such reasoning may have worked out a plan by which the 11th Corps must
remain at Centerville; but a hill should have been selected broad
enough to receive the entire corps, headquarters and all. Such
disposition of the troops might have been made as to place them nearer
wood and water, and so reduce exposures and lessen such large
attendance at surgeons' call. While commissioned officers must not find
fault, they must obey offensive orders emanating from superiors.
Occasionally there is a little discretionary power allowed an officer.
When the vacant huts were apportioned to the men one came to the share
of Co. G. Then it happened that the men of another regiment undertook
to appropriate Co. G's share. Down came Capt. Tuttle loaded for large
game, and the Captain of the strange men was there also. The interview
between the captains was short and very emphatic, resulting in G
securing the timber. On another similar occasion on the Gettysburg
march, when the regiment went into bivouac they were told to
appropriate all the rails in their immediate front. Shortly appeared a
mob from another regiment who were bent upon carrying away those
particular rails. The intruders were scarcely at work when Col.
Arrowsmith rode among them revolver in hand. The 157th boys gathered
their rails at leisure. The boys felt that it was good to have their
officers interested in the comfort of the men.
There were a few of the companies in the regiment very much neglected
that first winter out. The men were good material and in time became as
good soldiers as any in the command. The first lieutenant of one of
those companies insisted that his captain was dead and should be so
informed. But the captain did not believe it, and proved the contrary,
when he showed enough life in him to resign and go home.
Near the camp at Centerville resided a shoe-maker, Pettit, by name, and
his wife and three grown daughters. A houseguard of one man from Co. G
was stationed there to protect the premises from looters. The family
treated the guard kindly and also admitted a number of sick boys who
rapidly regained their health as soon as removed from the exposures of
camp.
There were but one or two attempts at drilling while at Centerville and
then under advice of the doctors as for physical exercise. One day the
troops were marched to Chantilly and exercised in a mock battle.
Just as soon as Burnside was well set down in front of Fredericksburg
he wanted the 11th Corps and of course, Co. G. Then came a tedious
march.
December 10th, after a tramp through snow and mud a distance of five
miles, the troops bivouaced at Poorhouse Station. The night was cold. A
canteen of water placed under one man's head was found frozen nearly
solid in the morning.
Next day's march was eight or ten miles across Wolf Run Shoals Co. G
going into bivouac in a dense pine thicket on the hights beyond. No
tents were raised, some pine boughs were thrown upon the frozen ground
and with feet to a cozy fire the boys slept the sleep of the weary.
The marching on the 12th was very bad. The weather had moderated and
the bottom fell out of the roads. That mud of Virginia is peculiarly
tenacious and quite frequently a fellow's shoe was pulled from his
foot. Before Dumfries was reached misty rain was falling, which soon
rendered the roads in some places impassable for heavy wagons or
artillery. So it was necessary to call a halt until the wagon train was
brought in, and men were detailed to pull with the mules whenever
necessary.
Two nights at Dumfries rested Co. G and the boys started onward to the
aid of Burnside's men, whose cannon were distinctly heard fifteen or
twenty miles away. The corps reached Falmouth the day following the
departure from Dumfries, or Dec. 15th.
The 11th Corps was promptly prepared to be ready for crossing the
Rappahannock next morning. Guns were cleaned and arms and ammunition
inspected and the loyal G expected to be ordered into action.
Fortunately for them and for humanity generally Burnside decided that
enough brave men had been sacrificed. There was a report that Sigel had
passed condemnation upon the hopeless plan of that battle. Certainly
history has done so time and again. The ifs and other remote
contingencies did not warrant such a terrible sacrifice. The certainty
of failure was apparent after the first day's fighting. The only hope
was in flanking Lee, which failed.
To hold their own was too easy for the rebels. An artillery sergeant
told the writer, that the section to which he belonged bore directly
upon the flank of the union troops, as they charged Marye's Hights,
and he pitied the brave fellows who again and again charged forward
only to be swept away.
"Sir, I was sickened at the sight," said the rebel sergeant, "I dreaded
to see them moving up without the slightest chance of success. The
ground in range of our guns was covered with slaughtered men."
