CHAPTER VIII

THE PERSIANS AND THE GREEKS

The Persians are a people that up to this point come into the story

hardly at all. Suddenly, out of the East, they come right into its

very centre and are the principal actors in it for a century or two.

After the break-up of the Assyrian power, the strongest nation in the

alliance that had done that breaking was the nation of the Medes.

The Medes and Persians were of the same race, different altogether

from the Semitic. They were of that great race called Aryan, or

Indo-European, that came from the high lands in the centre of Asia.

Probably their numbers so increased that they had to find new

country. They pressed down southward and westward, towards the sun

and the more fertile lands. They were hardy and accustomed to moving

about. It was no hardship to them to make migrations. They moved

with their wives and children, flocks and herds, and all their small

household goods. A great number pressed down into India. Another

big stream flowing towards the west came as far as the Babylonian

eastern border.

These Aryan people from the north-west were great riders. It is

thought that they introduced the horse to the Babylonians, and that

from the Babylonians it came to Egypt.

The country of Elam had been invaded, and its {111} power shattered,

by the Assyrians shortly before the break-up of their own empire, and

this shattering, together with the fighting between the Assyrians and

the alliance formed against them, gave the Persians (who inhabited a

country to the east called Iran, and especially the part of that

country called Persis) the chance of getting possession of Elam.

This they did, and established themselves in Susa, the old capital

city of the Elamites. Persia was actually the vassal of Media, until

Cyrus, who was the Persian king at Susa, led a revolt against them.

Within three years he had conquered and taken their capital, and

Media was now a subject state to its own late subject, Persia.

Thus they were, then, established in their power along the Eastern

boundary of Babylonia, which had now become the master empire by the

defeat of Assyria. Nevertheless Cyrus, at the head of the Persian

army, took this mighty Babylon without a battle! But he had to fight

some hard battles first. It seems that the Medes had made treaties

with their allies of Babylon and Egypt which the Persians did not

feel disposed to pay attention to. This aroused such opposition to

the Persians that an alliance of Babylonians and Egyptians with

Crœsus, king of Lydia in Asia Minor, and with the Spartans, was

formed against them.

[Sidenote: Spartan mercenaries]

Notice particularly those Spartans. Sparta was the southern state of

Greece, and this is the first appearance of Greece in our story. It

is very notable. These great nations of the East already thought so

well of the fighting qualities of the Greek soldiers, and especially

of the Spartan soldiers, that it was worth their while to bring them

over and pay them to fight for them. There seems to be little doubt

that they were mercenaries, that is to say, soldiers who were {112}

paid to fight and who fought for pay. But the alliance was of no

avail. Within the space of a few months, in the summer of 546 B.C.,

the whole of Asia Minor was in the Persian hands, right away to the

Mediterranean shore. It was not until six years later that Cyrus had

leisure to attend to Babylon itself; but when he did attend to it the

resistance was not great. The Babylonian king's allies had been

broken. Cyrus took Syria and Palestine also in his own reign, and

after his death his son Cambyses pressed on down into Egypt and

conquered that ancient land likewise. The victorious career of the

Persians was only checked when they came against the Ethiopians and

Nubians in farther Africa.

[Sidenote: The Persian conquest]

Even the shore of the Mediterranean did not stay their progress.

They won many of the Greek islands, including Cyprus and Samos. The

empires of Egypt and of Babylonia had been great, but this was

greater than both of them together. And those two had been rivals.

This of Persia seemed to be without a rival. It is little wonder

that the Persian ruler assumed the title of King of Kings. He ruled

right away into India. He ruled all that seemed to matter or to

count for anything; and it had all been accomplished in not much more

than twenty years from the time of the first revolt of Cyrus against

the lordship of the Medes. How was it done?

That is a question which must be answered in different ways. No one

answer is enough. There were several causes which worked together

for this astounding success of the Persians. But one of the chief

causes, if not the chief of all, was Cyrus. We cannot doubt that.

