But, irritating as is this pragmatic, unreasoning dogmatism,

THREE STUDIES IN

LITERATURE

[Illustration: colophon]

THREE STUDIES IN

LITERATURE

BY

LEWIS E. GATES

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF ENGLISH IN HARVARD

UNIVERSITY

New York

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.

1899

_All rights reserved_

COPYRIGHT, 1899,

BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

Norwood Press

J. S. Cushing & Co.--Berwick & Smith

Norwood Mass. U.S.A.

NOTE

These Studies were originally introductory essays in volumes of

selections from the prose writings of Jeffrey, Newman, and Arnold. The

essay on Jeffrey has been rewritten and expanded. My thanks are due to

Messrs. Ginn and Co. for the use of the essay on Jeffrey, and to Messrs.

Henry Holt and Co. for leave to reprint the essays on Newman and Arnold.

DECEMBER 15, 1898.

CONTENTS

PAGE

FRANCIS JEFFREY 1

I. Jeffrey’s Reputation 1

II. General Characteristics 6

III. Literary Criticism 12

IV. _The Edinburgh Review_ 41

V. The New Editorial Policy 46

VI. The New Literary Form 54

VII. Conclusion 59

NEWMAN AS A PROSE-WRITER 64

I. Newman’s Manner and its Critics 64

II. The Rhetorician 72

III. Methods 82

IV. Irony 88

V. Style 92

VI. Additional Characteristics 98

VII. Relation to his Times 108

MATTHEW ARNOLD 124

I. Arnold’s Manner 124

II. Criticism of Life 129

III. Theory of Culture 139

IV. Ethical Bias 151

V. Literary Criticism 163

VI. Appreciations 171

VII. Style 180

VIII. Relation to his Times 200

FRANCIS JEFFREY

I

Who now reads Jeffrey? Only those, it may be feared, who are intent on

some scholarly purpose or victims of sharp necessity. Yet in 1809

Jeffrey could boast that his articles in the _Edinburgh Review_ were

read by fifty thousand thinking people within a month after publication.

Jeffrey’s reputation as a critic has run through a picturesquely varied

course. During nearly the first half of the century he was, for many

eminently intelligent Englishmen, an all but infallible authority in

letters and whatever pertained to them. He was Horner’s and Sydney

Smith’s “King Jamfray”; he was for Macaulay “more nearly a universal

genius than any man of our time.” Even Carlyle declared no critic since

Jeffrey’s day “worth naming beside him.” And when that half-national

institution, the _Encyclopædia Britannica_, required in its columns a

discussion of the theory of art, Jeffrey it was who was called in as an

authority and wrote the article on “Beauty” that, down to 1875, stood as

representing authentic English opinion in matters of taste.

Even those who hated Jeffrey admitted his power. “Birds seldom sing,”

quoth Allan Cunningham, “when the kite is in the air, and bards dreaded

the Judge Jeffrey of our day as much as political offenders dreaded the

Judge Jeffreys of James the Second.” Talfourd, Lamb’s friend and editor,

asserted of Jeffrey that “with little imagination, little genuine wit,

and no clear view of any great and central principles of criticism, he

... continued to dazzle, to astonish, and occasionally to delight

multitudes of readers, and at one time to hold the temporary fate of

authors in his hands.”

By way of final testimony to the magnitude of Jeffrey’s fame, Macaulay

and Carlyle may be quoted at length in his praise. One of Macaulay’s

letters of 1828 deals wholly with his impressions of Jeffrey, at whose

home he had just been staying; the tone of the letter is that of unmixed

hero-worship; no details of the Scotch critic’s appearance or habits or

opinions are too slight to be sent to the Macaulay household in London.

“He has twenty faces almost as unlike each other as my father’s to Mr.

Wilberforce’s.... The mere outline of his face is insignificant. The

expression is everything; and such power and variety of expression I

never saw in any human countenance.... The flow of his kindness is quite

inexhaustible.... His conversation is very much like his countenance and

his voice, of immense variety.... He is a shrewd observer; and so

fastidious that I am not surprised at the awe in which many people seem

to stand when in his company.”[1] These are only a few of Macaulay’s

details and admiring comments. Nor did he outgrow this intense

admiration. In April, 1843, he writes to Macvey Napier that he has read

and reread Jeffrey’s old articles till he knows them by heart; and in

December, 1843, on the appearance of Jeffrey’s collected essays, he

expresses himself in almost unmeasured terms: “The variety and

versatility of Jeffrey’s mind seem to me more extraordinary than

ever.... I do not think that any one man except Jeffrey, nay that any

three men, could have produced such diversified excellence.... Take him

all in all, I think him more nearly an universal genius than any man of

our time.”[2]

