitsyn got up and said coldly: ‘As you please, it is not our fault!’

With that the examination ended.

In the January or February of 1835 I was before the committee for the

last time. I was summoned to read through my answers, to add to them if

I wished, and to sign them.

Only Shubensky was present. When I had finished reading them over I said

to him: ‘I should like to know what charge can be made against a man

upon these questions and upon these answers? Under what article of the

Code do you bring me?’

‘The Imperial Code is drawn up for criminals of a different kind,’

observed the light-blue colonel.

‘That’s a different point. After reading over all these literary

exercises, I cannot believe that that makes up the whole charge on

account of which I have been in prison over six months.’

‘But do you really imagine,’ replied Shubensky, ‘that we believe you

that you have not formed a secret society?’

‘Where is the society?’

‘It is your luck that no traces have been found, that you have not

succeeded in doing anything. We stopped you in time, that is, to speak

plainly, we have saved you.’

It was the story of the locksmith’s wife and her husband in Gogol’s

_Inspector General_ over again.

When I had signed, Shubensky rang the bell and told them to summon the

priest. The priest came up and wrote below my signature that all the

evidence had been given by me voluntarily and without any compulsion. I

need hardly say that he had not been present at the examination, and

that he had not even the decency to ask me how it had been. (It was my

impartial witness outside the gate again!)

At the end of the investigation, prison conditions were somewhat

relaxed. Members of our families could obtain permits for interviews. So

passed another two months.

In the middle of March our sentence was ratified. No one knew what it

was; some said we were being sent to the Caucasus, others that we should

be taken to Bobruisk, others again hoped that we should all be released

(this was the sentence which was proposed by Staal and sent separately

by him to the Tsar; he advised that our imprisonment should be taken as

equivalent to punishment).

At last, on 20th March, we were all assembled at Prince Golitsyn’s to

hear our sentence. This was a gala day for us. We saw each other for the

first time after our arrest.

Noisily, gaily embracing and shaking hands, we stood surrounded by a

cordon of gendarmes and garrison officers. This meeting cheered us all

up; there was no end to the questions and the anecdotes.

Sokolovsky was present, pale and somewhat thinner, but as brilliantly

amusing as ever.

The author of _The Fabric of the World_ and of _Heveri_ and other rather

good poems, had naturally great poetic talent, but was not wildly

original enough to dispense with culture, nor sufficiently well-educated

to develop his talent. A charming rake, a poet in life, he was not in

the least a political man. He was amusing, charming, a merry companion

in merry moments, a ‘bon vivant,’ fond of having a good time, as we all

were, perhaps a little too much so.

Having dropped accidentally from a carousal into prison, Sokolovsky

behaved extremely well, he grew up in confinement. The auditor of the

committee, a pedant, a pietist, a detective, who had grown thin and

grey-headed in envy and slander, not daring from religion and devotion

to the throne to understand the last two verses of his poem in their

grammatical sense, asked Sokolovsky ‘to whom do those rude words at the

end of the song refer?’

‘Rest assured,’ said Sokolovsky, ‘not to the Tsar, and I would

particularly draw your attention to that extenuating circumstance.’

The auditor shrugged his shoulders, turned up his eyes to the ceiling

and after gazing a long time in silence at Sokolovsky took a pinch of

snuff.

Sokolovsky was arrested in Petersburg and sent to Moscow without being

told where he was being taken. The police often perpetrate these jests

among us, and quite unnecessarily. It is the form their creative fancy

takes. There is no occupation in the world so prosaic, so revolting that

it has not its artistic yearnings, its craving for decoration and

adornment. Sokolovsky was taken straight to prison and put into a dark

cell. Why was he put in prison while we were kept in barracks?

He had two or three shirts with him and nothing else at all. In England

every one on being brought into prison is at once put into a bath, but

with us they take every precaution against cleanliness.

If Dr. Haas had not sent Sokolovsky a bundle of his own linen he would

have been crusted with dirt.

Dr. Haas was a very original eccentric person. The memory of this ‘crazy

and fanatical’ man ought not to be lost in the rubbish heap of official

necrologies describing the virtues of persons of the first two grades

which no one ever heard of before their death.