It was just as well for Co. G that the needs of the nation did not call
them to charge those deadly hights. They were after glory but
preferred it not quite so hot, and even had they won a fair installment
of glory it would have been denied them. Seldom is that battle
mentioned now. Great stories are told of Pickett's charge at
Gettysburg, however, almost as famous and as hopeless as that of the
six hundred at Balaklava--all brave men but needlessly slaughtered. Why
should not Burnside's men at Fredericksburg be remembered with equal
pride?
Men may decorate themselves with all the glitter of rank and strut with
dignity through street and camp, and yet fail to prove themselves
worthy of a command in time of great need. But the subordinate and the
private soldier has but one way of showing his importance--strict
obedience to orders from those above him, no matter whether the officer
be a man or a manikin.
Co. G enlisted to do, or to die trying. They read newspapers and knew
that Gen. Patterson failed to support McDowell at Bull Run; and the
sacrifice of Col. Baker at Ball's Bluff by the neglect of Gen. Stone;
the neglect of Sumner to support Heintzelman at Williamsburg; and that
Fitz John Porter failed to succor Pope at the second battle of Bull
Run. Co. G understood a number of things, and they gazed upon big
general officers with awe. They had narrowly escaped the slaughter, but
shared in the humiliation of the hour; feeling more comfortable,
however, than did Gen. Burnside, who knew that the blunders were not
all his own. Co. G were ready to support Burnside, to a man.
On the 17th of December the 11th Corps turned back from the Rappahannock
and camped near Stafford Court House, traveling in a brisk snow storm
over very soft roads. On the 18th they moved to a fine piece of timber
some distance from Stafford and proceeded to build a permanent camp.
Other troops occupied the ground before Co. G came, and had begun the
work of laying up log huts.
In a few days the camp was quite habitable--with shelter tents for
roofs, stone for fire-places and chimneys, laid in mud, with an
occasional topping off with barrels. Co. G terraced the sloping ground
where they made their beds, and were careful to keep their heads level.
They cut the boughs of red cedar and laid them deep above the damp
earth. The fire-places smoked inside as well as out, by the use of
green oak for fuel, and the little dwellings, in fact, were
considerably tainted thereby with an odor akin to that of soap-boiling,
an abiding fragrance; and the eyes of the heroes were moist with tears
while the oak was frying. Very wrong indeed it was, to throw blank
cartridges down a fellow's chimney; and such capers were cut up in some
of the companies, but not in G, who were dignified. The honor of Lenox
rested, the easterly portion upon the shoulders of Co. B, with Co. G at
the other end, and they carried it from their homes to the depths of
Florida, and brought it back untarnished; unless critics wish to bring
up chickens and such--but chickens do not count in affairs of honor.
For the first time since leaving Hamilton Co. G were short of rations.
Hardtack was scarce for a while at Stafford and the thought itself is
hungrifying. Piteous reports reached their homes and the good people
there filled boxes with food and other comforts. And one day, soon
after the holidays, the regimental teams brought in a car-load or two
of boxes, long delayed on the road, and the abundance of army rations
for a time, were neglected for better fare. To those fellows who
received no boxes, was freely given by the more fortunate. In many
instances the boxes were found rifled of much of the original
contents,--a common occurrence. There were gangs of plunderers hanging
about all army depots and landing-places, who were ever waiting for
opportunities, and they would steal the food from the sick, rifle
knapsacks of the living and the pockets of the dead, whenever possible.
Many of those depraved creatures were enlisted men, and those of them
who lived long enough, no doubt, became pensioners; consequently,
heroic veterans. Yet Co. G were glad if the boxes only came, seeing in
them lumber for small tables or doors.
The holidays were passed in this camp, with Col. Arrowsmith in command.
Brown had been furloughed. A few of the boys were lucky to obtain fowls
and hoe-cake, from the residents living near. In some of the squads
they parched corn obtained of the teamsters, or battery-men. Money was
very scarce and there was a tobacco famine. The poker-players used
bills of broken banks and bills advertising Morgan's rifled cannon, or
some business college. They had been mustered, but not paid.
One day a stray sutler stopped at the camp. He was a pleasant man and
the boys patronized him freely, until the merchant discovered he was
exchanging his goods for worthless paper. Col. Arrowsmith was appealed
to, with no satisfaction, and the sutler moved along, sadly.