Macaulay, however, may not be wholly beyond suspicion as a witness in

Jeffrey’s favour. He himself had much of Jeffrey’s dryness and

positiveness of nature, was temperamentally limited in many of the same

ways, and was, like Jeffrey, an ardent Whig of the Constitutional type;

for all these reasons he may be thought prejudiced. In Carlyle, on the

other hand, we have a witness who was as far as possible from sympathy

with Jeffrey’s neat little formulas in art and in politics, and who has

never been accused of registering unduly charitable opinions of even his

best friends. Yet of Jeffrey he says, “It is certain there has no Critic

appeared among us since who was worth naming beside him;--and his

influence, for good and for evil, in Literature and otherwise, has been

very great.... His _Edinburgh Review_ [was] a kind of Delphic Oracle,

and Voice of the Inspired, for great majorities of what is called the

‘Intelligent Public’; and himself regarded universally as a man of

consummate penetration, and the _facile princeps_ in the department he

had chosen to cultivate and practise.”[3]

How has it happened that Jeffrey’s lustre, once so brilliant, has paled

in our day into that of a fifth-rate luminary? Was his earlier

reputation wholly undeserved? Or is the “dumb forgetfulness” that has

overtaken him a real case of literary injustice? Probably Jeffrey is now

oftenest remembered for his unluckily haughty reprimand to Wordsworth,

“This will never do!”--a sentence which is popularly taken to be an

incontestable proof of critical incapacity. Yet as regards the artistic

worth of the _Excursion_, the poem against which Jeffrey was protesting,

judges are at present nearer in agreement with Jeffrey than with

Wordsworth. Ought not Jeffrey, the critic, then, to benefit somewhat

from the latter-day reaction against overweening Romanticism?

Doubtless, Jeffrey’s fate is in part merely an illustration of the

transiency of critical fame. Jeffrey, like Rymer and John Dennis, has

gone the deciduous way of all writers of literature about literature,

save the few who have been actually themselves, in their prose, creators

of beauty. Yet probably there is also something exceptional in Jeffrey’s

case,--in his earlier complete ascendency and in the later sorry

disinheriting that has overtaken him. Jeffrey’s reputation was really a

composite affair, due fully as much to the timely-happy establishment of

the _Edinburgh Review_ as to his own personal cleverness, great as that

was. On Jeffrey, the editor, was reflected all the shining success of

the first brilliant English _Review_. To understand, then, the waxing

and the waning of Jeffrey’s literary reputation, a somewhat careful

analysis will be needed not simply of his critical genius, but also of

the methods for making that genius effective which fortune offered him

and his own keen practical instincts worked out successfully. As for his

individual worth as a critic, the truth will be found to lie, as so

often happens, about midway between the eulogists and the cavillers.

Judged even by present standards, Jeffrey was a notably effective

critic; he made blunders not a few, but he was acute, entertaining, and

suggestive, even when he went astray; he excelled in rapid analysis, apt

illustration, and audacious satire. He developed critical method in two

very important directions, and seized upon and applied, with at least

partial success, two critical principles, hardly recognized in England

before his day, but thereafter more and more widely and fruitfully

employed. All these are points, however, that need to be minutely dealt

with and illustrated.

II

It was on Jeffrey’s versatility--the universality of his genius--that

Macaulay’s comments in 1843 laid special stress. That versatility

remains noteworthy for good or for ill to-day. No modern literary critic

would venture on the vast range of subjects that Jeffrey, even in the

seventy or eighty of his essays that he thought worth preserving, has

magisterially dealt with. His _Collected Essays_ are arranged under the

following seven headings: General Literature; History; Poetry;

Philosophy of the Mind, Metaphysics, and Jurisprudence; Prose Fiction;

General Politics; Miscellaneous. Under all these headings the works of

distinguished specialists are discussed, and the reviewer declaims and

dogmatizes like an expert, whether he be holding forth on philosophy to

Dugald Stewart or on politics and law to Jeremy Bentham, or on poetry to

Wordsworth or Scott. Such confident universality is nowadays sure to

suggest shallowness, and yet the fact remains that for twenty-five

years Jeffrey was able to write on this vast variety of topics so as to

command the thorough respect even of his opponents, and so as not simply

to avoid any scandalous misadventure through false information or inept

judgments (unless in the case of Wordsworth), but to rule almost

arbitrarily a great mass of public opinion in morals, in politics, and

in literary and artistic theory. To carry through successfully so

difficult a task is in itself a victory to be put to the credit of the

audacious Scotch critic, even though his work prove not in all cases of

permanent worth.

A rapid and pungent style and great adroitness and attractiveness in

exposition were doubtless largely responsible for Jeffrey’s constant

success with his public. But, in addition to these formal excellences,

Jeffrey was remarkably well equipped and well trained for the part of a

universal genius. Instinct had been beforehand with him and led him to

prepare himself during a good many years of faithful study for just the

part he was to play. When he had to choose a profession he decided for

the bar, and he was called as a barrister in 1796. But both before this

decision and during his actual legal studies, he read widely and

systematically by himself in general literature, political theory,

history, and philosophy; and during all this patient, private reading,

at Glasgow University, at Edinburgh, and afterwards at Oxford, he was

busy, with canny Scotch diligence, at note-books, in which facts and

ideas and theorizings were recorded and worked out. His mind was

conspicuously vivacious and alert,--swift to catch up and make its own

new knowledge, whether about books or life. This keenness of

intellectual scent was always characteristic of him. Even Matthew Arnold

has conceded to him one trait of the ideal critic--_curiosity_. A very

different commentator, Mrs. Carlyle, makes special mention, after a call

from him, of his “dark, penetrating” eyes, that “had been taking note of

most things in God’s universe.”