Throughout the whole of this greatest of great stories which I am

trying to tell you we shall {113} not meet with an actor bigger and

more glorious than this Cyrus. I doubt whether we meet with another

quite as big. For not only were the extent of country and the power

of the nations that he conquered extraordinarily great, but he made a

very extraordinary use of his conquests. He must have been a great

leader of men, a man whom others were ready to obey and follow; and

he must have been a great general, according to the ideas of what

generalship and the manœuvring of armies meant at that time; but

besides all that he must have been a very wise man and a very good

man. There can be little doubt that he was far more merciful to the

people that he conquered than any other conqueror that has come into

our story yet. He treated them with far greater kindness. That is

proof of his goodness.

Then he was very content to leave them their own institutions,

including their religions, so long as they were obedient to him as

their over-lord. That shows his wisdom, for it meant that the people

he conquered were content to be under him. Under Cyrus, the Jews who

were in exile at Babylon were allowed to go back to Jerusalem, and he

gave orders which helped them to the re-building of the Temple there.

It is thought that it was partly by the help of these Jews in Babylon

that he was able to take that strong city, as he did, without a

fight. But it is said that he had to divert part of the stream of

the Euphrates in order to do so; and it is certain that he had

already broken the Babylonian power before he took the capital.

He was able to show this kindness and consideration for the religion

of other peoples, because his own religion and that of his Persians

was a very enlightened one. I think we shall not do wrong in calling

it the {114} most enlightened religion of all that we find before

Christ came. It was the religion called Zoroastrianism, from the

name of its founder, Zoroaster, who is also called Zarathustra. It

was the religion of those Indo-European people of whom we have seen

one part pressing down south into India and another part pressing

westward. Zoroaster is thought to have been the author of the most

ancient portions of what is called the Zend-Avesta, which means the

Avesta, or Sacred Writings, written in the language of Zend. Zend

belongs to the Aryan group of the Indo-European family of languages,

from another branch of which our own native English language has been

derived.

[Sidenote: Zoroaster]

Zoroaster taught that there is one great and good god, Ormuzd, but

that there is also another supernatural being, Ahriman, the spirit of

evil. It is accordingly as men do the will of Ormuzd, that is to

say, do good acts, that they will have a happy life after death. If

the good acts a man has done in life here are more in number and

importance than his bad acts he will go to paradise; if the bad acts

are more than the good he will go to hell and suffer everlasting

punishment. Justice, acting justly, was what Zoroaster recognised as

the most important thing of all.

You will see at once how near this very ancient belief comes to that

which we hold now, and how much more enlightened it is than other

religions which we have noticed. It contains the idea of one god

supreme over all the universe--not only supreme for a single nation

or for one portion of the earth.

Fire, that mysterious, useful, kindly thing by which man warms

himself, by which he cooks his food, and which, nevertheless, is

capable of such horrible destruction, seems to have been associated

closely with the {115} power of the good god, Ormuzd. Fire was

therefore a sacred element.

The cow, another kindly thing, because of its use to man, was also

sacred. In the religion which Zoroaster was brought up in the cow

had been sacrificed to ward off evils--with the idea, already

noticed, that the more precious to man the thing that he sacrificed,

the more favour his sacrifice would win with the gods. Zoroaster

taught that it was impious to kill the cow.

It was with this fine and enlightened religion in their hearts, then,

that Cyrus and his Persians came conquering the western world. They

conquered, but they treated those that they conquered with justice,

according to the great teaching of Zoroaster. As they believed in

one god over all the earth, they might permit the worship of that god

to be carried on according to the various customs that they found

where they went, so long as those customs were not altogether base

and evil.

And these Persians were a kindly people. That is one of the causes

of their victories. In the great story we find this often

repeated--that a people living in a mountainous country, in a severe

climate, and in surroundings which make their lives difficult and

their food hard to get, come down on the inhabitants of a country

where the soil is more fertile, the climate milder, and life

altogether easier, and drive these easy-going people out before them

as if they were sheep running away before wolves. It is a happening

which teaches the lesson that the strongest, the most effective, kind

of men are those that are accustomed to hardship.

But it is quite clear from all we have seen that those whom the

Persians thus conquered were practised warriors. They were

constantly fighting. The {116} Persians, however, seem to have come

upon them with a kind of fighting to which they were not altogether

accustomed. The difference between their methods was chiefly that

the Persians were so much quicker in movement. They were fine

archers, and they were very fine horsemen. It was this last, their

horsemanship, which seems to have been one of the great secrets of

their success. They had archers both on horse and on foot, but on

horse especially. Their method was to dash down upon the enemy in a

swift attack, the cavalry opening out to let the archers on foot

shoot their arrows. Then, when they had harassed the enemy with this

swift charge, it was not their way to come to close quarters with

him, at all events at the first onset, but rather to retire as

quickly as they came on, to re-form, and to come back to the attack

again.