A thin little, waxen-looking old man, in a black, swallow-tail coat,

short trousers, black silk stockings and shoes with buckles, he looked

as though he had just come out of some drama of the eighteenth century.

In this _grand gala_ of funerals and weddings, and in the agreeable

climate of the northern latitude of fifty-nine degrees, Haas used every

week to drive to the étape on the Sparrow Hills when a batch of convicts

were being sent off. In the capacity of prison doctor he had access to

them, he used to go to inspect them and always brought with him a basket

full of all manner of things, provisions and dainties of all

sorts—walnuts, cakes, oranges, and apples, for the women. This aroused

the wrath and indignation of the benevolent ladies who were afraid of

giving pleasure by philanthropy, and afraid of being more charitable

than was necessary to save the convicts from dying of hunger and cold.

But Haas was not easy to move, and after listening mildly to reproaches

for his ‘foolish spoiling of the female convicts,’ would rub his hands

and say: ‘Be so kind to see, gracious madam, a bit of bread, a copper

every one will give them, but a sweet or an orange for long they will

see not, no one gives them, that I can from your words deduce; I do them

this pleasure for that it will not a long time be repeated.’

Haas lived in the hospital. A patient came before dinner to consult him.

Haas examined him and went into his study to write some prescription. On

his return he found neither the patient nor the silver forks and spoons

which had been lying on the table. Haas called the porter and asked him

if any one had come in besides the patient. The porter grasped the

position, rushed out and returned a minute later with the spoons and the

patient, whom he had stopped with the help of another hospital porter.

The rascal fell at the doctor’s feet and besought mercy. Haas was

overcome with confusion.

‘Go for the police,’ he said to one of the porters, and to the other,

‘and you send the secretary here at once.’

The porters, pleased at the capture and at their share in the business

altogether, ran off, and Haas, taking advantage of their absence, said

to the thief, ‘You are a false man, you have deceived and tried to rob

me. God will judge you ... and now run quickly to the back gates before

the porters come back ... but stay, perhaps you have no money, here is

half a rouble, but try to reform your soul; from God you will not escape

as from the policeman.’

At this even the members of his own household protested. But the

incorrigible doctor maintained his point: ‘Theft is a great vice; but I

know the police, I know how they torment them—they will question him,

they will flog him; to give up one’s neighbour to the lash is a far

worse vice; besides, who can tell, perhaps what I have done may touch

his heart!’

His friends shook their heads and said, ‘_Er hat einen raptus_’; the

benevolent ladies said, ‘_C’est un brave homme mais ce n’est pas tout à

fait en règle, cela_,’ and tapped their foreheads. And Haas rubbed his

hands and went his own way.

... Sokolovsky had hardly finished his anecdotes, when several others

speaking at once began to tell theirs; it was as though we had all

returned from a long journey—there was no end to the questions, jokes,

and witticisms.

Physically, S—— had suffered more than the rest; he was thin and had

lost part of his hair. He had been at his mother’s in the country in the

Tambov province when he heard that we had been arrested, and at once set

off for Moscow, for fear that his mother should be alarmed by a visit of

the gendarmes, but he caught cold on the way and reached home in a high

fever. The police found him in bed, and it was impossible to move him to

the police station. He was placed under arrest at home, a soldier of the

police station was put on guard in the bedroom and the local police

superintendent was told off to act as brother-of-mercy by the patient’s

bedside, so that on recovering consciousness after delirium he met the

attentive glance of the one, or the battered countenance of the other.

At the beginning of the winter he was moved to the Lefortovsky Hospital;

it appeared there was not a single empty private room for a prisoner,

but such trifles were not deemed worth considering; a corner screened

off apart, with no stove, was found, the sick man was put in this

southern verandah and a sentry told off to watch him. What the

temperature in this hole was in winter may be judged from the fact that

the sentry was so benumbed with cold at night that he would go into the

corridor to warm himself at the stove, begging S—— not to tell of it.

The hospital authorities themselves saw that such tropical quarters were

impossible in a latitude so near the pole, and moved S—— to a room near

the one in which frost-bitten patients were rubbed.