Besides the results of this patient self-discipline, and of this wide

ranging and swiftly appropriating intellectual interest, Jeffrey had, in

a very high degree, the barrister’s power of seizing, comprehending, and

controlling, quickly and surely, a vast mass of new facts. He could “get

up” an unfamiliar subject with unsurpassable readiness and completeness.

His mastery of his subject in a review-article seems often like the

successful barrister’s knowledge of his brief: he knows whatever he

needs to know to carry the matter in hand triumphantly through.

His way of unfolding a subject is always deft and delightful to follow.

He had a sure expository instinct. Point by point, the most complex

problem takes on, under his treatment, at least a specious simplicity,

and the most abstract theorem, alluring familiarity, and definiteness.

He is generous with illustrations and examples and mischievous in

giving them a satirical turn. Despite his Scotch bias towards

theorizing, he knows and “hugs” his facts, and his discussions always

keep close to experience.

His breadth of view is remarkable, if his work be compared with that of

eighteenth-century critics. Whatever the book or question under

discussion, Jeffrey lifts it into the region of general principles, and

is not content with formal judgments of literary worth or with random

comments on special points. He is really bent on setting up “a free play

of ideas” over the literature and the modes of life that he criticises,

and on orienting his readers as regards not simply the special work

under discussion, but the whole field of art or of study to which it

belongs. That his theories, at least in literary matters, were not

always searching or profound, that they will not, in sweep and

thoroughness, bear comparison with those, for example, of Coleridge, the

great system-weaver of the Romanticists, is undoubtedly true. Yet even

in literary theory Jeffrey, as will be presently shown, hit on some

notable truths; he partially comprehended and applied the historical

method for the study of literature; he worked out with Alison an

interpretation of beauty, which, though false in its emphasis and

distorted, recognized and illustrated with great acuteness one highly

important and comparatively neglected source of æsthetic emotion; and,

despite much mistaken ridicule of Romantic poetry and much

insensibility to its quintessential power and charm, he showed his

critical insight in his protests against certain radical defects alike

in the ethical and in the æsthetic theory of the Romanticists,--defects

which, as Jeffrey contended and as modern criticism admits, do much to

invalidate Romantic poetry, both as a criticism of life and as a

permanently invigorating imaginative stimulus. But even apart from the

absolute correctness or finality of Jeffrey’s theorizing, his practice

of raising criticism into the region of general principles and of

examining the material worth of books even more searchingly than their

barely formal qualities, was a renovating change in criticism, and at

once gave new consideration and dignity to the work of the critic. Mind

was at any rate fermenting in whatever Jeffrey wrote, and for the most

part the writing of earlier reviewers had been a barren waste of words.

Finally, Jeffrey’s style startled and challenged and terrified and

amused, and through its briskness and audacity, its swift sparkle and

gay bravado, its satire and banter, its impetuous fulness and unfailing

wealth of fact and illustration fairly captivated a public that was used

to the humdrum, conventional speech of penny-a-lining critics. There is

a fine vein of mischief in Jeffrey that leads continually to very

grateful ridicule of pedantry, dulness, and all kinds of absurdity.

Even the devoutest Wordsworthian will, if he be not an ingrained prig,

relish Jeffrey’s raillery at the expense of Wordsworth’s occasional

pompous ineptitude. And if Jeffrey’s vivacity still seems amusing, how

much more irresistible must his style have seemed before the days of

Hazlitt and Lamb and Macaulay and Carlyle. His dash and wit and audacity

were new in literary criticism, and for the time being seemed to the

public almost more than mortal.

Whether or no all these qualities of Jeffrey’s genius and style are

those of the ideal literary critic, they were fitted to gain him success

and renown as a brilliant, argumentative writer on literary topics. And,

in point of fact, this is what Jeffrey really was; he was a typically

well equipped and skilful middleman of ideas. He found an increasingly

large Liberal or Whig public anxious to have its beliefs expressed

plausibly, its feelings justified, and its taste made clear to itself

and gently improved. The Whig “sheep looked up,” and Jeffrey fed them.

He did much the same work in general literary, social, and political

theory that Macaulay did later in history. Macaulay’s historical essays,

also published in the _Edinburgh Review_, were, as Cotter Morison has

pointed out, “great historical cartoons,” specially adapted for the

popularization of history, and specially suited to the knowledge and

aspirations of an intelligent middle-class public. Jeffrey’s essays in

literature had much this same character and value. They interpreted the

freshest, most vital thought of the time, so far as possible in harmony

with Whig formulas, and judged it by Whig standards; they made happily

articulate Whig prejudices on all subjects, from the French Revolution

to Wordsworth’s peasant poetry. By their masterly exposition, their

incisive argument, and their wit, they entertained even those whom they

exasperated. Their success was prompt and unexampled.

III

It has already been hinted that the qualities of Jeffrey’s genius and

style, great as may have been their value for the work he accomplished,

are not, when judged from the modern point of view, altogether those of

the ideal literary critic. This is particularly true if appreciation be

included as a vital part of the critic’s task. Jeffrey rarely

_appreciates_ a piece of literature, interprets it imaginatively, lends

himself to its peculiar charm, and expresses this charm through

sympathetic symbolism. His readiness and his plausibility are not the

only points in which Jeffrey the critic suggests Jeffrey the advocate.