After that, for a time, tobacco was plenty in the camp. Those who had
been smoking coffee or chewing a stick, now were willing to prosecute
the war in earnest. The ginger-bread eaters were lively as crickets,
but the stock of bad money was low.
At Stafford there were frequent desertions among the men. Several left
the good society of Co. G. The men were discouraged like the chaplain,
and many of them would have resigned were it not that they thus would
desert their officers.
The officers of the regiment were getting discouraged also, some of
them because they were homesick, some because they were better off at
home, and many because they were sickened of warfare. They had marched
over one hundred miles, saw the smoke of a terrible battle, and their
ardor was appeased. By the middle of January sixteen of them had
resigned from discouragement and one from disability. Twelve left at
one time, and later on others resigned, until Capt. Frank Place of Co.
C, was the only one left of the original ten captains and he returned
with the regiment as major. His first lieutenant, J. A. Coffin, after
serving a long term in rebel prisons, returned and was mustered out as
captain of that company. Captain Dunbar died, of disease, Capt. Adams
of wounds, Captains Frank and Backus were killed in battle and Capt.
Stone died in prison at Macon. Thus accounting for the original thirty
line officers. In spite of such terrible temptation, Co. G were true.
"Guide North!" exclaimed one of the departing captains, as he mounted a
baggage wagon; and quite a number of his men soon followed him. Similar
changes were going on in all of the new regiments.
Sickness prevailed alarmingly at Stafford. A crowd of men attended
surgeon's call each morning and kept three doctors busy until long into
the night. Fortunately the serious cases were comparatively few. The
illness resulted from exposures and the inexperience of the men, in
most of the cases.
For the information of any persons who are ignorant as to knowledge of
the shelter-tent it may be said that this kind of a tent is used by
troops in the field in active service. Each soldier draws one piece of
tent,--a piece of white or unbleached twilled cotton cloth about one
yard and a half square. In two corners of the cloth are loops of light
rope to be used when the tent is held to the ground with stakes; around
the margins of three sides of the cloth are button-holes set at regular
distances, and two inches above each hole is a bone button. As they are
exactly alike, any two soldiers may join their pieces and thus raise a
shelter, or three or four, by uniting and pitching the tent at a right
angle, can close the tent ends, using two of the pieces cornerwise.
Buttoning together the pieces for roofing only, they could be extended
to any length, and sometimes, by exercising a little ingenuity, they
were made to cover quite a large building. Thus is space devoted to
this subject because the shelter tent was an important article in the
outfit of Co. G.
What is called the Mud March began January 20th, 1863, when the Army of
the Potomac was ordered out of their snug huts and started on a
campaign against the enemy.
Before daylight on the 20th, Co. G were routed out and ordered to
strike tents and take the road. Old Ziba had cooked beef and pork and
the boys carried, also, three day's rations of coffee, sugar and
hard-tack.
Lieut. Bailey had been transferred to Co. K, as captain, Lieut. Frank
was promoted in Bailey's place and Sergeant Hemstreet was made second
lieutenant of Co. G.
That particular morning Capt. Tuttle was not in very good humor and the
boys of Co. G were hustled around lively; and they were all ready and
waiting in good season, for the order to move.
They had quite a tramp of ten or twelve miles, halting at Hartwood
Church, near night. Soon rain began to fall and at dark was coming down
quite briskly.
A pontoon train that was drawn up waiting for the arrival of Co. G and
the other troops, as soon as darkness came on, started for the
Rappahannock river a few miles distant, where engineers were to lay a
bridge, that in the small hours of the night Co. G (with other troops)
could be slipped over there quietly and as the daylight returned the
astonished rebels were to find they had work cut out for them.
Unfortunately, the rain softened the roads and the wagons bearing the
pontoon boats stuck fast in the mud. The artillery that was to cover
the laying of the bridge also stuck in the mud, and horses and mules
stuck in the mud. And it became necessary to send men with ropes to
pull the wagons, artillery, horses and mules out of the mud.
When scouts of the Union army approached the river next day they saw a
board duly lettered with these words--
"Burnside Stuck in the Mud."