Before we had time to describe and listen to half our adventures, the

adjutants began suddenly bustling about, the gendarmes’ officers drew

themselves up, and the police set themselves to rights: the door opened

solemnly and little Prince Sergey Mihailovitch Golitsyn walked in _en

grande tenue_ with a ribbon across his shoulder; Tsinsky was in a

uniform of the suite, even the auditor, Oransky, put on some sort of

pale-green civil-military uniform for the joyful occasion. The

commandant, of course, had not come.

Meanwhile the noise and laughter had risen to such a pitch that the

auditor came fiercely into the room and observed that loud conversation

and, above all, laughter seemed a flagrant disrespect to the will of the

Most High, which we were about to hear.

The doors were opened. Officers divided us into three groups: in the

first was Sokolovsky, the painter Utkin, and an officer called Ibaev; we

were in the second; in the third, _tutti frutti_.

The sentence regarding the first category was read aloud. It was

terrible; condemned for high treason, they were sent to the

Schlüsselburg for an indefinite period. When Oransky, drawling to give

himself dignity, read with emphasis that for ‘insulting the Majesty and

Most August Family, _et cetera_,’ Sokolovsky observed: ‘Well, I never

insulted the family.’

Among his papers besides this poem were found some resolutions written

in jest as though by the Grand Duke Michael Pavlovitch, with intentional

mistakes in spelling, and those orthographical errors helped to convict

him.

Tsinsky, to show that he could be free and easy and affable, said to

Sokolovsky after the sentence: ‘Hey, have you ever been in Schlüsselburg

before?’ ‘Last year,’ Sokolovsky answered promptly, ‘as though I knew

what was coming, I drank a bottle of Madeira there.’ Two years later

Utkin died in the fortress. Sokolovsky, half dead, was released and sent

to the Caucasus; he died at Pyatigorsk. Some remnant of shame and

conscience led the government after the death of two to transfer the

third to Perm. Ibaev only died in the spiritual sense: he became a

mystic.

Utkin, ‘a free artist confined in prison,’ as he described himself at

the examinations, was a man of forty; he had never taken part in any

kind of political affair, but, being of a generous and impulsive

temperament, he gave free rein to his tongue in the committee and was

abrupt and rude in his answers. For this he was done to death in a damp

cell, in which the water trickled down the walls.

Ibaev’s greater guilt lay in his epaulettes. Had he not been an officer,

he would never have been so punished. The man had happened to be present

at some supper party, had probably drunk too much and sung like all the

rest, but certainly neither more nor louder than the others.

Our turn came. Oransky wiped his spectacles, cleared his throat, and

began reverently announcing the will of the Most High. The Tsar, after

examining the report of the committee and taking into special

consideration the youth of the criminals, _commanded that we should not

be brought to trial_, and informed us that by law we ought, as men

guilty of high treason by singing seditious songs, to lose our lives or,

alternatively, to be sentenced to penal servitude for life. Instead of

this, the Tsar in his infinite mercy forgave the greater number of the

guilty, leaving them in their present abode under the supervision of the

police. The more guilty among them he commanded to be put under

reformatory treatment, which consisted in being sent to civilian duty

for an indefinite period to remote provinces, to live under the

superintendence of the local police authorities.

It appeared that there were six of the ‘more guilty’: Ogaryov, S——,

Lahtin, Obolensky, Sorokin, and I. I was to be sent to Perm. Among those

condemned was Lahtin, who had not been arrested at all. When he was

summoned to the committee to hear the sentence, he supposed that it was

as a warning, to be punished by hearing how others were punished. The

story was that some one of Prince Golitsyn’s circle, being angry with

Lahtin’s wife, had prepared this agreeable surprise for him. A man of

delicate health, he died three years later in exile.

When Oransky had finished reading, Colonel Shubensky stepped forward. In

choice language and in the style of Lomonossov he informed us that it

was due to the good offices of the noble gentleman who had presided at

the committee that the Tsar had been so merciful.

Shubensky waited for all of us to thank Prince Golitsyn, but this did

not come off.

Some of those who were pardoned nodded, stealing a stealthy glance at us

as they did so.

We stood with folded arms, making not the slightest sign that our hearts

were touched by the Imperial and princely mercy.

Then Shubensky thought of another dodge and, addressing Ogaryov, said:

‘You are going to Penza; do you imagine that that is by chance? Your

father is lying paralysed at Penza and the prince besought the Tsar to

fix that town, that your being near might to some extent alleviate the

blow of your exile for him. Do you not think you have reason to thank

the prince?’