He has the defects as well as the merits of the lawyer in literature. He

is always for or against his author; he is always making points. The

intellectual interest preponderates in his critical work, and his

discussions often seem, particularly to a reader of modern

impressionistic criticism, hard, unsympathetic, searchingly analytical,

repellingly abstract and systematic. He is always on the watch; he never

lends himself confidingly to his author and takes passively and

gratefully the mood and the images his author suggests. He never loiters

or dreams. He is full of business and bustle, and perpetually distracts

his readers with his sense of the need of making definite progress. He

is one of those responsible folk who believe that

“Nothing of itself will come

But we must still be seeking.”

For delicate and subtle appreciation, then, of the best modern type it

is useless to look in Jeffrey’s essays.

Of course, historically, such criticism could hardly have been expected

in 1803. The critical tradition that Jeffrey fell heir to was that of

the dogmatists,--the tradition that came down from Ascham, the

pedagogue, through the hands of the would-be autocrats, Rymer and

Dennis, to Dr. Johnson. The theories of the dogmatists suffered many

changes, but remained nevertheless true to one fundamental principle:

the critic was to be accepted as an infallible judge in literature

because of his familiarity with certain models or certain abstract

rules, the imitation or the observance of which was essential to good

art. The dogmatic critic deemed himself lord of literature by a kind of

divine right. Ascham believed in the plenary artistic inspiration of the

Greek and Latin classics, and posed as the authentic interpreter of the

sacred literary word. The pseudo-classical critics, Rymer and Dennis,

based themselves also partly on authority, but even more upon reason;

they pretended to rule by the divine right of pure logic. Their implicit

postulate might be likened to Hobbes’s theory in politics; they

substantially held that the strongest must keep order in the

commonwealth, and that in the literary commonwealth this duty fell to

the intellectually strongest. Accordingly, these critics administered

justice magisterially in accordance with a strict code of laws; they had

laws for the epic poet, laws for the writer of comedy, laws for the

satirist, laws for the writer of tragedy; the author of every new piece

of literature was called up to the bar and reprimanded for the least

illegality. In short, the dogmatic critic regarded himself and was

generally regarded as able to apply absolute tests of merit to all

literary work, and as the final authority on all doubtful matters of

taste.

Now, Jeffrey was the inheritor of this tradition in criticism, and

naturally adopted at times its tyrannical tone and manner towards public

and authors. Yet, following his temperamental fondness for compromises,

for middle parties and mediating measures, Jeffrey never tried formally

to defend this old doctrine or represented himself as an absolute

lawgiver in literature. Nowhere does he lay down a complete set of

principles, like the rules of Bossu for epic poetry, or those of Rapin

for the drama, by which excellence in any form of literature may be

absolutely tested. Such a high-and-dry Tory theory of criticism does not

suggest itself to Jeffrey as tenable. He is a Whig in taste as in

politics, and desires in both spheres the supremacy of a chosen

aristocracy. In his essay on Scott’s _Lady of the Lake_ he declares the

standard of literary excellence to reside in “the taste of a few ...

persons, eminently qualified, by natural sensibility and long experience

and reflection, to perceive all beauties that really exist, as well as

to settle the relative value and importance of all the different sorts

of beauty.” Jeffrey regards himself as one of the choicest spirits of

this chosen aristocracy, and it is as the exponent of the best current

opinion that he speaks on all questions of taste.

It follows that, when Jeffrey is dealing with purely literary questions,

he is less argumentative than at other times, and that what has been

said of his viewing every subject in the light of general principles is

least applicable to his dogmatic essays on literature. When, for

example, he attacks _Wilhelm Meister_ or the _Excursion_, he does so

simply and frankly in terms of his temperament. Wordsworth’s mysticism

baffles him, and he condemns it; Goethe’s sordid realism and sentiment

offend his man-of-the-world taste and he anathematizes them. His custom

in such hostile criticisms is to let his own taste masquerade as that of

“the judicious observer” or “the modern public.” His faith in his own

personal equation is unquestioning and devout. Whatever fails to fall in

with his bias is a fair mark for his bitterest invective. Goethe’s

_Wilhelm Meister_, for example, is “sheer nonsense,” “ludicrously

unnatural,” full of “pure childishness or mere folly,” “vulgar and

obscure,” full of “absurdities and affectations.” These terms are, for

the most part, mere circumlocutions for Jeffrey’s dislike, mere

roundabout ways of saying that the book is not to his taste. As for

coming to an understanding with author or reader about the ends of prose

fiction or the best methods of reaching those ends, Jeffrey never thinks

of such an attempt. He simply takes up various passages and declares he

does not comprehend them, or does not fancy the subjects they treat of,

or does not like the author’s ideas or methods. He gives no reasons for

his likes or dislikes, but is content to express them emphatically and

picturesquely. This is, of course, dogmatism pure and simple, and a

dogmatism, too, more irritating than the dogmatism that argues, for it

seems more arbitrary and more challenging. Of this tone and method,

Coleridge complains in the twenty-first chapter of his _Biographia

Literaria_, when, in commenting on current critical literature, he

protests against “the substitution of assertion for argument” and

against “the frequency of arbitrary and sometimes petulant verdicts.”