The enemy, on their retirement, if he did not know their way of

fighting, was rather apt to think that they were retreating

altogether and were giving up the attack. Then the enemy was

inclined to start off in pursuit. That was exactly what suited the

Persians, for it meant that when they returned for the next attack

they found the enemy more broken up than before and less able to

resist. It was by repeated onsets of this nature that they got the

formation of an opposing army knocked to pieces; and then, in a final

attack, this time pressed closely home, they might, and they

generally did, defeat him.

But if it was thus a new style of fighting that the Persians brought

with them from the east, they also found themselves encountering a

mode of defence against their attack which was strange to them. And

this mode of defence came from the west.

In that allied army which we saw the Persians {117} defeating in Asia

Minor--the army led by Crœsus, king of Lydia--the Persians were

victorious. They were so decisively victorious that Crœsus

himself was taken prisoner by them, and the whole strength seems to

have been knocked out of the alliance by that single blow. And in

the defeated army we saw that there were soldiers from Sparta, which

is, as you see on the map, in that most southern and almost detached

part of Greece which is called the Peloponnese. The Spartans,

therefore, were Greeks, and the Greeks were among those that had the

worst of it in this great battle. But, for all that, it was a

Grecian mode of fighting that made the best of all defences against

the Persian way of attacking. This mode of defence is what was

called the "phalanx."

[Sidenote: City states]

You have to understand that the word Greece in those days did not

mean a single nation so much as a collection of small states settled

close beside one another. The peoples of the different states were

for the most part of the same race, no doubt, just like the Semitic

peoples in Syria and Palestine. But they differed from each other in

their customs and their ways of government far more than the Semites

did. They were very often fighting among themselves and, again like

the Semites, found it very difficult to let their jealousy of each

other die down and to unite together for defence against a foreign

foe. The Spartans were the most warlike of all the Grecian states.

Their government was conducted in such a way as to make all the males

in the country fighters.

Their idea of fighting was as different as possible from that of the

Persians. They had few horse-soldiers. They were drawn up for

battle in a close deep formation, I suppose like what we should call

"a solid {118} square," and it was this solid square that was called

the phalanx. The troops were heavily armed, with shield, sword, and,

most important of all for receiving the charge of cavalry, with long

spears. You can imagine what a solid defence this would make against

the lightly armed cavalry of the Persians. The arrows would not

cause very serious loss to the armoured and shielded Greeks, and when

the Persians did finally push their charge home the spears would so

receive them that it would be like charging a gigantic porcupine.

[Illustration: GREEK WARRIOR.]

Of course all that would depend on the phalanx keeping its solid

formation. If its ranks got at all broken up in pursuit, under the

mistaken idea that the Persians, after the first onslaught, were done

with, and were fleeing away, then it would be a very much less

formidable porcupine on which the horsemen would come when they

returned to the attack. Probably the Greeks quickly learnt the

Persians' methods and grew careful to keep their formation without

any big breaks in it.

[Sidenote: The phalanx]

These heavily armed soldiers of the Greeks were called hoplites.

After a while the phalanx was assisted by lighter armed and more

swiftly moving troops called peltasts, but the solid phalanx was

always the great strength of their armies. The peltasts were {119}

never regarded as of equal importance with the hoplites, though they

were very valuable assistants to the phalanx. The Greeks, living in

a comparatively small country with the sea on either side of them,

had not the same chance of getting horses for a numerous cavalry as

the nations that had all Asia or all the north-eastern parts of

Europe to draw on for their supply.

This phalanx of the Greeks is a very important feature in the great

story. It was chiefly, as we may suppose, by reason of their

adopting this formation and making such splendid use of it, that they

were sought after, as we know that they were, by other nations to

come to the assistance of their own armies. There grew up in Greece

a class of what we may call professional soldiers, ready to hire

themselves out for pay, to fight on any side that would make it worth

their while to do so. We find them thus, as what we call

"mercenaries," fighting sometimes for the Egyptians, sometimes

against them. Some of them we even find fighting for the Persians.