Co. G had been kept in suspense expecting momentarily to be ordered
away, until word came to the boys to make themselves comfortable as
possible. A picket was thrown out near the camp. But the failure of the
expedition brought little comfort to those unfortunates who were
obliged to stand out two hours in the cold rain, which poured from
their caps down their back bones and into the shoes. Sleep to a weary
soldier is sweeter when he knows his faithful comrades are watching
over him, particularly on such a stormy night.
Burnside had again been unfortunate, this time doing just enough to
christen his effort with a most appropriate name, "The Mud March," and
it appeared to the army that the elements had conspired to save them
from another defeat. Lee was prepared for the event and his guns were
placed to sweep the bridge if laid.
Burnside pulled and lugged until he had the greater portion of his army
back in their old quarters near Falmouth.
The 11th Corps went into camp on Oakland Farms in a handsome piece of
timber. Chestnut trees supplied material for huts and the men were soon
busy.
While in this camp snow fell to a depth of one foot. The demands for
details for picket came often--the lines were heavy. The rebels were
known to be near.
How fiercely the wind swept the light snow in blinding eddies around a
fellow's head those nights, compelling him to trot lively or freeze.
Posts were relieved every hour instead of every two as was usual. At
the grand guard below the hill, in the woods, a bright fire was kept
burning. When relieved from his post the picket made his bed on two
rails propped above the pools of water and melting snow. Such
experiences were common in bad weather.
The army shoes were the greatest hindrance to comfort. They were made
of leather poorly tanned, and frequently brown paper was found laid in
between the outer and inner soles. Such affairs soon wetted through.
The consciences of army contractors were terribly warped during the war
time. How very wicked it is to tempt some men with fat contracts.
When the shanties were nearly completed, Feb. 5th, orders came to move
nearer the base of supplies. Co. G were getting familiar with
house-warming and moving-days. Already had they built three shanties
and were now to pack up and journey into a new country and raise a
fourth. Such experiences were not pleasant in the depths of a Virginia
winter.
An unpleasant march through mud and snow brought the men to Potomac
Creek where they stopped for the night. Next day they reached Accokick
Creek and were marched into a dense growth of pine favorably located on
sloping ground, and about three-fourths of a mile from Brooks Station.
Col. Brown ordered the men to build huts and arrange for a stay of
months. Many of the little buildings were really comfortable. When the
regiment moved into the wood the timber stood very dense but not large.
A few days later not a tree was standing; all had been cut down and
converted into building timber. Stone was scarce and many of the huts
had fireplaces of wood well plastered with clay, the chimneys of sticks
laid up in clay.
Once more were the boys of Co. G settled in house-keeping and ready for
company. It was a pleasant camp in many respects. The health of the men
improved, food was abundant, good water convenient, plenty of picket
duty, very little drilling, mail regular; a sutler was adopted by the
regiment, and finally came a paymaster, and Co. G were happy. This was
the first time they received pay after being in the service, nearly six
months. The sutler gave credit, however and thus had a tobacco famine
been averted.
Paymasters are generally well received among troops. Many of the men
had left at home dependent ones who needed relief. But in most
instances the money was not really necessary. To be sure money was
needed for postage but that was about all. Ginger-snaps, canned lobster
and oysters, or jelly, and hair oil were better on the shelves of the
sutler's tent. Sardines might also be listed, inasmuch as two of the
boys of Co. G were punished for stealing sardines from a sutler.
Co. G were not out to inculcate morality, and felt the shame of
detection in any case in which their honesty was involved with a
sutler. They were modest men. Hugh O'Brien was shocked when he heard
that those boys had been betrayed by one of the company who had
partaken of the stolen sardines; and Hugh reached forward quickly and
struck the informer, because he had "peached" on the boys. Hugh was too
good a soldier to be severely punished.
While in this camp, Capt. Tuttle resigned and Lieut. Frank was made
Captain. Hemstreet was promoted to first and Sergt. Gates second
lieutenant, and John H. Roe to orderly sergeant. Co. G supplied
officers on short notice to other companies if required and retained
plenty of material made up and anxious.