But, irritating as is this pragmatic, unreasoning dogmatism, it is

nevertheless plainly a step forward from the view that makes the critic

absolute lawgiver in art. As the Whig position in politics is midway

between absolute monarchy and democracy, so what we may term the Whig

compromise in criticism stands midway between the tyranny of earlier

critics and our modern freedom. The mere recognition of the fact that

the critic speaks with authority only as representing a _coterie_, only

as interpreting public opinion, is plainly a change for the better. The

critic no longer regards himself as by divine right lord alike of public

and authors; he no longer measures literary success solely by

changeless, abstract formulas of excellence; he admits more or less

explicitly that the taste of living readers, not rules drawn from the

works of dead writers, must decide what in literature is good or bad. He

still, to be sure, limits arbitrarily the circle whose taste he regards

as a valid test; but it is plain that a new principle has implicitly

been accepted, and that the way is opened for the development and

recognition of all kinds of beauty and power the public may require.

Jeffrey himself, however, seems never to have suspected the conclusions

that might legitimately be drawn from the ideas that he was helping to

make current. He seems to have had no qualm of doubt touching his right

to dogmatize on the merits and defects of art as violently as a critic

of the older school. In theory, he held that all artistic excellence is

relative; but in practice, he never let this doctrine mitigate the

severity of his judgments. He asserts in his review of _Alison on Taste_

that “what a man feels distinctly to be beautiful, _is beautiful_ to

him”; and that so far as the individual is concerned all pleasure in art

is equally real and justifiable. Yet this doctrine seems never to have

paralyzed in the least his faith in the superior worth of his own kind

of pleasure; and he upbraids Wordsworth and Coleridge just as

indignantly for not ministering to that pleasure, as if he had some

abstract standard of poetic excellence, of which he could prove they

fell short.

When we try to define Jeffrey’s taste and to determine just what he

liked and disliked in literature, we find an odd combination of

sympathies and antipathies. Mr. Leslie Stephen has spoken of him as in

politics an eighteenth-century survival;[4] but this formula, apt as it

is for his politics, scarcely applies to his taste in literature. The

typical eighteenth-century man of letters was a pseudo-classicist; and

beyond the pseudo-classical point of view Jeffrey had passed, just as

certainly as he had never reached the Romantic point of view. Of Pope,

for example, he says: he is “much the best we think of the classical

Continental school; but he is not to be compared with the masters--nor

with the pupils--of that Old English one from which there had been so

lamentable an apostasy.” Addison he condemns for his “extreme caution,

timidity, and flatness,” and he declares that “the narrowness of his

range in poetical sentiment and diction, and the utter want either of

passion or of brilliancy, render it difficult to believe that he was

born under the same sun with Shakespeare.” These opinions are proof

patent of Jeffrey’s contempt for pseudo-classicism. Then, too, Jeffrey

is, as he himself boasts, almost superstitious in his reverence for

Shakespeare. More significant still is his admiration for other

Elizabethan dramatists, like Beaumont, Fletcher, Ford, and Webster. “Of

the old English dramatists,” he assures us in his essay on _Ford_, “it

may be said, in general, that they are more poetical, and more original

in their diction, than the dramatists of any other age or country. Their

scenes abound more in varied images, and gratuitous excursions of fancy.

Their illustrations and figures of speech are more borrowed from rural

life, and from the simple occupations or universal feelings of mankind.

They are not confined to a certain range of dignified expressions, nor

restricted to a particular assortment of imagery, beyond which it is

not lawful to look for embellishments.” Finally, he even commends

Coleridge’s great favourite, Jeremy Taylor, as enthusiastically as

Coleridge himself could do: “There is in any one of the prose folios of

Jeremy Taylor,” he asserts, “more fine fancy and original imagery--more

brilliant conceptions and glowing expressions--more new figures, and new

applications of old figures--more, in short, of the body and the soul of

poetry, than in all the odes and the epics that have since been produced

in Europe.”

Such judgments as these mark Jeffrey as, at any rate, not an

eighteenth-century survival; they must be duly borne in mind when a

formula is being sought for his literary taste. Fully as significant,

though in a different way, is the series of essays on the poet Crabbe.

If the praise of the Elizabethans seems to argue an almost Romantic bias

in Jeffrey and to suggest that after all his tastes are very like those

of Wordsworth and Coleridge, the Crabbe essays at once reveal his

antipathy to the men of the new age and show how far he is from even

being willing to allow its prophets to prophesy in peace and obscurity.

Throughout his praise of Crabbe, Jeffrey is by implication condemning

Wordsworth; nor does he confine himself to this roundabout method of

attacking Romanticism. In the very first essay on Crabbe (1807), he

turns aside from his subject to ridicule by name, “the Wordsworths, and

the Southeys, and Coleridges, and all that ambitious fraternity,” and

contrasts at great length Crabbe’s sanity with Wordsworth’s mysticism.