There was no help for it, Ogaryov made a slight bow. This was what they

were trying to get.

The good-natured old man was pleased at this, and next, I don’t know

why, he summoned me. I stepped forward with the devout intention of not

thanking him whatever he or Shubensky might say; besides, I was being

sent farther away than any and to the nastiest town.

‘You are going to Perm,’ said Prince Golitsyn. I said nothing. He was

disconcerted and, to say something, added, ‘I have an estate there.’

‘Would you care to send some commission through me to your steward?’ I

asked with a smile.

‘I do not give commissions to people like you—Carbonari,’ added the

resourceful old man.

‘Then what do you wish of me?’

‘Nothing.’

‘I thought you called me.’

‘You can go,’ Shubensky interposed.

‘Allow me,’ I replied, ‘since I am here to remind you that you told me,

Colonel, last time I was before the committee, that no one accused me of

being connected with the supper-party affair. Yet in the sentence it is

stated that I was one of those guilty in connection with that affair.

There is some mistake here.’

‘Do you wish to protest against the decision of the Most High?’ observed

Shubensky. ‘You had better take care that Perm is not changed to

something worse. I shall order your words to be taken down.’

‘I meant to ask you to do so. In the sentence the words occur “on the

report of the committee.” I am protesting against your report and not

against the will of the Most High. I appeal to the prince: there was no

question in my case of a supper party or of songs, was there?’

‘As though you do not know,’ said Shubensky, beginning to turn pale with

wrath, ‘that you are ten times more guilty than those who were at the

supper party. He now’—he pointed to one of those who had been

pardoned—‘in a state of intoxication sang some filthy song, but

afterwards he begged forgiveness on his knees with tears. But you are

still far from a sign of penitence.’

The gentleman at whom the colonel pointed said nothing, but hung his

head and flushed crimson....

It was a good lesson, much good his meanness did him!...

‘Excuse me, it is not the point whether my guilt is greater or not,’ I

went on, ‘but, if I am a murderer, I don’t want to be considered a

thief. I don’t want it to be said of me, even in justification, that I

did something in a “state of intoxication,” as you expressed it just

now.’

‘If I had a son who showed such stubbornness I would myself beg the Tsar

to send him to Siberia.’

At this point the chief police-master interposed some incoherent

nonsense. It is a pity that Golitsyn junior was not present, it would

have been an opportunity for his eloquence.

It all ended, of course, in nothing.

Lahtin went up to Prince Golitsyn and begged that his departure might be

deferred. ‘My wife is with child,’ he said.

‘I am not responsible for that,’ answered Golitsyn.

A wild beast, a mad dog when it bites, looks grave and sticks up its

tail, but this crazy aristocrat, though he had the reputation of a

good-natured man, was not ashamed to make this vulgar joke.

We were left once more for a quarter of an hour in the room, and, in

spite of the zealous upbraidings of the gendarmes and police officers,

warmly embraced one another and took a long farewell. Except Obolensky I

saw none of them again until I came back from Vyatka.

Departure was before us.

Prison had been a continuation of our past; but our departure into the

wilds was a complete break with it.

Our youthful existence in our circle of friends was over.

Our exile would probably last several years. Where and how should we

meet, and should we ever meet?...

I regretted my old life, and I had to leave it so abruptly ... without

saying good-bye. I had no hope of seeing Ogaryov. Two of my friends had

succeeded in seeing me during the last few days, but that was not enough

for me.

If I could but once again see my youthful comforter and press her hand,

as I had pressed it in the graveyard.... I longed both to take leave of

my past and to greet my future in her person....

We did see each other for a few minutes on the 9th of April 1835, on the

day before I was sent off into exile.

For years I kept that day sacred in my memory; it was one of the

happiest moments in my life.

Why must the thought of that day and of all the bright days of my past

bring back so much that is terrible?... The grave, the wreath of

dark-red roses, two children holding my hand—torches, crowds of exiles,

the moon, the warm sea under the mountain-side, the words that I did not

understand and that wrung my heart....

All is over!

My past and thoughts, vol. 1 (of 6) · 第 6 / 12 章