During those dreary winter days, while the fate of the nation was
undecided and the newspapers were wiping from the face of the earth the
last trace of rebellion, fathers and mothers grew very anxious for
their dear boys at the front. Some of them wrote fault-finding letters,
deploring the war. The majority, however, never for one moment doubted
the result. And the dear girls, how loyal they were. So tender and
true. They were worth one hundred thousand men.
"Say, Mamie," wrote a comrade to his sister, "do you know that Dick
actually kissed the last letter you sent him? I really believe he is
licking the stamp this very minute."
"Please write me no more such nonsense as that, Sammy dear," she
replied, "as I do not believe you. If true, Dick would soon suspect me
devoted to the filthy habit of chewing tobacco. Father affixed that
stamp."
Frequently a letter came from some fair one, a total stranger to the
soldier; for the girls felt they were justified in waiving formalities,
while risking censure from cynical people. Their letters were very
acceptable. Nothing did more to hold the boys within the bounds of
morality and decency than the kind letters from home. Many of them have
preserved those pages, creased, crumpled and worn and to their last
days will regard them as the choicest relics of the war-time.
While at the camp among the stumps, Col. Brown inaugurated his school
for commissioned officers. Many of them needed schooling. It was
reported that an examining Board had been instituted at headquarters.
The colonel also gave instruction to the non-commissioned officers, and
privates who yearned for advancement.
Added to his other beneficent undertakings, Col. Brown regularly
conducted prayer-meetings at his quarters. He had been a missionary
teacher among the Choctaw Indians and likely supposed the 157th offered
fruitful ground. If the colonel had stopped there, he would have done
better. Soon a chaplain appeared.
United States Army Regulations provided that "the wishes and wants of
the soldiers of the regiment shall be allowed their full and due weight
in making the selection" of a chaplain. What use could Co. G make of a
chaplain. They were enlisted in war. Their plowshares and their pruning
hooks were far away in Lenox among the hop-vines, "up the creek," and
they carried no swords.
What need had the regiment or the army for a preacher? Why not have a
regimental lawyer? Only in rare instances was a chaplain worth the salt
he ate. In garrison a preacher may be useful as a school teacher, but
he is not needed in active service. Co. G had believers and
skeptics,--Protestants and Catholics--to have forced a chaplain upon
that company would have compromised their sacred rights and liberties.
They were "fighting God's battles," and every one had a nice little
testament, somewhere. Co. G were not allowed their "full and due
weight" in the matter of a chaplain. As a man there was not great fault
found with this chaplain, and he held forth acceptably. He was only one
of thousands of supernumeraries who could well have been dispensed
with, in that trying war.
In his General Order No. 1, of Jan. 27, 1863, Gen. Hooker says, "He
enters upon the charge of the duties imposed by his trust with a just
appreciation of their responsibility."
Gen. Burnside in his final order relinquishing the command of the army
to Hooker, says "Give to the brave and skilful general who has long
been identified with your organization and who is now to command you,
your full and cordial support and cooperation and you will deserve
success."
Burnside commanded the army about eleven weeks. Hooker, about five
months.
When Meade superseded him, Hooker in his farewell order says,
"Impressed with the belief that my usefulness as the commander of the
Army of the Potomac is impaired. I part from it, yet not without the
deepest emotion."
By comparing the sentiments expressed in those extracts one would
imagine that Burnside had reason to feel consoled when his successor
failed.
The real, real key to all the troubles experienced by Gen. Burnside
will be found in the letter of President Lincoln to Hooker when he
tendered the command to him. It is a characteristic production of Mr.
Lincoln, in which Hooker is severely rebuked. Never has the full extent
of the criticisms against and neglects practiced upon Burnside, been
exposed to the public. But from the tone of the President's letter one
would infer that Gen. Hooker was not considered blameless.
This much of history and comment is given because the gallant Co. G are
soon to meet the enemy and win laurels under Joe Hooker, which are
never accorded them.
Early in 1863 Gen. Sigel was superseded by Gen. O. O. Howard as
commander of the 11th Corps. The badge of the 11th Army Corps was a
blue crescent on a white field. Funny fellows in other corps declared
it was a "flying half-moon." Co. G cared very little for such flings.
As for "flying," they knew the records of many other corps, and they
also remembered Sigel had been highly praised once upon a time.