“Mr. Crabbe exhibits the common people of England pretty much as they

are”; whereas “Mr. Wordsworth and his associates ... introduce us to

beings whose existence was not previously suspected by the acutest

observers of nature; and excite an interest for them--where they do

excite any interest--more by an eloquent and refined analysis of their

own capricious feelings, than by any obvious or intelligible ground of

sympathy in their situation.” With Crabbe, Jeffrey feels he is on solid

ground, dealing with a man who sees life clearly and sensibly, as he

himself sees it; and in his enthusiastic praise of the minute fidelity

of Crabbe, of his uncompromising truth and realism, and of his freedom

from all meretricious effects, from affectation, and from absurd

mysticism, we have at once the measure of Jeffrey’s poetic sensibility

and the sure evidence of his inability to sympathize genuinely with “the

Lakers.”

Of course, for the classic passages expressing his impatience of the new

movement, we must go to the essays on Wordsworth’s _Excursion_ and

_White Doe_. Jeffrey’s objections to the Lakers fall under four heads:

First, the new poets are nonsensically mystical; secondly, they falsify

life by showing it through a distorting medium of personal emotion,

_i.e._ they are misleadingly subjective; thirdly, they are guilty of

grotesque bad taste in their democratic realism; fourthly, they are

pedantically earnest and serious in their treatment of art, and

inexcusably pretentious in their proclamation of a new gospel of life.

Mysticism, intense individuality of feeling, naturalism, and “high

seriousness,”--these were the qualities that in the new art particularly

exasperated Jeffrey; and inasmuch as these were the very qualities to

which, in the eyes of its devotees, the new art owed its special

potency, the division between Jeffrey and the Romanticists was

sufficiently deep and irreconcilable.

Wordsworth’s transcendentalism, his intense spiritual consciousness, his

inveterate fashion of apprehending all nature as instinct with spiritual

force and of converting “this whole Of suns and worlds and men” and “all

that it inherits” into a series of splendid imaginative symbols of moral

and spiritual truth,--these qualities of Wordsworth’s genius were for

his admirers among his most characteristic sources of power, and tended

to place him as an imaginative interpreter of life far above those

Elizabethan writers whom Jeffrey, too, in opposition to the eighteenth

century, pretended to reverence. But these were just the qualities in

Wordsworth’s genius that seemed to Jeffrey most reprehensible. After

quoting a typical passage where Wordsworth’s transcendentalism finds

free utterance, Jeffrey exclaims: “This is a fair sample of that

rapturous mysticism which eludes all comprehension, and fills the

despairing reader with painful giddiness and terror.” Jeffrey’s woe is

by no means feigned. We cannot doubt that his whole mental life was

perturbed by such of Wordsworth’s poems as the great _Ode_, and that it

was an act of self-preservation on his part to burst into indignant

ridicule and violent protest. To find a man of Wordsworth’s age and

literary experience deliberately penning such bewildering stanzas and

expressing such unintelligible emotions, shook for the moment Jeffrey’s

faith in his own little, well-ordered universe, and then, as he

recovered from his earthquake, escaped from its vapours, and felt secure

once more in the clear, every-day light of common sense, led him into

fierce invective against the cause of his momentary panic.

Hardly less impatient is Jeffrey of Wordsworth’s subjectivity than of

his mysticism. Why cannot Wordsworth feel about life as other people

feel about it, as any well-bred, cultivated man of the world feels about

it? When such a man sees a poor old peasant gathering leeches in a pool,

he pulls out his purse, gives him a shilling, and walks on, speculating

about the state of the poor law; Wordsworth, on the contrary, bursts

into a strange fit of raving about Chatterton and Burns, and “mighty

poets in their misery dead,” and then in some mysterious fashion

converts the peasant’s stolidity into a defence against these gloomy

thoughts. This way of treating the peasant seems to Jeffrey utterly

unjustifiable, both because of its grotesque mysticism, and because it

thrusts a personal _motif_ discourteously into the face of the public

and falsifies ludicrously the peasant’s character and life. Wordsworth

has no right, Jeffrey insists, to treat the peasant merely as the symbol

of his own peculiar mood. Here, as in his protest against Wordsworth’s

mysticism, Jeffrey pleads for common sense and the commonplace; he is

the type of what Lamb calls “the Caledonian intellect,” which rejects

scornfully ideas that cannot be adequately expressed in good plain

terms, and grasped “by twelve men on a jury.”

Crabbe’s superiority to the Lakers lies for Jeffrey chiefly in the fact

that he has no idiosyncrasies, though he has many mannerisms; he

expresses no new theories and no peculiar emotions in his portrayal of

common life. Hence his choice of vulgar subjects is endurable--even

highly commendable. His peasants are the well-known peasants of

every-day England, with whose hard lot it behoves an enlightened Whig to

sympathize--from a distance. But a realism that, like Wordsworth’s,

professes to find in these poor peasants the deepest spiritual insight

and the purest springs of moral life, is simply for Jeffrey grotesque in

its maladroitness and confusion of values. Sydney Smith used to say, “If

I am doomed to be a slave at all, I would rather be the slave of a king

than a cobbler.” And this same prejudice against any topsy-turvy

reassignment of values was largely responsible for Jeffrey’s dislike of

Wordsworth’s peasants and of his treatment of common life. If peasants

keep their places, as Crabbe’s peasants do, they may perfectly well be

brought into the precincts of poetry; but to exalt them into types of

moral virtue and into heavenly messengers of divine truth, is to “make

tyrants of cobblers.” Jacobinism in art, as in politics, is to Jeffrey

detestable.