And they scarcely ceased fighting among themselves. The Persian

empire extended to Egypt, and to all the eastern shore of the

Mediterranean, but it was not powerful enough to prevent much

fighting between the peoples subject to it. It could not, however,

prevail much against Greece, in spite of the divisions between the

Greek states.

Our story now, say after 500 B.C., or thereabouts, is concerned very

much with the vain attempts of the Persians to subjugate the

Greeks--to get them under their yoke. And again I must remind you,

to get the picture at all clear and full, that the Mediterranean was

continually being ravaged by the ships of pirates and traders--ready

to be peaceful merchants if it paid {120} them better to be so, or to

attack other shipping or coast towns if they could do so with success.

The Peoples of the Sea was the old name for these raiders and

traders, who were of all nations, sometimes combining together, and

making themselves into quite a powerful navy, with headquarters in

Crete or another of the many islands. The most powerful, as a

nation, of any of these sea-raiders were the Phœnicians. They

planted many settlements along the coasts, either on islands or on

easily defended projecting headlands of the main shores. Such places

were of value to them for their ships to run into when beset by

storms or by enemies. The most important in our story was their

settlement at Carthage. This Carthage will play a very big part

later on.

But now we must take a look at the very remarkable part which Greece

was playing at this moment, 500 B.C. or so, and had played for some

years and was to play for many to come. I expect you will have

wondered that I have not spoken about Homer and the famous Siege of

Troy, and other great men and great events which happened long before

this time. Troy began to be besieged very shortly after 1200 B.C.

Homer lived at some time between 800 and 900 B.C. We have left them

far behind.

The reason why I did not pick them up and fit them into their place

in the story when we came to the years of their happening is that the

part played by Greece in the making of this great story--that is to

say, in the making of the world--is different from the part played by

any other people. It is such a different part that it is almost

another story, although it does really fit into the great story and

is a very important part of it.

{121}

The other great peoples that we have been talking about, the

Egyptians, Babylonians, and Persians, conquered vast countries,

founded vast empires. The Greeks did nothing of this kind. They

were fine and accomplished soldiers, as we have seen, but the various

states were too disunited for them to be able to bring their forces

together or to keep them for any length of time together.

[Sidenote: The genius of Greece]

But for many centuries they were by far the most accomplished people

in the world; their artists, both painters and sculptors, were far

ahead of the rest; their thinkers went deeper and with more clear

insight and wisdom than any others into the many problems and puzzles

that life and the world set for us; they had finer sculptors, finer

orators, finer poets, probably they had finer musicians; we have seen

that they had a finer battle formation.

In fact, in cleverness and in all the arts and sciences the Greeks

were not only superior to all those about them, but they were

superior to all that have been since--even to ourselves, though we

have had all these years in which to learn. We have learnt to make

trains go, and the telephone and poison gases, and guns that will

shoot twenty-five miles, and other things of that kind. But we are

not the equals of the Greeks of 500 B.C. in art, oratory, poetry or

philosophy. Had it not been for the Greek philosophers we cannot

tell what our philosophy might have been, for it is built up on the

foundations they laid; but we may doubt whether it would have been

nearly as far-seeing or as interesting.

And that is really the most important part that the Greeks took in

the making of the story--a part quite different from that of the

great empire-makers, and yet, {122} as I think you will agree, a

bigger part than any of theirs. For it made, or did a great deal to

make, the thought of the world what it is to-day. It did a great

deal to make the thought of the world what it was all down the pages

of the story, say from 1200 B.C. onwards. I mean that it made men

think about things--about art and philosophy and music, and about

life in general--as they do think. Had it not been for the Greeks we

should be thinking differently, and probably not nearly so wisely,

about all these things. That is the greatest work that the Greeks

have done in the world.