In fact, all the pretensions of the new school to illustrate by its art

a new gospel of life were intensely disagreeable to Jeffrey. As long as

Romanticism seemed chiefly decorative, as in Scott or Keats, Jeffrey

could tolerate it or even delight in it. But the moment it began,

whether in Byron or Wordsworth, to take itself seriously, and to

struggle to express new moral and spiritual ideals, Jeffrey protested.

Just here lies the key to what some critics have found a rather

perplexing problem,--the reasons for the varying degrees of Jeffrey’s

sympathy with the poets of his day. Let the poet remain a mere master of

the revels, or a mere magician calling up by his incantations in verse a

gorgeous phantasmagoria of sights and sounds for the delectation of idle

readers, and Jeffrey will consent to admire him and will commend his

fertility of invention, his wealth of imagination, his “rich lights of

fancy,” and “his flowers of poetry.” Keats’s luxuriant pictures of Greek

life in _Endymion_, Jeffrey finds irresistible in the “intoxication of

their sweetness” and in “the enchantments which they so lavishly

present.” Moore and Campbell, he regards as the most admirable of the

Romanticists, and their works as the very best of the somewhat

extravagant modern school. Writing in 1829, he arranges recent poets in

the following order, according to the probable duration of their fame:

“The tuneful quartos of Southey are already little better than

lumber:--and the rich melodies of Keats and Shelley,--and the

fantastical emphasis of Wordsworth,--and the plebeian pathos of Crabbe,

are melting fast from the field of our view. The novels of Scott have

put out his poetry. Even the splendid strains of Moore are fading into

distance and dimness ... and the blazing star of Byron himself is

receding from its place of pride.... The two who have the longest

withstood this rapid withering of the laurel ... are Rogers and

Campbell; neither of them, it may be remarked, voluminous writers, and

both distinguished rather for the fine taste and consummate elegance of

their writings, than for that fiery passion, and disdainful vehemence,

which seemed for a time to be so much more in favour with the public.”

Now a glance at Jeffrey’s list of poets makes it clear that those for

whom he prophesies lasting fame are either pseudo-classicists or

decorative Romanticists, and that those whose day he declares to be over

are for the most part poets whose Romanticism was a vital principle.

Rogers is, of course, a genuine representative of the pseudo-classical

tradition, with all its devotion to form, its self-restraint, its

poverty of imagination, and its distrust of passion. Moore, whom Jeffrey

places late in his list of fading luminaries, and Campbell, whom he

finds most nearly unchanging in lustre, are both in a way Romanticists;

but they are alike in seeking chiefly for decorative effects and in not

taking their art too seriously. So long, then, as the fire and the heat

of Romanticism spent themselves merely in giving imaginative splendour

to style, Jeffrey could tolerate the movement, and could even regard it

with favour, as a return to that power and fervour and wild beauty that

he had taught himself to admire in Elizabethan poetry. But the moment

the new energy was suffered to penetrate life itself and to convert the

conventional world of dead fact, through the vitalizing power of

passion, into a genuinely new poetic material, then Jeffrey stood aghast

at what seemed to him a return to chaos. Byron with his fiery bursts of

selfish passion, Wordsworth with his steadily glowing consciousness of

the infinite, and Shelley with his “white heat of transcendentalism,”

were all alike for Jeffrey portentously dangerous forces and unhealthy

phenomena.

For the most part, in his attacks upon Romantic poetry, Jeffrey indulges

in little philosophizing; he is content with wit, satire, epigram, and

clever self-assertion. And yet, in the last analysis, there is a vital

connection between his rejection of Romanticism and his abstract

theorizings on beauty,--small pains as he has taken to bring out this

obscure relationship. A complete account of his temperament and taste

ought to show how the same instincts that led to his hostility to

Wordsworth and Coleridge expressed themselves formally, and tried to

justify themselves, through the theory of Beauty which he worked out

with Alison’s help.

According to Jeffrey’s account of the matter, a beautiful object owes

its beauty to its power to call up in the observer latent past

experiences of pleasure and pain. These little fragments of past joy and

sorrow gather closely round the object and blend in a kind of blurred

halo of delight which we call beauty. Suppose that an observer looks out

upon a luxuriant country landscape; the winding road calls back to him

(though without his conscious recognition of the fact) leisurely

afternoon drives; the green meadows suggest (again obscurely) past

sympathy with shepherds and grazing flocks and rustic prosperity; the

cottages surreptitiously wake memories of home joys and content about

the hearthstone. And so the imagination garners out of the summer

landscape a myriad evanescent associations with past life, which, too

slight and swift to be detected separately by thought, nevertheless

unite like the harmonics of a musical note to produce the peculiar

character that we call beauty. This being the nature of beauty, it

follows that every individual’s past will limit and create for him his

beauty in the present; his foregone pleasures and pains will alone make

possible those echoes of intense feeling which in the present combine

into the single chord of beauty. According to every man’s past, then, is

his present sense of beauty; and as no two men have the same past, no

two men can have the same perceptions of beauty in the present.