You may remember that we said the disasters which befell the Jews,

and their scattering throughout the other nations, made them able to

take their religious ideas with them, and to sow those ideas, as it

were seeds from which plants should spring, amongst those nations

into which they were driven. Something like the same kind of

scattering happened to the Greeks, and so enabled them to carry their

ideas over a great part of the world. Of their own accord they

would, no doubt, have carried them far. If you look at the map of

Greece, you will see that not only has the country the sea on three

sides of it, but that it is cut up, and cut into, by a wonderful

number of bays and gulfs of the sea, so that it would have a very

great length of seashore if all were added together. Naturally that

meant that the Greeks were great sea-goers. They were a great

"maritime" people, as we should say--from _mare_, which is Latin for

sea. A good deal of their excellence in art we may suspect that they

derived from those ancient Minoans whom we saw masters of Crete very

long ago. The Minoans, as the Minotaur legend showed us, were

masters of Athens also. They were the great sea-power in very

ancient {123} times. They left evidences of their art at Mycenæ in

Greece. The Greeks, following the Minoans in art, perhaps followed

them also in the skilful management of ships. We know, at all

events, that they went far and wide on the Mediterranean in ships,

certainly as great traders, probably often as pirates, and, whether

the one or the other, taking their thoughts, their arts, their

culture with them.

[Sidenote: The expansion of the Greeks]

But besides this--beside these expeditions which they went of their

own will, and beside the further spread of their culture, which their

soldiers, going out to fight for hire, would carry with them--some or

other of the Greeks were from time to time in the course of the story

obliged to fly over-sea, obliged to save themselves from the pressure

of enemies coming down on them from the north.

It is exactly what we saw happening in Babylonia that happened here

too in Greece. It is exactly what happened again and again in the

great story--the peoples from a wild barren country come pressing

down upon peoples living in a more fertile one. Out of Thrace, which

you will see on the map lying to the north of Greece, down through

Macedonia and Thessaly, came wild warlike tribes pressing on the

peoples of the more fertile south. Various reasons for their

movements are given by the Greeks who left their native country and

settled, some in the islands, some in Asia Minor. In some instances

it was admitted that they went under pressure of enemies; but that is

not a reason which would be very pleasant to their pride. Other

reasons were recorded, but probably this was really the most common.

In their sailings to and fro, and tradings, they would learn about

the countries on the Mediterranean shores. {124} Even if they had

not full knowledge of it before, they would have learnt all that they

needed to know about the western shore of Asia Minor in the course of

the ten years which are assigned to the Siege of Troy.

Ilus was father of Tros, king of Troy, and the Greeks called Troy

Ilium, after Ilus, rather than after the son Tros from whom the name

Troy came. And the Iliad is therefore the story of Ilium, otherwise

called Troy. This splendid poem is attributed to Homer as its

author, but what Homer probably did was to recite, or to sing to the

accompaniment of the lyre, these stories, which were only written

down years afterwards. We may imagine him something like the bard or

the troubadour. How much of his own invention he added to the story

we cannot know.

The story, as we have it from him, is that Queen Helen having been

taken from her home, with her own willing consent, by Paris and

carried to Troy, the Greeks went after her and tried to get her back.

They tried for the whole ten years which are ascribed to the Siege of

Troy. Helen was the most beautiful lady in the world, and the Iliad

is certainly one of the most beautiful poems.

But can we believe the story?

The Greeks were a singularly intelligent people. Does it seem the

act of any intelligent people to go on fighting for ten years in

order to get back even the most beautiful lady in the world? And if

they were at all intelligent they would certainly be apt to reflect

that she would not be likely to be equally beautiful at the end of

the ten years as she was at the beginning.

[Sidenote: The Siege of Troy]

A very learned Grecian scholar, Dr. Walter Leaf, has written a book

about the Siege of Troy which tells the story in a much less romantic

and poetical but a {125} much more probable way. And I want to tell

that story, as he tells it, very shortly to you, because it gives

such a good idea of the way that men were living along the shore of

Asia Minor at that time, say 1200 or so B.C.

Troy, you will see if you look at the map, stands, or stood, nearly

in the north-western corner of Asia Minor, its territory reaching up

to the shore of that narrow sea-channel which used to be called the

Hellespont and is now called the Dardanelles. Any Greek ships

wishing to go for trade through the Hellespont must pass close along

the coast of Troy land, so close that any people who had the command

of the land could sally out and interfere with their passage. The

current flows out westward through the Hellespont, and the wind

usually blows from north-west, against the ships going eastward.