Jeffrey accepts unhesitatingly the conclusions involved in this

doctrine, and asserts that beauty is wholly relative; that whatever

seems to a man beautiful is for him beautiful; and that no sensible

debate is possible over the legitimacy of the beauty that a man’s

special temperament manufactures. So long as a man confines himself to

_enjoying_ beauty, he remains beyond criticism in the magic region of

his own private experience. But the moment he offers himself as a

creator or interpreter of beauty for others, he must take into account

the scope and nature of common experience and try to appeal

imaginatively to associations which are likely to be in the hearts of

all. This is precisely, Jeffrey once or twice implies, what Romanticists

like Wordsworth and Coleridge failed to do. They tried to impose on the

public their own curiously whimsical associations of pleasure and pain;

they were incredibly presumptuous in their belief that their own quaint,

country-side blisses and sorrows and their own droll exaltations and

despairs over peddlers and beggars and leech-gatherers must have

universal value for mankind. Here for Jeffrey lay the wilful and

colossal egotism of Romantic art; and once more we find him posing as

the foe of idiosyncrasy and arbitrary whim, and as the representative of

a cultivated aristocracy of intelligence and social experience and

taste, who, after all, have something like a common fund of feelings and

associations on which art can draw.

As for the actual worth of Jeffrey’s theory of beauty, its fault lies in

trying to stretch into a universal formula what is really only a partial

explanation of the facts. The beauty that Jeffrey lays stress on--the

kind of beauty that comes from the suggestiveness of objects--is duly

recognized nowadays under the name of beauty of _expression_. The

possible origin of beauty through association of ideas had not been

thoroughly considered before the days of Jeffrey and Alison, and their

work was therefore new and historically important. But beside beauty

that comes from this source,--beside beauty of expression,--there are

beauty of form and beauty of material; neither of these is recognized by

Jeffrey as an independent variety, and examples of each he tries, with

really heroic ingenuity, to reduce to beauty of expression. The beauty

of a Greek temple is explained as depending solely on a swift,

unconscious recognition of the stability, costliness, splendour, and

antiquity of the structure. The beauty of special colours or of chords

of music is derived, not at all from the intrinsic quality of the

sensations,--the hue or the musical sound,--but wholly from subtle

associations with past pleasure and pain. Thus Jeffrey’s theory becomes

distorted and misleading in spite of the truthfulness of much of his

observation and the real subtlety and acuteness of many of his

interpretations. The quintessential in art, the pleasure that art gives

through pure form and the inexplicable ministry of sensation, Jeffrey is

least sensitive to, and is continually looking askance at and trying to

forget or to account for as merely disguised human sympathy.

Besides the light it throws on Jeffrey’s quarrel with Romanticism, his

theory of beauty is of special significance because it emphasizes the

genuineness and intensity of his ethical interest. All artistic pleasure

is for Jeffrey merely human sympathy in masquerade--past love for one’s

fellows, delicately revived in the music of art. The only man, then, who

can have a wide range of artistic pleasure is he who in the past has

shared generously in the lives of his comrades. Holding this theory of

art, Jeffrey in his literary criticism naturally laid great stress on

the ethical qualities of books and authors. Accordingly, in the preface

to his _Collected Essays_, Jeffrey claims special credit for his

frequent use of the ethical point of view. “If I might be permitted

farther, to state, in what particular department, and generally, on

account of what, I should most wish to claim a share of those merits, I

should certainly say, that it was by having constantly endeavoured to

combine Ethical precepts with Literary Criticism, and earnestly sought

to impress my readers with a sense, both of the close connection between

sound intellectual attainments and the higher elements of duty and

enjoyment; and of the just and ultimate subordination of the former to

the latter. The praise, in short, to which I aspire, and to merit which

I am conscious that my efforts were most constantly directed, is, that I

have, more uniformly and earnestly than any preceding critic, made the

Moral tendencies of the works under consideration a leading subject of

discussion.”

This “proud claim,” as Jeffrey calls it, seems amply justified when we

compare Jeffrey’s essays either with the critical essays in the earlier

Reviews, or with the more formal and elaborate critical essays of the

eighteenth century. Even Dr. Johnson with all his didacticism had little

notion of extracting from a piece of literature the subtle spirit of

good or of evil by which it draws men this way or that way in conduct.

An obvious infringement of good morals in speech or in plot he was sure

to condemn, and a formal inculcation of moral truth he was sure to

recognize and approve. But neither in Johnson, nor anywhere else before

Jeffrey, do we find a critic constantly attempting to detect and define

the moral atmosphere that pervades the whole work of an author, and to

determine the relation between this moral atmosphere and the author’s

personality as man and as artist. To have perceived the value of this

ethical criticism, to have practised it skilfully, and to have fostered

a taste for it, these are true claims to distinction; and Jeffrey’s

services in these directions have been too often forgotten. The greater

breadth of view of later critics and their surer appreciation of ethical

values should not be allowed to deprive Jeffrey of his honour as a

pioneer in ethical criticism.

Three studies in literature · 第 1 / 12 段