The whole point of Dr. Leaf's argument is that at Troy there was a

market, or fair, at which the produce of the countries in the east

was sold to the Greeks and other people in the west, and that the

Trojans derived much profit from this market. The profit from this

market they would of course lose if the western people were able to

sail up through the Hellespont and do their trade direct with the

people along the shore of the Black Sea. The Trojans were, in fact,

what we nowadays call "middle-men," and you know how we are always

trying to bring the consumer, the person who wants to use the thing

produced, into direct touch with the producer, and so to do away with

the profit which the middle-man charges and which he again puts on to

the price of the thing when he sells it to the consumer. The Greeks

were the consumers. They wanted to do away with the middle-men, that

is to say {126} with the Trojans, and that, far more probably than

the bringing back of the beautiful lady, was why they spent so many

years and so many lives in the siege of Troy.

You will remember what we said before about the kind of ships that

these people had. They were propelled by rowing, or by sails which

were only useful when the wind was nearly directly behind them. They

had to put in to some harbourage every night, because they did not

dare to go along in the dark, without charts and without compass and

without knowledge of how to steer by the stars. Even in daytime they

hardly dared to go out of sight of land and of the landmarks which

they knew.

The islands in these seas lie so close to each other that it was

possible for them to creep along in this way from one to the other

and so to the coasts of Asia from Greece. And there was another

reason why they could not go long voyages--they had no light cisterns

in which to carry fresh water. They had to take it in heavy earthern

jars.

This need for water they could supply from rivers which ran out

westward through Troy land. They would lie along the coast there, as

they traded with the Trojan middle-men, or, possibly, as they waited

for a favouring wind to go through the Hellespont, which the Trojans

might allow them to do on payment of some toll money, as we should

call it, for the permission.

The reasons for thinking that the wish to do away with these Trojans

and their market was the real motive of the ten years' war are

strengthened when we look at the names of the peoples that came to

the help of the Greeks on the one side and of the Trojans on the

other. Those that came to the assistance of the Greeks {127} were

the peoples along the Mediterranean shores or on the islands; those

that aided the Trojans were the peoples from the east. So we have

the two set in rather distinct opposition to each other; the Trojans

and the eastern people who sent their things to the market at Troy

and had an interest in the market being kept up, and the western

peoples who wanted the market destroyed.

That is a very prosaic story, is it not, in comparison with the

romance about the beautiful lady? It is not the kind of story that

Homer or any other bard would care to sing or his listeners would

take pleasure in hearing. But I am afraid it is more likely to be

the true story of the reason why a practical and intelligent people

like the Greeks fought so hard and so long to annihilate Troy. I

have said so much about this famous siege because it gives such a

good opportunity of setting what are probably the facts beside the

fictions which have been founded on them. It teaches us how these

poetic stories were made.

[Sidenote: The Odyssey]

The other great poem attributed to Homer, the Odyssey, is only

another chapter, dealing with the adventures of one of the principal

Greek heroes, of the story of the siege. It is even more glorious

reading than the Iliad itself.

Now, whatever the truth be about the Trojan war, one fact is quite

clear and certain from its story, as well as from other evidence,

that the Greeks had dealings, constant dealings, with Asia Minor.

Therefore their thought, their art, their culture, and all that was

most remarkable in their character as a nation, was known in Asia

Minor, it was known among all these islands of the Ægean Sea and

along the southern, the African, shores of the Mediterranean.

Everywhere that it went {128} it was superior to the thought and the

culture of the native people, and everywhere it had its effect. I

want you to realise that. It was not by reason of the force of their

arms, though they were such good fighters, that the Greeks count for

so much in our great story, but by reason of the force of their

thought, and of their accomplishments.

Some hundred or two hundred years after the siege of Troy we find

certain colonies or cities of the Greeks founded along the western

shore of Asia Minor. The Greeks living in these cities were called

Ionians. Shortly before the coming of Cyrus, the all-conquering

Persian, those Ionians had been conquered by that king Crœsus of

Lydia whom we saw taking command of that ill-fated alliance formed

against Persia. The Persian had now, by the time, 500 B.C., to which

we have brought down the story, made himself master of all Asia

Minor. The Ionian cities had come under his dominance.

{129}

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